Political Parties of Nepal have failed the Nepalese people!

Nepalis are deeply frustrated with their political parties. The 601-member Constituent Assembly they elected with great expectations two years ago first failed to deliver on its original mandate: of drafting the constitution by May 28. Now the parties have forgotten why the people put them there in the first place. The centrality of the peace process in the ongoing transition seems to have been lost on them as they get increasingly caught up in the power-hungry politics. For the third unfortunate occasion on Monday, the prime ministerial race turned into an ugly charade. Factional politics and the parties' monumental failure to work together have stopped the formation of a new government-more than a month after Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal resigned.

Nepal is now being held hostage to an extremely short-sighted and opportunistic brand of politics. d And all parties need to shoulder the blame but the Big Three and the newly reconstituted Samyukta Loktantraik Madhesi Morcha (SLMM) even more so. Opportunistic politics is nothing new to Nepal. But even by their poor standards, our politicians have vacuum for so long(and so frightening) as the last one month. The results are all too evident: a steady erosion of state authority and undermining of vital state institutions, including security agencies. The morale among top-level government officials is perhaps at an all-time low. Needless to say,the economy is in a shambles, the much looked forward-to budget speech which was expected to provide a much needed boost to the national economy has been shelved -thanks again to the parties failure to agree on a minimum common ground. The country and the Nepali people can go to dogs for all they care.

The political parties are certainly fiddling while the country burns. Still it would all have been perhaps forgivable if the country's security situation was not so fragile. Nepal ranks among the most fragile states in the world- 26^th in the Fund for the peace and Foreign Policy magazine's annual Failed States Index for 2010. All this as the parties fail to settle their never-ending intra- party feuds.

The parties are unwittingly creating a new space for external fores to step in. But as much as our issues with the meddling ways of external forces, we primarily blame our own national actors for their failure to stand up to value based politics and the larger good of the Nepali people.

We want the new government to be formed without further ado and the revival of politics of consensus much in evidence of the early stage of the peace process. The centrality of a lasting peace should be allowed to reclaim its rightful space.

This is why the political parties and leaders failed, and this is what they have to do!

Nepal's peace process was globally viewed as a new model for conflict resolution and political transformation after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed by the then Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) ending a decade long insurgency. The king's takeover on Feb 1, 2005 pushed the political parties to form the seen-party alliance (SPA) against his autocratic rule and sought to collaborate with the CPN (Maoist). Equally important was the realization by the Maoists that in a"strategic stalemate" they would not be able to win the war and, therefore, collaborating with the SPA would provide them space for peaceful change. As a result, the 12- point understanding was signed with India's help. This understanding led to the peaceful people's revolt that dethroned the king and paved the path for the CPA.

It was often said to be a new model because the key actors were able to set aside their differences to implement the CPA that laid the principles for the fundamental restructuring of the state, smooth political transition and successful election of a rainbow Constituent Assembly. However, this aspiration of Nepal's peace process being a model for global conflict resolution is fading quickly especially in the last three years.

Why is Nepal's peace process in crisis? Our comparative study of 50 countries facing armed conflict or undergoing post-conflict transformation lists the key elements of any peace process monitoring mechanism, © Transitional security, (d) Transitional justice, addressing impunity and handling internally displaced persons (IDPs), disappeared people, other conflict victims, offering reparation packages to them, instituting truth and reconciliation mechanisms and returning confiscated properties, (e) Peace dividends to the country's citizens, (f) Implementation of agreements by arranging resources (both human and financial), developing mechanisms (institutional arrangements) and providing regulatory and policy framework, (g) Institutionalization of achievements made (translation of agreements into action) by promulgating a new constitution (h) Restructuring the state (bureaucracy, judiciary, economic and social structures (exclusion to inclusion), and (I) Disarming demobilization and reintegration (DDR) and security sector reform (SSR) and in the case of Nepal including reintegration and rehabilitation of Maoist combatants and democratization of the Nepal Army and agreeing on federalization of the country and adapting model governance.

Most of these fundamentally important components have not been effectively implemented in Nepal. Power sharing has been a contested issue. The political parties failed to realize the importance of power sharing arrangements in making the peace process and political transition successful. The political parties did not envision an autonomous mechanism for monitoring the peace process, ultimately creating a vacuum. They failed to realize the importance of transitional security and did not work together. Instead, they engaged in creating or strengthening militant youth groups, criminalizing politics, politicizing crime and radicalizing society that consequently posed serious security challenges. Transitional justice was another vital component of the peace process blatantly ignored by the political parties. Addressing impunity and handling internally displaced persons (IDPs), disappeared people and other conflict victims, instituting truth and reconciliation mechanisms and returning confiscated properties were some of the key actions to be taken for but were largely ignored in Nepal.

Instead of providing peace dividends to marginalized people, the political leaders and their coteries got peace dividends. The political parties and the government failed to implement past agreements. In addition to sincere commitment, arranging human and financial resources, developing an institutional mechanism and providing regulatory and policy frameworks are important components that have been largely ignored.

Ideological sands and use of strategic orientation and tactical approach instead of engagement and a problem solving approach presented many hurdles,. Another fundamentally important component of the peace process is disarming, demobilizing and reintegrating (DDR) ex-combatants and reforming the security sector (SSR). However, this issue in Nepal I is extremely politicized and used as a bargaining tool.

Several plausible factors posed challenges to the peace between the UCPN (Maoist) and the ruling political parties and associated suspicion led to the erosion of trust; deliberate differential interpretation of the CPA and the agreement on monitoring management of arms and armies and other provisions; malicious role of regressive elements within the political parties; changing political dynamics (the Maoists winning); constitutional change from consensus to a competitive system; resistance of the coalition government to hand over power to the Maoists after the CA result, Maoists tactics to deceive Gririja Prasad Koirala by not giving him the promised presidency; anti-Indian sentiment of the Maoists; poor performance of the Maoist government especially in the area of dealing with the military and in relations with collaborative partners were major factors that pushed the peace process into crisis.

The Shaktikhor video and premature termination of the army chief made the Nepal Army view the Maoists with deep suspicion and ultimately the government collapsed. Further, the Maoists did not fulfill its promise to stopping coercive activities, dismantle paramilitary structure of YCL and return land and property. Strangely, the Maoists pointed to the Nepali Congress as its main enemy for completing the peace process and restructuring of YCL and return land and property. Strangely, the Maoists pointed to the Nepali Congress as its main enemy for completing the peace process and restructuring the state. At the same time, the Maoists became suspicious of other major political parties because of their unwillingness to engage in the issue of disappearances and democratization of the security forces and resistance against the issues brought by the Maoists in the CA committees. Consequently, the political transformation process as well as the peace process suffered.

Hence, the major parties took a positional stand and used integration of the Maoist ex-combatants and resignation of the prime minister as tools for bargaining. The general public is new question if the political parties including the Maoists really want a new constitution and progressive restructuring of the state. There is a saying: if you are not able to convince the people, confuse them. Most of the actions and behavior of the political leaders and parties are not favorable for making the peace process successful and managing the transition smoothly.

Religious extremism may prove costly to the country. Suicide bombers are emerging, but the political parties are entangled in power struggles; separatist threats are mounting, but the parties are quarreling; the Constituent Assembly is dysfunctional, but the political leaders are ignoring it; warn in gs from experts and economists are mounting about a possible economic crisis, but the parties are indifferent; armed groups are proliferating, but the parties are behaving as if they are unaware of it. Smugglers and criminals are ever expanding their networks, but the political leaders are busy blaming each other.

The current actions and behavior of politicians will not help achieve peace, stability and prosperity They have to change from reactive politics and blame game to constructive engagement and dialogue, from criminalizing politics and politicizing crime to fir politics and crime prevention, from grabbing power and resources to agreeing on a power sharing arrangement, and from suspicion to trusting the other side to prevent a collective failure.

The primary task is constructive engagement and dialogue tp build trust and mutual understanding. For that, they have to fundamentally review and correct their own actions and behavior (not of others as they have been doing for the last three years). They have to review all the peace agreements in terms of content (what), precess(how) and time frame (when); and based on this review, develop a new and workable frame-work to address their past weaknesses. Consensus orientation (not majority- minority) and implementation of key elements of the peace process are crucially important during a transition.

The PM M.K. Nepal seems to have no intention of resigning in the near future

Over a week after that three point agreement, in which the Maoists offered their support in the Constituent Assembly (CA) to extend its tenure in return for a guarantee that Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal would resign, there has been no indication that the parties in government are intending to keep their side of the bargain. In the beginning, it appeared that perhaps the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML were indeed sincere when they held that the prime minister would resign immediately following agreement on issues related to the peace process such as integration and rehabilitation of Maoist combatants. By now, however, there is evidence to give credence to the Maoist suspicion that there was no point reaching such a package deal because the government would then again refuse to resign, putting forward other conditions which the Maoists had to fulfill before getting may share of the new power sharing arrangement.

The most recent evidence that demonstrates that Prime Minister Nepal has to intention of reigning is his decision to prorogue the seventh session of Parliament. President Ram Baran Yadav announced this move after he was requested to do so by the prime minister. As the Maoists have been complaining, they were not consulted before hand. As decided between the prime minister and the finance minister, the next session of Parliament is to be called on June 8 and is to be the budget session. Such a unilateral move is, first of all, detrimental to the trust between the political parties. The Maoists will feel vindicated in their belief that the other parties are simply taking them for a ride and have no intention of fulfilling their promises .This may lead the party to adopt a more confrontational posture in their dealings with the Nepali Congress and the UML.

Second, the move to prorogue Parliament without consulting the Maoists does in fact indicate that the prime minister has no intention of resigning in the near future. The presentation of the budget is the most important of the annual policy activities of the government. By once again seeking to draft and present it, the government seems to intend to stay on in power for a substantial period of time so that it can set much of the financial and development agenda for the following year, and in the process, reward supporters with a view to enhancing the power base of the particular leaders and parties in government. This view of the government is extraordinarily myopic. If the government decides to stay on in power despite all opposition, it is almost guaranteed that the peace process will make no progress over the following months. The nation will continue to be consumed by the battles between the parties, these will swallow the energies of all the political leaders, and there will be no movement towards the establishment of stability or focus on development. And, of course, the constitution will not be drafted in the next year. With these implications, the prime minister would do well to reconsider the move that he is currently planning.

(This editorial was published on The Kathmandu Post on June 06, 2010)

The Maoists should accept Constituent Assembly term extension without conditions

Nothing could be more alarming. With less than a week to go for the May 28 deadline for the constitution drafting process, the political parties are yet to reach an agreement on the future of the Constituent Assembly (CA). Senior coalition partners, the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML, appear to be complacent in their belief that the Maoists will eventually come around to an agreement to extend the tenure of the constitution -making body. Even if they don't, runs a belief within these parties, there is not much to fear. After all, the CA benefited primarily the Maoists and was chiefly their agenda; and that they were only playing the Maoist game .Prime Minister Nepal said as much last week .By creating an environment where the Maoists will lose the 40 percent of seats they have in the body, according to this reasoning, the NC and UML, can only benefit. Meanwhile, within the Maoist party, some hold that extending the CA would only give extension to a process where the Maoists and their agenda are further marginalized. To this group, it is better to have the body dissolved instead of endlessly pining over it.

As a party, the Maoists, however, have taken a unified position. In their negotiations with other parties, they seek to make the extension of the CA conditional on some guarantees such as the resignation of Prime Minister Nepal and commitment to the formation of a national unity government. With the other parties stating that the extension should not be contingent on any "preconditions", there is a real possibility that the CA will become defunct after May 28.

To do this, however, would be to enter into a dangerous territory, of endless scenarios of extreme instability., The dissolution of the CA means that there will no longer be any elected body in the country. And it is unlikely that the parties will be able to reach compromise after this. That will most likely lead to a bigger crisis: the divisions between the parties will increase and the country may gradually relapse into war.

We have consistently advocated for the formation of a national unity government where the Maoists, as the largest party in the CA, should have a fair share of power. This, we believe , is necessary for the completion of the peace process. Under current circumstances, however, with the NC and the UML refusing to give in to any Maoist demand, the chief task of the latter should be to save the CA regardless of all else. It would be disastrous if this body, the political institution most representative of Nepal's diversity in all of the country's history, is dissolved. It can be guaranteed that no elections of any kind will be held for the medium-term future if this happens, and the country will have a major crisis of authority. The extension of the CA' s term will at least allow debate on substantial matters regarding the future of the nation and give all parties some space to continue negotiating To protect the gains they have made so fr and is the larger interests of the nation, the Maoists should before May 28, agree to extend the CA without any conditions. Many outside the Maoist party (proponents of right wing politics) and those inside (proponents of "state capture ") are even hoping that the Maoist party won't withdraw their conditions for CA extension. To them, that would offer perfect pretext to dissolve the CA and drag the country to a war only they want.

(This editorial was published on The Kathmandu Post on May 24, 2010)

When companies give "donations" to political parties, it can take the form of bribes

Last week was full of high political (sometimes comical) drama with the top Maoist leader supposedly apologizing for his unwarranted accusations against intellectuals and the media as well as Kathmanduites at the post -"indefinite" strike meet of party workers cadres and supporters (who else?) to explain the Maoist U-turn. Not all were pleased with his apology because of the adjectives he used in tendering his zigzag apology because of the adjectives he used in tendering his zigzag apology . He had the audacity to say that 99 percent of the intellectuals were with his party and his party's strike (if so, why was the strike called off?). The Maoist top leader as well as leaders of all the other parties would do well to realize that the intellectuals are not supposed to follow one or the other idea, concept and ideology like a bunch of sheep. There has always been and there will always be differences in how each intellectual sees a situation. There is no guarantee that any two intellectuals will see a situation in the same light.

The influence of intellectuals is far more enduring than that of any political leaders. If it were not so, philosophers and intellectuals would not have come upon new ideas and concepts and ideologies. Karl Mars and and Friedrich Engels, the 19^th -century philosophers who could well be said to be the harbingers and the communist movements around the globe and whose concepts are followed in one modified form or the other by communists and socialists the world over including Nepal, would have joined the majority bunch if they too had followed he rest of the flock and become part of the over whelming majority that follow the popular trend. The two were part of that 1 percent exception who the Maoists leaders deemed fit to decry.

One hundred percent of the people might have similar views only in countries that tolerate to opposition. It is not necessary to name such countries where all forms of opposition are stifled. No wonder no new ideas of any great significance emerge from these countries. One might also note that there have been a large number of asylum seekers from Nepal, particularly duringthe10-year old armed Maoist insurgency. And where do the asylum seekers - real or pretenders-go for asylum? Most of those supposedly escaping Maoists excesses went to the US and Western Europe, and those supposedly fleeing the threats and terror of the security forces went to Scandinavian countries that were seen to be - and are still perceived to be -soft towards the Maoists. Does anyone wonder why these fleeing the supposed terror of the security forces never seek asylum in totalitarian states where " 100 percent" back the government? Why do they seek asylum in countries where there would be people who might consider them to have sought asylum falsely? The fact is that the beauty of democracy lies in dissension, the right to have different views and to freely air such views. But Nepal today is neither here nor there.

God may be in heaven, but all 's not right in Nepal. . The present political chaos is the making of the political parties and their leaders, and the Maoists alone are not to blame for the present situation. There are individuals who say they represent civil society, and there are numerous national and international NGO s They too must share the blame for the present situation. The fact that the Constituent Assembly was elected by the people to enact a constitution that will cater to the needs of the country and its people for any foreseeable future. But political parties not excluding the Maoists, tend to think that it is about running the country and its people for any foreseeable future. But political parties, not excluding the Maoists, tend to think, .that it is about running the country. In the process, the governments since April 20006 have been doing and taking decisions that do not reflect the fact that hey are merely interim governments. For reaching government decisions can only be taken by a government elected by the people. Those who have run the governments since 2006 were seen legally ( but not morally) as authorized plunderers of the nation. Sixth-century BC Greek writer Aesop is credited with having said, "We hang the petty thieves and appoint the great ones to public office, " indicating that the political leaders then as now were no better.

Professional organizations in the midst of the "indefinite" strike did well to organize a peace rally but was the Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI) doing the right thing by serving another "ultimatum" to the government and the political parties? The emergency meeting of FNCCI last week decided to stop paying taxes to the government and "donations" to the political parties if there was no consensus among them. The ultimatum seems to be a scene from one of the numerous Indian movies where political leaders are controlled by business and industrial giants. They keep the leaders in their pockets . The FNCCI obviously has no right to say they will not pay taxes- this is something the business community as well as other citizens have do no matter which government is in place.

But the other revelation of "donations" is something that needs to be thoroughly investigated. It is not merely a matter of one giving money and another receiving it. It implies much more. Donations, when voluntary , are a good thing and help the needly. But when business and industrial houses dole out "donations: it can easily take the form of bribes. It needs no expert to point out the danger of such an arrangement as the concerned political party or the politician can be moulded to the donor's liking. In addition, it is difficult to believe that business and industrial leaders would dish out "donations" from the profits (which should, of course, be made tax-free ). The "donation burden is likely to fall ultimately on the people who buy the products marketed by the business or industrial enterprises. And this will continue as long as "donations" are collected from on big business and industrial houses in a hush-hush manner.

It is inconceivable that political parties will do without collecting"donations" from big commercial houses. And this makes it all he more necessary for political parties to open their accounts to public scrutiny and proper auditing. Transparency is one of the prime requirements of modern day democracy. One would have supported the business community if they had asked for legal transparency of donations if they are to keep on providing donation rather than merely threatening to stop donations which, om effect, are bribes . And bribes in any form must be stopped.

Lack of trust has prevented parties from reaching agreement

Four years after the Maoists entered mainstream politics, their standing army still remains intact and the political parties have yet been unable to reach a resolution regarding its future. The political stalemate between the Maoist and non-Maoist parties remains intractable..In such circumstances, it is difficult to see what has been achieved regarding the integration and rehabilitation of Maoist combatants. Under the surface, however, it is clear that over the past few months, there has been a gradual shift in the positions of the various political parties. The Maoists are much more willing than before to give up their PLA -there is a recognition within the party that it is now time to give up this source of power so that the peace process can move forward. And the other political parties are more willing to allow some integration into the NA should not be allowed at all. It appears that they too have now realized that integration does not mean that the Maoist will be able to takeover the Army.

The resolution of the integration issue is of crucial importance if the parties are to resolve their current disputes and set it place anew governing coalition. On the face of it, it seems that the dispute seems can be easily resolved. The NC and the UML are asking the Maoists to give them their estimate of how many combatants will be integrated into the Nepal Army. The Maoists, meanwhile, say that they cannot do so until there is a process where the combatants in cantonments are consulted and educated on their options. This is, however, unacceptable to the other parties. They feel that simply to agree on a process as a precondition to allowing the Maoists into a new power sharing agreement would be to have made no concrete resolution. They fear that if no clear commitment on numbers is extracted from the Maoists now, they may renege on any informal commitments they make.

The Maoists, meanwhile, feel that the pressures other parties are applying on them on the integration issue (as well as many other outstanding issues of negotiation) are aimed at creating divisions within the party and weakening the sources of power they have accumulated over the past few years. Such suspicion on both sides is a natural outcome of the way the peace process has functioned so far. At every step along the way, the parties have made promises that they have not fulfilled. The lack of any independent body to monitor and help ensure implementation of the agreements has helped all sides renege on their commitments. This has only increased mistrust between the Maoists and the non-Maoist parties. Along with efforts to increase trust, the current negotiations between the parties must include discussions on mechanisms that can be created to ensure that promises made now are fulfilled in the future. This would go a long ways towards avoiding the problems seen in the peace process so far.

(This editorial was published on The Kathmandu Post on May 16, 2010)

Calling off the strike was a triumph of reason and not a loss of face for the Maoists

Many say that the Maoists have faced a humiliating defeat at the hands of the people by calling off their so-called indefinite nationwide general strike. One publication went so far as to say that the Maoist move came after the people of capital gathered in strength at a mass peace rally and rejected the Maoist notion of protest that had caused so much distress to the people. The Nepalis, leaders and followers, who are so fond of rejecting all forms of "foreign interference" in Nepal's affairs watched with dismay as the countries of the European Union(EU) represented in Nepal met the leaders and told them "to forge a consensus with 48 hours".

The mass rally organized by the Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI), the Nepal Chamber of Commerce and the Professionals Alliance for Peace and Democracy (PAPAD) saw an impressive turnout that must have taken the Maoists by surprise, particularly when there were futile - and - unjustified - attempts to prevent the people from participating in the peace rally. The turnout at Basantapur must have been an eye-opener for the Maoists, as they must have realized the genuine desire of the people for peace. In the end, sanity prevailed and the Maoists, finally rising out of their arrogance, called off the strike. It was a triumph of reason, a triumph of sanity and not at all a loss of face for the Maoists. The Maoists top brass must have realized that the prolonged agitation would sooner rather than later result in bloody clashes, for people can't go hungry all the time while the Maoists are being fed and taken care of.

The Basantpur rally, not organized by any known political party, has come under severe criticism from the Maoists and their leaders including the top leaders. The way the Maoist leaders at their mass meeting on Saturday launched tirade after tirade against the organizers of the rally, against intellectuals and the media-even threatening them -just goes to show how ill understood the whole situation is to the Maoists. For the Maoists, what they see and what they display in the truth, and what everybody else says and does is wrong. Which means it is wrong . Which means it is wrong to oppose even peacefully the Maoists in anything they do because whatever they are doing is for the people and whatever others do is against the interests of the people.

Thankfully, the Maoists had the guts to admit that the mass of humanity in Basantapur on Friday was reflective not merely of the sentiments of the Kathmandu residents but also that of the whole nation. Please rallies were being held acrossthe4 country, and the one in Basantapur was only one of them. Coming to the rally at Basantapur were those of the traditional bourgeois class but there were also manual labourers who had to earn their daily bread through daily hand work. The fact that this section of the labourers- who the Maoists claim to represent and champion -had been without work for well on-had been without work for well over a week since May Day ewe when the reported in a shutdown of most of the market places in the capital. The presence of the richest to the poorest at the peace rally was really symbolic of most Nepalis' desire for peace and tranquility.

Many saw the Maoist agitation as lust for power. The Maoists' declared objective was to oust Madhav Kumar Nepal as prime minister, form a Maoists-led government of "national consensus" and write the much awaited constitution within the stipulated time. Top Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal told journalists last week in the midst of their then ongoing strike that the Maoist agitation was"not for power but for peace".One tends to agree with the Maoist leader's remarks if only because without the Maoists in the driving seat of the government., it would be impossible to write a constitution that meets the Maoists' minimum requirements. The Maoists seem to be under the impression that it would be easy for them to frame the constitution according to their own agenda that includes federal structure based on ethnicity and language, form of government with an executive president and an election system that might not meet full democratic norms but would be ideal for communists.

It would appear that the kind of constitution is one of the main reasons for the Maoist discontent, and the feeling among the people that the Maoists are after power is not for from wrong because power will help them mould, to a certain extent, the way the Constituent Assembly responds to their demands for their kind of constitution which they would calla "people's constitution".No constitution that denies the people the right to throw out the incumbent government through the ballot box can be termed" democratic". The communist countries of East Europe, the Soviet Union and China, among others, have their own form of elections; but only those who are or were endorsed by the monolithic party get elected.

The relocation of the Maoist army is also of prime importance and can be managed if the Maoists and the ruling bit parties come to an agreement. In this respect, the Maoist army is being paid for through Nepali people's pockets. As such, one sees no reason as to why the once-rebel army, now said to be under UN supervision, cannot be controlled by the government since the people are paying for their upkeep.

Important as this aspect of the peace process is, the main concern remains the kind of constitution that will finally emerge from the Ca. (It now seems virtually impossible for the Ca to draft a new constitution within less than three weeks before the original deadline runs out. The political parties are, it seems, almost certain to extend the time frame). The Maoist aborted indefinite general strike was aimed to achieve the Maoist objectives- naturally in the name of he people. The response of the people at peace rallied to oppose the Maoist methodology should bean eye-opener not merely to the Maoists but also to all other political parties, big or small, not to take the people for granted. The Maoist move to call off the strike, therefore, was less a victory for the opposing political parties than a victory for good sense and goodwill.

There is no option to taking politics back to the center!

Following the Maoist announcement not to let the Constituent Assembly (CA) term extend beyond May 28 without a change in government, some top leaders in the ruling coalition, especially from the Nepali Congress, seem to have adopted a new strategy; 'tame' the main opposition UCPN (Maoist) by threatening to go for new elections. The ruling partners know very well that the Maoists have numbers on their side. Without the support form 238 Maoist representatives, CA will not be able to garner the two-third majority required to extend its term. This threat of new elections, these coalition leaders believe, is a "strategic move" to push the Maoists into extending the term without meeting their demand for a national consensus government under Maoist leadership.

To talk about elections (which elections, anyway?) now without the peace process completed and the new constitution out is to miss the whole point about why the peace process started in the first place and take a dim view of history. Here are some facts: the 10 year civil conflict between the Maoist and the non-Maoists; the 12-point agreement between them; the CA elections; fall of monarchy. Despite some hiccups, politics, in its entirety, was still moving forward. CA now offers a great opportunity to right the historical wrongs perpetrated by an exclusionary state.

Even if the ruling parties were to ignore that, let's say, for short-germ tactical gains, what is the guarantee that threats to dissolve the CA will 'tame' the Maoists? If anything, there are substantive evidences on the ground that Maoists hard-line politics has gained in ascendancy in recent months with the ruling coalition hardening its position. It's chain reaction . One hardens and the other hardens even more. The resulting scenario is one of possible confrontation: either before May 28 or after that.

The best-case scenario therefore will emerge once the coalition partners acknowledge that a constitution acceptable to all stakeholders is not possible by May 28, reach out to the Maoists, amend the Interim Constitution on time and extend the CA deadline. We still believe that genuinely reaching out to the Maoists will make them more amenable to a compromise.

After all, the party has all the incentive to party leaders also fear, hence their apparent preparations on the military front, that the coalition members want to dissolve the CA and crush them. This growing mistrust is helping no one. The centrist politics much in evidence during the early days of the peace process should be restored. Towards that end, the proposal if CPN-UML . Parliamentary Party on Monday to extend the CA' s term is a step in the right direction.

There's tendency among some coalition leaders to dismiss any attempts to move towards politics of center as pro-Maoists. That's a dangerous trend. In the event that neither a new constitution is promulgated by May 28 nor constitutional provisions put in place to extend CA' s term, confrontation will be imminent. That has to be avoided at all costs. The next two weeks will be crucial. While other political parties certainly need to reach out to the Maoists, the onus lies equally with the Maoists to move to the centrist politics by completely abandoning violence and threats thereof.

Political meddling in Nepal Police has jeopardized law and order

With the country's law and order situation deteriorating by the day, serious doubts are being raised about the competence of Nepal Police to carry out its duties. Not even the prime minister is happy with the way police force currently functions. In a recent meeting between Prime Minster Madhav Kumar Nepal and the chiefs of the security organs, he spoke out about rampant corruption and overall incompetence of police, adding, for good measure, that clean and competent cops were hard to find in Nepal Police.

There are many reasons behind the police failure to carry out its responsibilities. Over the years Nepal Police has been a political playground. Those enjoying political patronage bagged plum assignments in the areas of their choice while the competent officers who fell out of favor of political big-wigs were transferred to remote outposts or quietly eased out of their jobs. Sadly, this culture continues to this day.

The Minister of State for Home Affairs Rizwan Ansari was forced to resign after he had come out openly against Home Minister Bhim Rawal's " incompetence" to bring order to the increasingly criminalized society. Ansari had accused Rawal of unilaterally transferring and promoting police officials and making ad hoc decisions to drag down police morale. Answari also felt victimised for his proactive role in probing recent high-profile killings including that of media entrepreneur Jamin Shah who was shot down in broad daylight in the heart of the capital. Ansari is not the only person unhappy with Rawal's working methods; many senior police officers have complained of home minister's habit of forcing his decision down their throat.

Even as Shah's murder was being investigated, another media entrepreneur, Arun Singhaniya, was shot dead in Janakpur-Newspaper editors and publishers started getting death treats for reporting the twin murders. When the pressure mounted of Rawal to quit, he dismissed the criticism, even from within CPN-UML, his own party. In his view "the security situation [has] improved. And few incidents do not court".

Sadly, the common man feels anything but secure. The government attributes Special Security Plan (SSP) started last year for a drop in number of crimes. Even if that were the case-say in places of Tarai-in this government 's first six months or so in office, the police had to resort to strong arm tactics to bring it about. But the use of force to resolve what were their heart political problems seems not to have worked in the long run.

In fact, more than a few senior officials are suspicious of SSP's true intent and believe it was introduced with the intent of' emasculating' the police force, not to strengthen it. There thus seems to be a huge trust deficit between Nepal Police and Home Ministry. This deficit of trust created by undue political interference in Nepal Police seems to have pushed the cops and criminals closer.

The situation is so bad that some industrialist and businessmen are now demanding that they be allowed to keep arms. Something is clearly amiss in the security arrangement where virtually no one- media personnel, industrialists, medical professionals-can rely on law enforcement agencies to safeguard their life and property. That the prime minister himself is dissatisfied with the workings of the police but is apparently incapable of doing something about it is as strong as signal as any to criminal elements to do as they see fit.

(This editorial was published on The Kathmandu Post)

Profligate politicians undermine people's faith in democratic institutions

Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal is often accused of pandering to every conceivable constituency to keep the governing coalition, which enjoys the support of 22 political parties represented in the Constituent Assembly (CA), intact. Living up to his reputation, he seems to have left no stone unturned to get CA members on his side. His government now holds the dubious record of outspending every other government formed following the restoration of democracy in1990 (there have been no less than 13) in extraneous expenses. So where is all the money going?

Last year, of Rs.20.7 million allocated for maintenance of the secretariats of the prime minister, all members of the Cabinet as well as their personal secretaries, the previous government had managed to eke out a small saving. This year, it's a completely different story. The bill for the same purpose is expected to exceed double the budgeted amount of Rs. 20.9 million. Most of it has been spent of hiring 'advisors' for various ministries. Earlier, while only the prime minister and the minister for information and communication kept press advisors, now nearly all ministers do.

Likewise, travel expenses of Cabinet members have sky-rocketed, with Rs.80 million already spent on foreign junkets this year (Rs.60 million had initially been budgeted). There has been a similar hike in the sum spent on domestic travel, most of it used up by chartering private helicopters. There are other areas where the spending record of this government is off the charts, which includes, as the prime minister's critics are quick to remind, lavish dinners for CPN-UML cadre at the state's expenses.

But as almost all the political parties benefit from the prime minister's doles-like vehicle and fuel facilities for leaders of the 24 political parties in the CA - they choose to keep mum about the government's profligacy. Yet it would be unfair to single out Madhav Kumar Nepal's government for improper use of state resources. The holders of big portfolios in previous governments didn't shy away from abusing their privileges either. For instance, many of them continue to hold on to the vehicles provided for their convenience when they were in the government. Many have gone so far as to replace the old public places with private ones.

Transparency International Nepal, the anti-corruption watchdog, recently came out with a scathing report against the Nepali political parties for their opaque finances. As some of the same parties are represented in the current government, their lack of accountability towards their constituencies is understandable, even if by no means justifiable. Recent surveys indicate that while people's belief in core democratic values remains strong, their trust in political representatives has hit an all-time low. Erosion of faith in political representatives cannot be a good sign for any democracy.

(This editorial was published on The Kathmandu Post on 17March10)

The proposal to promulgate a skeleton constitution is problematic

Less than three months remain for the constitution drafting process. Some political leaders claim in public that it will be possible to draft the constitution on time, but the lack of effort among the political parties to reach a compromise on the outstanding issues indicates that they have resigned themselves to the fact that they will not be able to complete the process by May 28. This by itself is not terrible: The new constitution is meant to reestablish the entire ethos, and structure of the Nepali state and, given the various and irreconcilable demands across he country, it is not easy to reach agreement of difficult issues. The claim that "the people will not forgive the parties if the constitution is not drafted on time"is thus false. If the parties are committed to a new constitution and are sincere in working towards it, the people will recognize this fact and have no objection if the leaders say that they need an extension.

In recent days, there have been a variety of proposals floated in case the constitution cannot be completed by May 29. The most recent proposal, which has come from a number of people in the CPN -UML, holds that a skeleton constitution should be promulgated by the deadline and that difficult issues such as state restructuring and federalism should be left for the legislative body to decide later. In theory, there is nothing wrong with this proposal. However, it is unlikely that many groups in the CA will accept it (the Maoists have already said they won't); such attempts will also raise suspicions among the broader public.

This is so because it appears that the intentions behind such a proposal are seen to be problematic. In particular, it appears that the leaders advocating such a proposal desire that there should be no radical change to the Nepali state at all, that the political system of the 1990s should remain as it is. They realize, however, that it will not be possible to maintain the status quo if issues such as state restructuring and federalism are deliberated in the CA. By promulgating a skeleton constitution, they hope that the debates on these topics will die, out, and the radical restructuring of the Nepali state will come for a broader public debate. In other words, the attempt is to trick the people and their elected representative out of their ability to take fr-reaching, if difficult, decisions regarding the Nepali state. Such attempts should be avoided. The deliberations in the CA should continue; the leaders of the political parties should intensify attempts to reach a compromise; and the difficult questions should be tackled head on, not avoided. If an extension of the term of the CA is required, there should be a timely amendment to the Interim Constitution so that the constitutional process doesn't get derailed. The Nepali people will not raise objections against a participatory CA process so long as they feel that the parties are seriously working on the constitution and not just fighting with each other.

Just a minute

It is essential to study what kind of mandate federlism has received from the people

The final decision making Nepal a federal state will be made by the Constituent Assembly if it is able to promulgate a constitution by May 28,2010. As a two-thirds majority is required for this purpose, the boundaries of the federal states and the division of powers between the centre and the states is still unclear. It is essential to examine what kind of mandate federalismhas received from the people of Nepal.

A strike of "Nepal banda" organised by the United People's Front in the Kathmandu Valley on Jan, 10 to protest against imposing federalism in Nepal was only partly successful. There were motorcycle rallies on the same day held by the Newa Autonomous Front which had supported federalism. The UPF had already organised anti-fed-eralism strikes in other parts of country in the earlier weeks.

It is interesting to note that there was no demand for federalism when Nepal was being governed under the 1990 Constitution after the advent of multi-party democdracy. Federalism didn't made by the Maoists in 1996 or the 12-point accord signed between the seven political parties and the Maoists insurgents in 2005. It didn't form part of the Interim Constitution when it was first promulgted in Januray 2007. The preamble of the IC was first amended in May 2008 which stated that Nepal would be an inclusive, democratic and federal state restructuring a unitary and centralised state inorder to end discrimination based on class, culture, gender, religion and region. It was added by the Fifth Amendment in June 2008 after the Constituent Assembly elections. The CA would determine the boundaries and distribution of powers between the centre and the federal states.

The mandate forfederalism could be considereds to have been derived from the manifestos of the political parties which participated in the CA polls held in April 2008 and wona decisive victory.
The manifesto of the CPN (Maoist) said that Nepal ws a multi-ethnic, multilingual, multi-cultural and multi-religious country haveing geographic diversity. Therefore,the unitary nature of the state would be restructured in a federal form on the basis of ethnic and regional self-determination taking in to accoun t its specialities. It added that sovereignty, independence and regional integrity would be further sterengthened.

The election manifesto of the Nepali Congress stated that Nepal would be a federal state ending the unitary and centralised nature of the state. The main factors in determining federal states would be national integrity, geographic factors, population, natural resoruces, economic feasibility and inter-relationship of the constituent units. The election manifestoof the CPN (UML) stated that a federal structure would be ade on the basis of ethnic, linguistic, cultural and geographical characteristics. It affirmed its policy to form such constituent units having similar ethnic, lingusistic, cultural historical and geographical factors.

The election manifesto of the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum(MFJ) talks about cration of such regions as Mithila, Awadh and Tharuhat inside the Madhes Autonomous Region. Similarly, the Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party manifesto deals with ending internal colonialism and cereation of a Tarai-Mdhes region. The manifesto of the Sadbhavana Party is in Hindi and talks about cration of a fededral republic. The manifestoes of both the RPP and the RJP, consisting largely of former supporters of Panchayat, also support federalism. The RPP led by Kamal Thapa, home minister in Gtyanendra's cabineet, deals with a referendum to decide the fate of the monarchy and secularism, but supports autonomous federal states takintg into account ethnicity and geographic and economic fctors. The only paty opposed to federasism was Rastraiya Jana Morcha led by Chitra Bahadur K. C. which organised a "Nepal banda" recently.

Several question remain unanswered regarding federalsim inNepal. Such Madhes-based parties as the MJF, the TMPL and Sadbhavana are opposed to dividing Tarai Mades into several states. Creation of 14 states as proposed by the Maoists would require infrastructure to support them such as a state legislature, chief minister and state secretariat. Would a poor country like Nepal have resources to support such an expensive enterprise? If a smaller number of states (say five or six) wereto be created, it would be possible that infrastructure established in such regional centres as Dhankuta, Pokhara and Surkhet might servedthe purpose in a limited way.

Baburam Bhattarai has explained his party's policy regarding creation of ethnicity. (Mulyankan, Poush, 2066 B.S). He says that the wowrd "Jatiyata" used by the Maoists to denote ethnicity is actually "nationality" meaning a group having a simlar language, economy and psychology. He argues that in the ethnic fedral states such as Tamsaling, Magarat, Tamuwan, Newar, Mithila and Tharuwan, the "main" groups constitute between 20 to 40% of the population. Howerver, these federal states were named after the ethnic groups inorder to end their backwardness and to compensate them by giving them "priority" for a limited period of time. According to Baburam Bhattarai such prioritisation would be required for a decade or two.

The Nepali people should decide in a refrendum what kind of federalism they want for their country. Do they wan federalism based on ethnicity and language? How many federal states do they want? Neither the CA nor the political parties have the right to decide it instead of the sovereign people of Nepal.

This article published on The Kathmandu Post

The govt misses the forest for the trees in its reaction to UN report

The 22 ruling parties have termed UN Secretary General Ban ki-Moon's call at the Security Council (SC) for national unity government an act of 'blatant intervention' in Nepal's internal affairs and decided to shoot a letter to the world body against its 'meddlesome' act. In his SC report, Ban ki-Moon had spoken about the desirability of a national unity government for timely promulgtion of new constitution and successful integration and rehabiitation of PLA's ex-combatants. It's hard to find fault with his call for formation of national unity government on the basis of consensus. Clause 8.3 of he 2006 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between then government and the then CPN (Maoist) states: "Both sides are committed to settle all kinds of issuesand matul differenes, current or that may arise in future, through mutual talks, understanding, consensusnd dialogue. " The goernment's response to Ban ki-Moon address,on the contrary, suggests its reluctnce to engage in meaningful dialogue with the Maoists and its deviation from the politics of consensus.

The government has also objected to the Secretary General implying parity between "the regular National Army and the former rebel combatants."In their joint statement, the ruling parties have said that " it is up to the parties and Nepal's sovereign legislature to decide on the type of goernment". The government has chosen to interpret UN's call for national unity government as an attempt to install the Maoists at the head of the government.

It is on the basis of selective interpretation like this that the government has termed Ban ki-Moon's report as intervening in Nepal's internal affairs. But this type of knee-jerk reacstionismore indicativeof the insercurity of the 22 coalition partners about the longevity of their government than intervention of an important facilitator in the peace process. It was also the same political parties that called for the political mission of UN in Nepal. It was important tht the peae process was faciliated by an international player who was seen as impartial. That still holds true now.

If the government had reservations about the report, it could have lobbied with the five SC permanent members, all of whom have missions in Nepal. The more important question is to ask ourselves: does the three-year-old epace process now stands on a firmer footing than it did at the start? The answer is: obviously not. There needs to be some introspection of what we can do to set things right. Blamming UNMIN for its role in the country is to miss the forest for the trees.

The way things are going, institutionalised democracy is a remote possibility in Nepal!

Sustainability of democracy is a major concern of today's Nepal. And the onus for making it possible falls on the leaders of the parties because their conduct alone can make the system work. However, to be more objective and cool headed, many factors seem to negate the prospect of an institutionalized plural democracy. Among such negtive conditions are the conflictural political cultures, declining role of parties and ideized norms and lack of committed leaders whocan work in tandem to make a smooth democratic tansition.

In Nepal, political partis are created for launching movements and playing a systemic role as in any other functioning democacy. They have not evolved from within the legislature as in Britain. Nepal's parties needed to be systemic after transforming themselves into constitutional roles. But from both angles, the parties in Nepl have played both violent and peaceful roles. A party like the Nepali Congdress did take up arms thrice (in 1950, 1961-68 and 1973-75) not withstanding its orientation in Candhian methods of change. Similarly, other partiestht subsequently emerged as major players in Nepali politics have come from a different non-parliamentry violent background. The latest example is the UCPN (Maoist). Other smaller parties are also producs of immediate circumstances.

Development of political parties could not be possible during the "party less regime". Any person including candidates in the graduate constituency elections were gailed and debarred from the contest makingit a serious crime agaisnt the regime. When the situation forced the king to become moderate, some gestures were shown towards the opponents including B.P. Koirala whose elected government was overthrown in 1960.

In fact, the royal regime wanted to eliminate political partis, but it could not do so due to a variety of reasons among which the crisis of legitimacy was prominent. Any regime bereft of popular legitimacy will soon decline. It is more so in an authoritrian regime whose immediate slogans or promises start eroding in the absence of delivery and programatic actions. Yet, ovements and revolutions, even if abortive in the practical sense, have contributed to transforming Nepal in many other respects.

Ironically, all the major political innovations made by the movements have defied institutionalization in both principles and procedures. Nor are the agreed principles adhered to by the political players ever since the introduction of the multiparty system in 1951. So, most movements that Nepal has under-gpne since 1950 have failed to become institutionalized. Policically, the 1950 changenot only ended a family oligarchy but also tried to peserve the monarchy in a constitutiona lform a la the British type respecting the sovereignty of the people. The commitment to a Constituent Assembly and the acceptance of a pluralistic society and its attending featues were some of the major"democratic innovations".

But such innovations were soon discarded as if they were hostile to the "Nepali soil and climate", a cliche used late by King Mahendra for rationalizing his coup. Alothough some institutions such as the Public Service Commissiion, courts, army, police and the bureaucracy were modernized to a limited extent, they in course of time came under the shadow of the regime. Overawed by the restortionof monarchical power, all the institutionsal so danced to the tune set by the place political culture. A parliament was crated under the consitituon granted by the king, but that too did not survive more than 18 months not due to its own failure, but because of the vaulting ambition of the monarch to rule himself. During the royal regime (1960-90) all the so-called institutions functioned under the "peremptory and pre-emptory comand" of the monarch. Even in the judiciary, the Supreme Court's decision could be changed if the king didn't favour such a decision. A Judicial Committeewas created to review the court's decision.

The post-1960 politics found parties as the major thret to the regime, hence the measures to deliminate them politiclly as well as physically. Such draconian measures forced the major parties to go under-ground to resort to any method- violent and peaceful-as the situation demanded. Ironically, an incdreased attraction of the people towrds the parties could be reflected inthe direct elections of the regime. Unless the parties become systemic and start working according to their norms andvalues, they remain as movements for achieving certain goals.

It was expected that the fallout of the 1990 movement would bring about stability, orde rand the culture of democratic institutionalization. But soon after the instllation of the elected government, both the ruling Nepali Congress and the major opposition party the CPN (UML) triggered intra-party and inter-party conflicts fogetting to set the new democratic agenda that could blazze a trail for the future. Parliamentary democracy with the monarchy became a difficult process as the parties' leaders lacked confidence and courage to stand up against the ambitionof the king. In England, the parliament fought against the king to establish its sovereignty. In Nepal, the political parties in parliament scrambled for royal favour instead of taking ahead the agenda of popular sovereignty.

But thanks to the miscalculation and ambition of King Gyanendra, the leaders of the parliamentary parties were made to oppose the revival of monarchical absolutism. And the coalitio they formed with the Maoist Party, which had alrady emerged as a force, could make the 2006 movement a success. Novertheless, a big question remains: Have the parties' leader sever tried to sit together to set some common agenda for trnslating the gains of the movement? The answer is NO. Institutions are crumbling, and the democratic culture has floundered along with excessive party-ization(fillingup posts with party members and hangers-on). Many try to expalin politicization ina partisan spirit; but, in my opinioin, it is a positive term that orients people towards the democratic political system. It is the process of crating a new political culture that sustains democracy within the parameters of the system.

Partyization, on the other hand, is a narrow (negative) concept that contradicts all the norms of institutionaliztion asis evident today. Thus, all such negative developments and the myopia of our leaders have only contributed to making the people despair more than ever before. Another serious aspect of the ongoing development is that the failure of the politicians to grapple with the emerging problems would accentuate the trendsand developments that defy the culture of institutionalized democracy. Since such trends have gone much aheadof the present context of politics, it will be difficult for the existing leaders to correct them. So it often troubles me what type of regime we are going to adopt in the future.

Bidya Bhandari should not be allowed to thrust Nepal into further uncertainty

When Bidya Bhandari first became defence minister, she started many by campaigning on behalf of the Nepal Army (NA) whole heartedly, even as others in her party or in the government started that what she said was no official policy. In the past week or so, Bhandari has once again started pushing strong demands regarding the facilities and privileges that the Army should get, even as the top Army brass has not said anything ahout this since the retirement of General Katawal from the position of Chief of Army Staff (CoAS). She recently gave a controversial interview in which she lauded Katawal's rolein taking a firm stance against the Maoists, and said that he might be given a powerful advisory position. Then, on Wednesday, she said that the NA would resume recruitment by the end of this month. When told that this would go against provisions in the comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), Bhandari stated that if that was the case, the CPA should be amended, as the Army could not stand in a state of perpetual limbo.

These comments ae irresponsible and dangerous. For one, the CPA is the most imporatn document of the peace process, and amending, it, especially a provisionas sensitive as one regarding the armies, can damage whatever fragile consensus that continues to exist betwen the parties. Then, the issue of integration si also currently sub judice. Responding to a writ petition on the recruitment row in March, the Supreme Court had issued a stay order to stop recruitment in the Army. The court has not yet taken any final dicision on the matter, and to argue that the Army should go ahead and recruit is thus not only inviolation of the CPA but of the orders of the Supreme Court as well.

Bhandari's pronouncements have also raised suspicion as she is along among the memebrs of the cabinet in aguing so vehemently for an increase in the Army's power. This raises questions about the power base behind her that is urging her to make such pronouncements and their intentions. Perhaps the intention is to increase the force of the Army, provoke a reactionfrom the Maoists, and thus invite a confrontation of some kind. Great vigilanceis required to protect the country from such a scenario and from those who stand to benefit from renewed conflict. Head of the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) Karin Landgren has already staated that any recruitment would go agaisnt the CPA and has made her position known to the prime minister. Prime Minister Madhav Nepal, for his part, made it clear to her that he had no intention of allowing a violation of the CPA. More voices need to be raise among the governing class to ensure that Bidya Bhandai is not allowed to get her way to thrust Nepal into further uncertainty.

In this state of political confusion, all we can do is make a guess

Last fortnight, politicians of the three major parties raised mini-cyclones of hypotheses. Their movements stirred even the political backwaters. Small party leaders of the baaisi constellation made unique political statements. A very honest and frustrated leftist politician Narayanman Bijukchhe of Bhaktapur put forward military rule as one option. UCPN (Maoist) leader Prachanda met with President Ramabaaran Yadav raisingspeculations what must have transpired between these two leaders at the hour-long meeting. It was considered a major break-through in political circles. But the other sensational meeting took place on Oct. 4 between Girijababu and Prachanda at the house of Lokmansing Karki, whom the then king Gyanendra had given important bureaucratic responsibilities by giving him the berth of the first secretary of the government. This meeting raise speculations about a change of government that would perhaps be led by Girijababu and the Maoists would join his coalition government as before.

Jhalanath Khanal, president of the UML, was said to be positive about reaching an agreement with the Maoists over the question of snakapla prastab, which has become acliched metaphor of the resolution that introduces the provision to critique the president of the republic about his intervention over the Maoist-led government's sacking of the then army chief Rookmangud Katawl. The parties played a dramatic scene or two during this time.

Famously, the three major party leaders perform a belly dance at the stadiium whenver they feel closer to a common understanding over some political matters through a game of football. We in theater call this an absurd drama where small absurd gestures and dialogues assume Zen meaning by creating gaps incommunictionthat you could esily fill up with your own meaning. Such a drama of inactionand absurdity resonates with tremendous meaning. This time they chose to play cricket over our Tribhuvn University's lovely ground at Kritipur. At the end of the game, Jhalanath Khanal declard that plying political gmes was easier thnpl aying cricket. But, in fact, with a leader of his party tastefully wearing the mantle of the premiership and like prime minister Jawaharla Nehru of India setting out on altruistic errands of making a people's prime minister, visiting the sick and maimed freedom fighters and a poor woman in labour pain and traveling on a public bus with his colleagues, and his disgruntled party colleagues led by Oil nursingsome alternate thoughts, Khanal's political innings are not bringing any scores.

It may not be out of place to discuss a few hypotheses here. The first hypothesis is that what is happening inside the big parties, especially the Nepali Congress and the UML today, is propelled by te anti-Maoists psyche, which showsthe second phase of the disenchantment. The hypothesis is that the seemingly united front put up by Nepali Congress stalwarts including Girijababu's longtime colleague and cousin Sushil Koirala has become vocal about its criticism of the individualistic style of Koirala's leadership in the paty. The hypothesis is that Girijababu's habit of taking individual decisions in the party had perhaps facilitate making the comprehensive peace agreement possibe. The party leaders in their cirtique of Girijababu do not raise the questions of party reformation and democratisation that has been stalled for so long. The selfsame leaders never entertained voices of junior leaders like Narahari Achaya. Today, their innuendos about the power savy Girija babu bonhomie with Prachanda makes it almost clear that they fear the old man might agree to lead the next government and bring the Maoists into the coalition.

Can we hypothesise that the unity among the NC leaders, that appears to challenge Girijababu today by rejecting his request to postpone the mahasamiti meeting of the party, is the result of the anti-Maoist psyche rather than a desire a democratise the party in the way that the rebel leaders within the party have been fighting for? We have yet to see how far they can go. But they must be apprreciated for their courage to challenge the old man's ledership. But the above hypothesis about the unity that has emerged in the party may be reality.

There are reasons to believe that the anti- Maoist psyche cuts deeper among the big coalition partners. Defence Minister Bidyadevi Bhandaari's appeal to the parliamentary committee to revise the comprhensive peace agreement to buy new arms for the army and make new recruitments and her totally bizarre converstions with a visiting European group show that the anit-Maoist psyche is making political and government leaders contemplate on making some irresponsible quixotic effors to derail the peace process.

The other hypothesis is that perhaps the Maoists too have few options left for manoeuvring power politics. The China visit of Maoist leaders under Prachanda's leadership may be a search for some options by influencing domestic and Indian reactions to this visit, which can trigger some imporant hypothetical specykatuibs. Is the Chinese Communist Party serious about extending solidarity with a communist Paty serious about extending solidarity with a communist pary tht uses the taged of its leaders Mao in its name? Is the politics of yesteryear revisable and re-live-able today? Are the Indians as senstive to the Nepali Maoists' visit to China as people fear they would be? Perhaps this is all a make-believe game, a willing suspension of disbelief. Each party is playing the game knowing fully well that what they are doing is only a drama, but they ae pretending to show themselves emotioally large for the sake of psychological bargains.

But for India it would be worth while to approach the Nepali Maoists through the help of politicians, not bureaucrats, and engage them in some form of political conversation over various matters including the Indian government's call to the Masoists there for a dialogue by laying down their arms. It would also be in India's inetrest to facilitate the formation of a consensual governtment in Nepal at this juncsture. The reality is also that the Maoists are not left with options even of a fce-saving nature in the power bargaining with other parties. One other hypothesis is that perhaps some politicians including some leaders of the big parties may have been contemplating some form of non-political schemes to perpetuate the state of uncertainty.

The time set out in the interim statute for writing the constituion is running out. We can ask what happened to all the near-miss agreements made among the parties? Can some power savvy person/s or even genuinely good jesters break the ice? One final hypothesis goes like this. Perhaps within days or weeks some people will make some sacrifices, drop some of their demands and brak the deadlock. But some dangerous indication sof either staying in power or coming to power at any cost can sideline the main issue- the writingof the first federal republican constituion of Nepal Natives and neighbours of should all help politicians to get out of the crisis mistrusting each other. Hypotheses are required to charter new courses. But finding out which ones are closer to historical reality is difficult toknow at this confusting stage.

G.P. Koirala seems to have dumped the values he has claimed to uphold throughout his life

G.P. Koirala, in his old age, appears to have gradually lost interest inmost of the values that he has claimed to uphold throughout his life- his loyalty to the Nepali Congress and his commitment to democracy, among ohers-until he was left with one sole, overriding passion to promote the political rise of his daughter Sujata Koirala. For nothing else can explain the tremendous pressure he applied on Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal to appoint her to the position of deputy prime minster, even as Nepal resisted the best that he could, convinced that it was n't a good idea; even as the dozens of top Nepali Congress leaderswho havebeen lyal to G.P. for decades were vehemently oppoesed to the idea.

So now that Sujata Koirala has indeed, after two months of pressure from her father, finally become deputy prime minsster, there is be musement among observers, unhappiness in the CPN -UML and immense rage in the Nepali Congress, Madhav Nepal no doubt gave in to the elder Koirala's demand because he felt that if he did n't, the old man would do what he could to wreck the current ruling coalition with the help of Maoist Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal. But while it may be true that Sujata's appointment may enable this government tocontinue inoffice for some more time, G.P's actions have only served to damage the governing coalitions; for it was an appointment of a political leder who owes her entire career not to any talent, passionor sacrificebut to solely riding onher father's coattails. A leader who could not manage to win a seat despite the great resources spent by her father and her party on her before the elections.

Governments come and go, but political parties are here to stay. The greatest damage, G.P.Koirala has thus done isto his own party. Of course, his dictatorial style and lack of receptivity to dissenting points of view has already done immense damage to the party in the past two decades. The generarion of party leaders after him had begun attempts to rectify this damage by institutionalizing party procedures after the elections to the parliamentary party earlierthis year. But, by forcing the appointent of his daughter in total disregard of senior members of the party. Koirala has ensured that the party, for the near future, will be consumed ininternalstrife, leaving little energy for it o even begin thinking about how to strengthen their party organization- a much needed task if they are to be able to complete electorally and otherwise with the Maoists in the future. Ane perhaps, with this action, G.P.Koiral has set into motion a sequence of events that observers had never thought would happen in his lifetime: the erosion of his authority within the Nepali Congdress and probably his replacement as the paty's leader.

The Constitution has been put on the back burner as politicians squabble shamelessly

It is high time that Nepal faced some hard realities as straight as they are and understood just the opposite of the incessant prevarication of the politicians.

Despite a seventh amendment to the Constitutent Assembly (CA) schedule, very little hope remains that the new constitution will be completed within the deadline of May 2010 and that the peace process will indeed be brought to a logical end.

Except for occasional feeble warnings from CA Chairman Subash Nembang and a few intellectuals, writing the constitution seems to be the priority of none of the major political forcesof the country. The stand-off mainly between the UML-led ruling coalition and the Maoists regarding issues apparently trivial to thecountry but portrayed as being absolutely crucial to them is testimoney to the lack of seriousness in forging a minimum working consensus, at lest, for the cause of writing the constitution. These issues are instead way down in their agenda with grabbbing power and serving the party or personal vested intersts at the top.

A correction in the political course the country has been cursed to embark on, however, appears to be wishful thinking. Amidthesheer inefficiency of the Madhav Kumar Nepal government coupled with the desperation of new aspirants to climb on to the power saddle, political instability looms large. The floodgates of a constitutional crisis have been opened on several fronts. The floodgates of a constitutional crisis have been opened on several fronts. The question that has arisen regarding the constitutional status ofVice President Paramananda Jha after his refusal to retake the oath in the Nepali language and subsequesnt withdrawal of his official privileges is far from over.

An even graver situation is just round the corner if the Finance Bill that has languished in limbo for the last three months due to the Maoists' obstruction of House proceedings is not passed. The Maoist contention regarding the constitutionality of the president's writing directly to the former chief of army staff to continue in office overriding the governments' decision to sack him has remained the bottleneck to raching a political consensus and needs to be resolved. The outright rejection of the Maoists to co-wrok with the present government, terming it "unconstitutional" and "blessed by suzerainty" has further complicated the situation. There is no logical groundto establish these allegations, but the party will not relent and has even indirectly employed the threat perception. Perhaps it considers it to be most effective tool to realize its desperate bid in climb back to power.

Away from the constitutioin and peace building agenda, the political undercurrents and machinations to develop new power equations orto retain old ones have substaintially increased for about a month now. Exercise among the UML, the Nepali Congress and the Maoists to "cajole, outwit and/or use" each other are at their height. Factionalism has also uniformly imarred all these supporting or opposing the potential political equation of any particular colour.

At the centre of all these destabilizing activities is the be leaguered Nepali Congress President Girija Prasad Koirala and his over ambitioous daughter Sujata. They ae fuelled by the Maoists' impatience to rise to powr by replacing the present coalition by using any means possible. Recently, Maoists poliburo member Barash Man Pun revealed tht his party was ready to accept even Sujata Koirala, who is not a member of the CA, as prime minister in return for removing this government. This has vindicated the hersay that Maoist Chairman Prachanda and father Koirala have struck a secret deal to remove Madhav Kumar Nepal from the premiership. Octogenarian Koirala is hell-bent on seering his daughter firmly established in Nepali politics within his life time. Held by many as being the factor in the the infamous destructive politics of the last two decades and largely responsible for the present woes of the country. Koirala has now demonsrtrated his true character again by directing the party to make his daughter a CA member at any cost, forcing Prime Minister Nepal to appoint her as deputy prime minister and, lately, conspiring to ditch the present coalition to barter with the Maoists the premierchip for his daughter.

It is a win-win, rather a use-use, game for both Koirala and Prachanda. Koirala seems to be happy tp "use" Prachanda to meet his ends of putting Sujaa in the prime minister's hot chair; and, in exchange, Prachanda will also be contented by being able to "use" Koirala to throw the UML out of power.These days, Prachanda not only has an expressed regret for prematurely relinquishing power by going overboard on the CoAS row, but also an obligtion to prove his strength in political manoeuvring by removing the present government, ostensibly, to pacify his cadres. Even UML President Jhalanth Khanal is said to be collaborting with Prchanda arguingthatthe current political impasse will be impossible to resolve until the Maoists are taken on board the main poli tical process, read government.

Surprisingly, this ongoing political seesaw is completely oblivios to the main mandate and responsibilityt of the CA- writing theconstitution. Instead, the thawing the freezing processes of different political equations have completely impeded the CA processtht has remained perfunctory so far. Discussions on crucial issues related to the substance of the constitution like the number of would-be provinces, the powers to be devolved and the basis of delineating them have not been initiated at any level. Taking advantge of the fluid situation and ever weakening control of the state and growing impunity, destabilizing and divisive elements have already raised their heads. 

But nothing has awakened the largest three or four political patiesof the country and their leaders. There lacks practical understanding of the fact that the new constitution would be but document of political compromises. Otherwise, it wouldn't be written at all. And there is no alterntiveto the politics of enggement and dialogue tin place of mutual face-spitting and boycotts. The only way to effecstively resume writing the constitution and compete the peace process on that the country can be prevented from possible disintegraation and anarchy is this: All the major political forces must bcktrack from their present positions which only point to ahead-on collision.

The indigenous people should be involved in development planning and execution

Until the end of the monarchy, national development was modelled according to a deep-rooted, self-serving, high-caste Hindu mindset which placed high-caste Parbatiya Brahmin/Chhetri groups at its apex, and considered Dalits, low castes and indigenous nationallties to be backward, Governement policies includings school education have promoted Hinduisation and Sanskritisation as parmeters of civilization and development while the least Hinduised groups were considered to be primitive. Assimilation-oriented development programmes largely controlled by the hgih-caste elite have stigmatized and pauperized the indigenous nationalities. Further, many of the dervelopment projectsandthe indigenous and fostered greater disparty in Nepali society.

Even after the end of the monarchy, access to planning institutions for marginalized indigenous nationalities is still very hard. It isa fact that none of the indigenous peoples in Nepal has been designated a secretry or a minister of finance. Besides, it is very difficult to obtain political nomination as a member of the National Planning Commission. Siimilarly, neither the government of Nepal nor its line agencies have seriously consulted with Nepalese indigenous nationalities about their development priorities. Even when they have been consulted, it is not reflected in the plans and strategies.

The politics-led policies, plan and development practices and approaches of the past have marginalized the indigenous people. he development process was almost insensitive to addressing the indigenous people's development prioritics .During the project design, indegenous knowledge, indigenous practices of resource management and indigenous norms and values and cultural dimensions of development were never seriously conidered. AS a consequence, development created under development of the indigenous communities in Nepal.

The Eighth Plan (1992-97) was the first plan formed by a democratic government elected through popular elections following the restortion of democracy in 1990. But the government of Nepal did dot officially recognize the existence of indigenous people until 1997. Hence, the plans brought into practice before that was very intensitive to the indigenous nationalities. The Nepal Government's first five-year plan was introduced in 1956. Nepal beganplkanning for the Janajatis only in the Ninth Plan (19997-2002). It is noteworthy that the plan does not have quanitative targets. The four-pillar poverty reduction strategy includes targeted programmes and social inclusion and good governance in the Tenth Plan (2002-07). But due to the begnning of civil unrest in 1996, a state of emergency from 2001, the royal takeover in 2005, government instability and violent conflicst, there hasn't been any improvement as expected in the economic and social conditions of the powerless and marginalized indigenous peoples.

The Three-Year Interim Plan (July 2007-10 ) gives special attention to women. Dalits, indigenous groups, the Madhesi community and the poor inhabitants of Karnali and remote areas who have been excluded from the country's economic, social and regional development process. Similarly, this plan has adopted special policies and programmes to provide relief to the common people including the helpless and the poor and to bring improvement intheir socio-economic condition. Similarly, by givin g continuity to reforms and incomplete projects initiated in theTenth Plan., pol icies and programmes focusing on the needs and desires of the common people have been included. Some budget was allocated. But it was insignificant.

Indigenous activists agree that the Nepal government should have as pecific plan for development of particular indigenous natinalities in their specific habitats. This is because poverty incidences are not the same even among indigenous natiobnalities, and there are disparities in social development indicators between indigenous nationalities. This requires poverty reduction and mainstream development . The overall disadvantaged situation of the indigeous nationalities is reflected in the human development indicators. This was due to the approaches the government agencies adopted and their insensitiveness in indigeous issues. According to Article 2.2 (c) of ILO 169, the government shall have the responsibility to assist indigenous people to eliminate soio-economic gaps other members of the national community, in a manner compatible with their aspirtions and ways of life.

Nepal's national development process failed to include me aningful participation of indigenous peoples. Hence, consultationswith andparticipation of indigenous nationalities are required to discuss their development priorities and involvement in planning besides building apartnership for effective implementation and evaluation. According to ILO Convention No 169, Article 7.1., the indigenous peoples have the ritht to decide their own priorities for processes of development as it affects their lives, beliefs, insituations and spiritual well-being andthe lands they occupy or other use, and to exercise control, to the extent possible, over their own economic, socil and cultural development. In addition, the government should guarantee their participation in the formulation, implementation and evaluation of plans andprogrammes for nationaland regional development which may affect them directly.

The Government must consult with indigenous nationalities in order to addrss their development priorities and development needs to be examined using their perpective on economic, political, social and cultural development. If we really with indigenous peoples' development, it is required to revitalize the traditional knowledge system and practice the cultural dimension of development. Indigenous culture, knowledge and technology are interconnected with the forest, soil and water, crop and livestock husbandry and handicraft. These activities boost the productivity and enchance the resilience of the indigenous nationalities. More importantly, their own knowledge system is the starting point to enchance their self-esteem and sustainbility of development.

The gvoernment has already ratified ILO Convention, No. 169. As per Article 7.2 of the convention, improvement of the conditions of life and work and levels of health and education of the indigenous peoples with their participation and cooperation shall be a matter of priority in plans for the overall economic development of the areas the inhabit. Special projects for development of the aras in question shall also be designed to promote such an environment. Furthermore, it is high time for the political parties and the Nepal goernment tobring intoactiontheir political commitment and the different international instruments, covenants and commitments that Nepal has signed. They should implement their commitment to indigenous prople's development through policies , plans and actions. It is the essence of the indigenous people's movement and the historc people's movement after 1990.

The Three-Year Interim Plan ends in July 1010. The government of Nepal has to prepare the Twelth Five -Year Periodic Plan. Also, a meeting of the Nepal Development Forum is beinbg calledsoon. Usually held every 18-24 months, the last (the 14th) meeting of the forum was held in May 2004. The 14th meeting was the second to have been led solely by Nepal. The next such meeting was held in September 2006. In short, in the 21st century and the NEW NEPAL, all the prospecstive plans, five-year plans, budgets, policies and programmes should place the indigenous nationalities at their centre. Finally, a mechanism is required for participatory bottom-up planning with Adivasi/Janajati Development Coordination Committes at the local level to identify development prioritiesof the indigenous nationalities.

If Hindi is adopted as an official language, Nepal may become a linguistic colony of India

The politics of language has occupied considerable space in Nepal's political discourse after the Supreme Court (SC) annulled Vice President Paramananda Jha's oath in Hindiand directed him to retake the oath in the Nepali langauage. The VP's refusal to rtake the oath has aroused a couple issues that should be tackled to stop further conflict and disaster.

Multilingual nation, monolingual policy

One fundamenal reason behind the present language debate is the suppression of ethno-indigenous languages by the state from the time of the unification of greater Nepal by Prithvi Narayan Shah to the present. History depicts that langauages other than Nepali were not allowed to be used in public places and those who spoke their in public places and those who spoke their mother tongues were punished and even jailed. Under the one-language was permitted in education, the mass media, the courts and governement offices. Different education policies have stated that use of languages other than Nepali should be discouraged in order to promote and develop the Nepali language. For example, the Nepal National Education Planning Commission (NNEPC, 1956) asserted, "If the Nepali language hastobe developed as he nation's langauage, it should be prioritized to use at primary level. The study of local languages other than Nepali will hinder the development of the Nepali language. If children are taught the Nepali language as a primary language, oher languages become continuously secondary."

Likewise, the past rulers, the Shahs and the Ranas, adopted the ideolog of "one language, one religion and one nation-state". Such mono-cultural ideology of the nation-state continued eroding the linguistic and cultural diversity of Nepal. Linguists argue tht due to this ideology, a majority of languages in Nepal are on the way to extinction as they are not recognised in any domain. They further comment that due to the domination of the Nepali language, the identity of ethno-indigenous langauages is vanishing rapidly. In this context, ethno-indigenous language speakers are raising their voices agaisnt the hegemony of Nepali criticising that the government has never seemed to be serious about preserving and promoting indigenous minority languages. This implies that thepresent fury against the tratiditonal definition of Nepali nationalism in terms of the Nepali language is the outcome of long hegemony of the one-language policy.

Language and identity

Language is a significant indicator of one's identity. The language one speaks reflects his or her identity. The language one speaks reflets his or her identity. For example, I speak the Newarilanguage among Newars which marks the group-membership of ethno-linguisticidentity. Likewise, I visualise my national indentity by using Nepali while speaking with differennt language groups. Moreover, I use English which indicates my professional identity and the global membership to access global opportunities. this implies that in a multilingual context, individuals can co-construct multiple identities through multiple languages. However, like in the context lof Nepal, ethnolinguistic identity is often silenced by the national and professional identities constructed through Nepali and English rspectively.

The recent issue of the VP's oath in Hindi can also be taken as being part of identity. As vice president , Paramannanda Jha is not only the individual Paramananda Jha and are pesentative of Madhes-based parties but also a person having a symbolic identity of naional integrity. Thus, his oath in Hindi, the common language of Madhes as he argues, does not seem to unify Nepalis belonging to diverse language groups. He should, of course, have realised that once he was elected VP, he became the symbol for all Nepalis from different language and ethnic gorups. On this gound, he should have retaken the oath in Nepali, a common language for Nepalis. However, his decision not to retake the oath in Nepali represents the voices of all ethno-indigenous people whose sentiments are not united by Nepali, rather its dominatin has created choas among various language roups. Similarly, the VP's refusal to reake the oath in Nepali implies his resistnce to the traditional definition of the Nepali identity constructed through the Nepali langauage.

But the positive vitality he has shown towards Hindi, the official language of India, while ignoring other Madhesi languages like Maithili, Thaaru and Bhojpuri indicates ulra-language politics. First, thee is no point inarguing that Hindi is the native language of Nepalis. second the use of Hindi neither reflects ethno-indigenous identity nor the nepali national identity. It ony indicates acceptance of the hegemony of Hindi which is often considered as the language of the Madhesi elite. This further implies that the linguistic stratificaion in the Tarai, where Hindi and Nepali aerused almost by the elite and the educated, has also galvanised the livesand minds of the ethno-indigenous Maithili, Bhojpuri, Tharu language communities.

The VP's loyalty towards Hindi has aroused some servious concerns among us. First all ethno-indigenous people, not only in Madhes but in the whole nation, are concerned that if Hindi is considered as an official language as the Madhesi parties are demanding, it will again become another killer language, first for the Madhesi indigenous langauages and then for other languages and then for other languages gradually. This will create a situtation of double marginalisation (Nepali and Hindi) for ethno-indigenous language speakers.

All political leaders should understand that language is not a neutral entity, rather it is a carrier of ideology and calture. In this sense, to accept Hindi as an official language means to accept Indian culture and ideology too. We can see tht though Hindi is not decleared as an official language, our TV channels and radio programmes are dominated by Hindisongs. This indicates that if it is declard asan official language, it will furtgher erode the culture as well as linguistic heritage of the ethno-indigenous people in Nepal. In a way, Nepal may becme a linguistic colony of India. Moreover, the rejectionof the SC's decision is an affront to the rule of law. Although the VP is npolitically right not to retake the oath in Nepali, it has left negative repercussions which clearly indicatethat political leaders do not abideby the law. In this situation, how can we the people expect peace and the rule of law in the nation? Do political leaders dare to discuss this issue in parliament?

However, from the ethno-linguistic ground, the decision of the SC happens to be controversial. For example, although the Local Self-Governance Act 1999 paved the way for the use of local languages as an official language in local government bodies, the SC on July 1, 1999 declared that the use of local languages in the offices was uncon-situtional. That decision barredthe use of Maithili in Dhanusha district and Rajbiraj Municipality and Newari in Kathmandu Metropolitan City. Against this decision, ethn-indigenous people organised a mass protest calling the day "Bhashik kaalo Din "(Linguistic Black Day).

As an ethno-indigenous community and acknowledging the dignity of the SC, I would argue that not only the past decisiion but also the present decision seems to be against the linguistic diversity of Nepal. The decision seems to smarck of the "one language one nation" idelogy. Thus, the SC also needs to change its role in the changed context. However, in the case of national icons like VP Jha who is considered as a symbol of unity, he should have retaken the oath in Nepali and, for the time being, he should have respected the SC's verdic for the sake of national unity. And he should have lobbied with his party fellows to insert the provision of taking the oath in one's mother tongue in the constitution.

Nepali leaders are habituated to exending a begging bowl !

Exactly a year ago, the ten Prime Minister Puspa Kamal Dahal was accepting bouquets of flowersfrom the panchakamaya at theTribhuvan International Airport on his return home after attending the closing ceremony of the 2008 Beijing Olympics. The brickbaats over the same trip had been flying in from the South Block-and the Indian medi-ever since Dahl agreed to visit China ahead of India.

Given that was inChina to attend the Olympicsat the invittion of the Chinese government how justified was India to expect him to rebuff the offer is open to quetion. Anyway, in the event, Dahal bent over buckwards to impress on India that his China visit was purely for sporting reasons. And that his first political visit aboard would, indeed, be to India (as was eventually the case).

Going by the reaction f the Indian establishment it wasn't hard to conclude that the goodwill gesture- of Nepal head of government visiting India ahead of any other country-is now considered obligtory by the southern neighbour, albeit in the name of maintaining the 'longstanding tradidtion.

Both India and Nepal have been so accustomed to keeping to he old way of doing things, even a slight deviation off the beaten track by either side is seen with deep suspicion by the other. This was the case with Dahal's China trip as it was with the brouhaha over the dismissal of the indian head priest at Pashupati to open the door for a Nepali bhatta.

India has some expectations, which Nepal is expected to oblige to, tacitly. In thissense, routine has become its own justification. "Maintaining tradition, ' it seems, ranks the highest in the order of priorities in Indo-Nepal ties, never mind the long lost relevance of some of the old way of doing things.

Or perhaps it all boils down to simple social psychology. Writers psychologist Robert A. Baronin his definitive work Psycholoty:"We work harder to understnd inconsisstent infoation, "which tends to enter our memory and influence our later judgement. "This tendency to notice what's inconsistent has important implications."says Bron-in just about any kind of social setting, including the murky word of International Relations(IR). Thus noone should be surprised if the inconsistencies of Nepali Maoists with regard to maintaining tradition continues to haunt them for some time yet.

Not that our northern neighbour is much different in that it too adheres to the ultimate maxim of modern IR: there are only national interests, no permanent friends, no permanent foes and no permanent values. As India is worried about Chinese advances in Nepal, so too are he Chinese spooked about Nepal being used by anti-China elements or to cement India's stranglehold on the diminutive country. These suspicions go along way back; so too the desire of the two countries to extend their spheres of influence over Nepal.

"In 1910 the Chinese governent had communicated to the British Foreign Office a claim that both Bhutan and Nepal were vassals of China," wrote the late Ludwig F.Stiller, SJ. in Nepal: Growth of Nation (1993). Later investigation by India Office (of Imperial Britain) revealed" Nepal was not, and had never been a vassal of China." But the reserchers' concluions were not so clear reagarding Nepal-India reations and"..thesuspicionlingeredin the hearts of India's bureaucrats that Nepal was subordinate to India."

Long-held beliefs die hard. Growing economic and political clout of both India andChina might havehelped change their old beliefstosome extent, but there has as yet been no clear hint of a definite brak with the past.

In his recently consluded trip, the communist Prime Minister left no stone unturned to seek Inida' blessing inprolonging the tenure of his government. Maoist Chairman Dahal too pulled off an amazing caper while visiing New Delhi as the republic Nepal's first prime minister. For Indian businessmen, he was pro-market. For suspicious Indian political honchos, are reliable friend well in tune with Inida's security concerns. He was everything to everybody. The Nepali Congress, for is part, hs been the most vehement of the big three on special ties with Inida.

The bitter fact is that the same leaderswho were runnint the show in Nepal 15-20 years ago continue to do so. Most of them are as habituated to extending a begging bowl as they are not to treating theirtwo big neighbours as equal partners. so long as our relationship with our neighbours is based on crippling aid-and-loan regime-and not reciprocity and equal partnership- there cannot be a clean brak from the past. And there cannot be a clean break without first gaining the confidence to negotiate from a position of strength. What's amazing is that even as our political leders continue to shamelessly follw the 'tradition' of actinglike beggars, back home they never fail to make a hug and cry about unequal treatment from the Big Brother due south.

The present coalition government is not proving to be any different than the old one?

No formal study has been made about what the people specifically expect from the present government. But the people have been ventilating their opinions and expectations through various progarammes on the media like vox pop, interactions, interviews onTV channels, the headliner programme of Kantipur FN, letters to the editor and so on. I am not trying to list the different types of views nor am I going to make a mediawise comparative analysis. My purpose is simply to infer some generalized opinions and commnents from the people.

The general types of expectations are related to some specific local or community problems, economic problems of poverty and joblessness, general and specific health problems, problems of supply and distribution of essential goods and services, problems related to social maladjustment, problems of corruption, problems stemming from conflict like refugees and the displaced people (DPs) and the like. There again are problems of emergency like natural disasters, mecical pandemics and so on. Such generalized expectations come from the people who think that the government is the most competent agency that has unlimited power and resources and it can solve any problem if it has the right motivatgion or inention. In a normal sitution, any government is supposed to adderes there and more such problems.

There is another group of people who are above the general mass andthey can be calledthe economic or social elite. There expectations from the government are not related to the soluton of any immediate problesms. They may want to add eminence to themselves by associating with the head of government or sectoral ministers. As an example, they invite mostly the prime minister or a senior minister to inaugurate their functions. Reciprocally, the head of government or senior minister feels honoured at being invited to do the decorative funtion of being the chief guest. This class has the professional or technical capacity to lobby the government. The economic elite of this type also exercise long-term influence on the leaders by providing generous grants to their parties.

A higher type of opinion is from people who think in terms of national interest and the future of the nation. This class contains intellectuals, writers and other opinion makers including the media people who not only collect public opinion through their analysis of the problems and by suggesting probable alternatives. Such a class of public can be bracketed into an unbiased category without vested interests of their own or without any specific demans on the government. Most of the people in this group hold global views and rendeer their informed opinions to make cognizable improvement in the whole system. These may be technical expersts in their own fields or generalists who have a holistic approach towards the whole system of governance.

Let us now see wht prospect lies there. The Constituent Assembly (CA) election was held under a transitional constitution. The main mandate of the CA was to draft a new constituion and help the coalition government to find a lasting solution to the problem of conflict with a fitting inegration plan to adjust the so-called. People's Libertion Army (PLA). But the first coalition government headed by Maoist leader Prachanda deliberately kept itself away from both these functions. Prachanda and a few other senior ministers were busy in honouring the elite by their prowerful prsence at their functions. Prachanda had once announced that he would no longer be involved in such showy functions, but he did not keep his promise and honoured such functions numberless time. The present coalition is not proving to be any different. Newly installed Prime Minister Madhav Nepal does not give up any opportunity to be the guest of honour at elite functions that do not have any significant impact on national affairs.

Although the first coalition promised several sweet dreams to the people including turning New Nepal into Switzerland or Singapore, the government did not undertakeany substantial programmes to remove or mitigate the problems of the people. That coalition was not only expected to carry out the functions of drafting the constitution and work out a lasting solution to the problems of conflict, it was also in a postion to accomplish these functions. Handling emergency situtations would, of course, be expected of any governent any time. But addressing the general problems of the people would be left to future governments after the enforecement of the new constitution . However, that coalition wasted its valuable time of nine months on peripherl matters, creating more socio-political tensiions than soloving the existing ones.

The present coalition is also limping along almost the same liness. The Maoist-led government did not touch the problems of the displaced people because they were themselves the cause of the displacemen. But even the present coalitiondoes not seem to take the matter seriously. Most of the DPs are people assicuated with non-Maoists parties, particularly the Nepali Congress (NC) and the CPN-UML; andthey are the determinant components of the present coalition. they know that if the issue of the DPs is not settled now, it will never be settled. Yet the party leaders and ministers are complacently idling away fromthe issue. It may be because they realize that they cannot settle the issue.

Yes, they cannot settle any issue without taking the cooperation of the Maioist who hold the most strategic postion of being the the single largest party in the CA -cum-Legislative Parliament. There is a distinct difference between the two coalitions. The former coalition had a two-thirds majority to pass the constitution, but the present one lacks that favourable position. It has to get the support of the Maoists. But the leaders of the pesent coalition are not making a serious attempt to get the cooperation of the Maoists. The NC was in the opposition during the time of the former coalition and it opposed the Maoist move to integrate their combatants into the security forces, mainly the army. But it did not offer a viable alternate plan to settle the issue. Now that it is an influential part of the government, it is holding the same position. The positiion of the UML which heads the present coalition is no different. The peace process cannot be conculded with the Maoists opposing any move.

The same strategic mistake has been repeated in the cas of constituion building. The position taken by the Maoists and the other parties on matters of fundamental nature like the composition of the federation and the shapa of the government in the proposed constitution are distinctly different. It is a foregone conclusion that there can be no constitution wthout the expess support of the Maoists. But there has been no serious effort to settle the differences. There can be informal efforts in private premises. Some measure of mutual catharsis can ease a lot of tension and some consensus can be be evolved through such events. There can also be informal efforts through neutral emissaries like local academics or international experts. Instead, there is open mudslinging and exchange of abuse on both sides. Such practices must be stopped from both sides. The Maoists are not less responsible for making or marring the chances of constitution building.

The ICG has relesed a provocative report on Nepal's political landscape

Nepal's peace process, as is widely known, has not gone according to plan. Instead, over the past three years, all political forces have gone through vrious machinations and entanglements that have renderedthe political landscape more complicated than ever. nd in this climate of intense polarisation, politicl actorsand commentators alike hve become caught up in their various passions and find it difficult to bringa clear, discerning eye with which to survery the landscape and envision paths that will led the country our of the morass inwhich it has become stuck. It is in this context that the International Crisis Group (ICG), a Brussells-based think tank which has been closely observing Nepal since 2003, has come out with its latest report entitled Nepal's Futue: In Whose Hands?

The ICG report is a sober analysis of the events of the past few months, in particualr of the events that began with the Maoists' confrontation with the Army and that ended with the replacement of the Maoist-led government with a CPN-UML-led one. It analyses in detail on complications and setbacks to the peace process that these events have caused. Andin its systematic analysis of all the actors involved in the peace process, the report funds no actor blameless, that each in their own capacities has served to create stitution where the peace process is effectively stalled, and where, in the absence of major inititives on all sides, a resumption of violent conflict is likely.

Over three years after the beginning of the peace process,the Maoists still haven't been ableto convince the wider politic lclass and population that they are committed to competitive, multiparty politics. The paty's hardliners still repetedly claim that their goal isa "people's republic", and internal Maoist decoments still say that the revolution is incomplete, that they are inthe "strategic offensive" phase. The other mainstream parties are weak, and have not been ableto establishapolitical agend, thus creating political vacuum that has emboldened the Nepal Army, whichis not committed to the peace process and deeply hostile to the Maoists.

The report is particularly cirtical of the role Inida has played over theprevious months. By consiering the Army sacorsanct andinsisting thtit remain untouched, it has helped undermine the proviision inthe Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that states that the Army will be"democratized. India, through its machinations, the report states, has for the purpose of short-term gain, undermined the very peace process that it playeda major role in facilitating.

There is much else tht is provocative in the report and that is sure to arouse controversy. Everybody will agree with the detailed recommendations to revieve the peace process. But the report is closely observed and argued, takes a broad view of the political landscape, and will thus beof benefit to all those who are thinking about ways to resolve the impasse into which the peace process has fallen.

Political parties of Nepal are always looking for an issue to crete trouble!

While the Maoists have decided to hold protests demanding that the governement uphold 'civilian supremacy", it may be remembered that when the Maoists had recently entered government, the opposition party the Nepali Congress (NC) had similarly protested against the goernment by obvstructing Parliament. The chief demand at that time was that the Maoists should return all property seized during the conflict. After weeks of obstruction of the legislatue, a deal was signed with the Maoist-led government. Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal had then agreed to the formtion of a Commitment implementation Special Committee that was to collect informtiona bout all captured propearty and to oversee its return. The committee -which included two memebers each form the NC, the Maoists, the CPN-UML, the Madhesi Janadhikar Form (MJF) and the Tarai Madhesi Loktantrik Party(TMLP) and a single memeber from three other parties- was formed fora period o six months and was supposed to complete its work within that period.

The six-month tenure granted to the committee ended two weeks ago. But there is much work still to be done. Committee members claim that the prime minister's office and other governmental organs did not cooperate with them, and that it was thus difficult for them to collect information on seized property. They were still in the process of collecting data when the term of the committee expired. NC leader and current minister Prakash Sharan Mahat has said that the committee's tenure will be extended. But a large section of the NC - particularly those whose property was seized-are unhappy with the party. They claim that the NC lost interest in the property returning process soon after the agreement was signed. Now that the NC is in government and the Maoists are in the opposition, there is even less interest in making the Maoists return the property their cadres had seized.

The Maoists are likely not interested in retruning any property either. For, now that they are in the opposition, it is their turn to make demands on the government. All of their energy is focused on mobilizing their cadres against the presient 's refusal to uphold the prime minister's decision to fire the Army chief. Indeed, the parallels between the stituation when the maoists were in government and the NC was in the opposition and now, when the NC is in government and the Maoists are inthe opposition are striking. The opposition in both cases found an issue, and claimed that it was of paramount imporantance to them, when infact they only wished to use it as a tool to undermine the government. Just as the NC leadership has largely forgotten bout recovering seized property for the time being, the Maoists will most likely forget about "civilian supremmacy" once it no longer serves the purpose of agitating against and attempting to paralyse the government.

The need of the hour is to lessen the differences on the basic issues of federalism!

At a time when all the politcal parties in the Constituent Assembly (CA) should be working together to draft thenewconstitution and sail country towards a peaceful and prosperous direction, they are parting ways. What an unfortunate time for all of us! Our political parties today seem to have lost their souls and, therefore they are collectively jeopardising thier own existenceby failing to address the issues of the nation. No political party in isolation can solve the issues of the nation, neither can they survive inthe name of the proletariat andthe bourgeoisie anymore, nor can they survive by spitting venom against the one caste group or the other.

The only reality thatwe have to be aware of after so many revolutions since 1950 is that this nation belongs to man by caste groups, many ethnicities, many languages, many customs, many mores many cultues, many religious, many classes, many sexes, many regions, many nationallties and many ways; and the only possible way to grow out of many things is to"grow together". We need new politics, new society, new economy and new culture that will help us understand that as humans we have very few things to differ on and many more things to agree upon. Failing to agree onour commonalities is our gretest failur on the path to finding the maxim for our total growth. and failing to explore our maxim for collective growth hs left us with so many illusions that instead of moving forward, we are moving backwards.

Cyclic revolutions are not what we are looking for. Untamedrdicalismis not what we need. The time for revolutions and untamed radicalism is notwht we need. The time for revolutions and untamed radicalism in Nepal is over. The sooner it is realised; the better it is. Recently, we have trvelled from the phase of a revolution for a federal democrtic republic and rdicalism to a phase of a revolution for a federal democrtic republic and radicalism to a phase where it was necessary to institutionalise them.That is over now. Today, only if we can sit together and discuss how to realise our constitution on time, our achievements can be institutionalised. And, thereforerevolutionsandrdicalism are two prescriptions that cannot serve the interst of our nation. The Maoists, pockets of so-called liberal democrts and regional leaders and parties must unerstand this. And if you are not willing to understand this simple not willing to understand this simple fact, then the masses will be compelled to understand that you together want to dismantle the short history of our republic by bringing back the monarchy at the centre. Any such attempt from any sectionof the political parties and leaders will be met sternly by the masses.

All of us know that most of the time we are partly true. Yet, we tryto portray that we carry the wholesome truth with us. If the knowledge that we carry with us as individuals andpolitical parties would havebeenthe only truths, why haven't the same ideas influenced and motivated the world? We are not influencing the world, but are rather being influenced. Aren't our Maoists half true when they talk about a peaceful movement for people's supremacy? The UCPN (Maoist) is a party that waged war against the state and the people often with arms and brutality,and it is they who are today tallllking about people's supremacy and democracy. What a paradox and a half truth it is! Imaginethe fte of those Nepali mindsand population tht are attrcted to such a conviction! They made the people and communities aware about their right and privileges. They taught them to argue for their rights. Unfortunately they subdued the same propulation by making them accept "violence" as a way of life. The Maoists' attempt to liberte the masses from subjugation is indeed a political crft of genius, but making people aware through violent means makes the a group of dead souls that have neither respect for life nor innovation.

The same applies to a section of liberal democrats who are today hell-bent on bringing back the monarchy at the center. What do they think about he fate of those generations that have constantly struggled agaisnt despotism and for development and justice? Are the citizens of this country some kind of joke for them who can be taken for granted? Is this what they think? The ccountry's political march towards a federal democratic republic was just, and any attempt to dismantle such a history will be met sternly. Make no mistake, those political futures and careers will soon come to an end tht uncessarily try to dismantle history tht has been rcently written. Once a mature politicin said me, "The dirctor of Nepali politics is unknown today, and we will only come to know about him once the Maoists flavour will come to an end and the country will be rules by some form of despotism." I said, "You are not giving due respect to the people of Nepal. We the menand women of this country are the actors, actresses and dirctors of this country. If you are thinking about any firector, then let him act ina way he wants to; and we the people of this country will again act in a way we can."

And at the regional helm we have regional political leaders and parties that have lost their legitimacy even to talk, about the issues they claim to be representing. For mot of the time they remain mum towards the issues of peace, prosperity and development for Madhes. But whenever they want, they come up with reactionary, regressive and centric statements like. "If there is no one Madhes one pradhes, there is no Nepal. The court has attacked the culture of Madhes".

Mahanth Thakur jee, haveyou ever playedany significant role in enhancing the art, literature, culture and traditions of Madhes ? If not, what right do you have to rdicalise it merely fro your petty political interest?

Rajendra Mahato jee, howny times have you attended a constitutional debate on minority rights and the rights of Madhes? Out of many discussions that took place, you attended very few. And you aer the one talking about Madhes liberation. What a hypcrisy ! Are the regional parties not responsible for promoting the armed groups in the Tarai? Haven't they tied up with then for their interest? Doesn't it prove tht they are not committed to peace and development in the Tarai? They use the armed groups whenthey need to rticalise Madhes, and they set their loose to toot the commoners of Madhes when they don't want to use them. Amoung journalist writing regularly on thessues of Madhes necesaid to me. "Madhes when they don't want to use them . A young journalist writing regularly on thessues of Madhes once sai to me. "Madhesi leaders literally call up the armed roups whenever they want to apply more pressure on national politics."

The country wants to grow as a nation, not merely as individiual laders and distinct political parties. If these actors and parties do not show their inclination towards growing together for the sake of the nation, history will not stand still for their pleusre. History is not a matter of an individual's luxry. If is a scientific process always moves forward. The path of going back is not scientific at a. It is anti-democratic, anti-development anti-peace andanti-prosperity. The need of the hour is to sit together and mtigate the differences on the fundamental issues of federalism and finish the constitutionon schedule. If is not a time for unwanted revolutio, radicalist and political quibbling. Your legitimacy depends on what you deliver; no what you stand for. So diliver some substance; deliver the truth, deliver asecular, democratic, federal, republic and prosperous nation. the time to make a new beginning for the political parties is now. and the time for the citizens to act as watch dogs and pressure group over the political parties is also now. Now is the time to make a new begnning on the part of both political stakeholders and society.

One wonders if the new constituion will secure peace or set off another war in Nepal

The committees responsible for preparing preliminary drafts of the proposed new constituion have started handing over their work to the chairman of the Constituent Assembly (CA), raising hopes that the constitution will be ready to be promulgated within the time frame stipulated in the Interim Constituiion. Along with the hopes are alsogenuine fears that the promulgation of the new constitution for a "new" Nepal may not be the"logical end" of the peace process as many have been predicting but the beginning of a new round of conflict that could pose genuine threats to the very existence of the country as an independentnation. For a constitutionis nothing but a document not worth the paper it is written on if the people and responsible political parties have shown towards the Interim Constituiion under which we are supposedly governed.

The constituion should become patof theway of life of the people, and we must all learn to respect it and accord due respect to it in our everyday life. The constituion is not something that one lieves by when it suits oneself and flout it when it goes against one's intersts or beliefs. A prominent human righst activist once justified to me the Maoists taking up arms-and being the main cause of the bloodiest carnage in the country- by saying that the Maoists did not believe in our acccept the constitution promulgted in 1990. Is there any guarantee tht the new constitution to be promulgated would be acceptable to all Nepalis? What if those opposed to the constitution and its letters wereto takeup arms? Will theyget the samekind of legitimacy - and subtle support - that the Maoists received from a sectionof the international community, particularly from countries of the Nordic region ? The mere thought of recurrence of violence in the country cannot but make one shudder.

There are about a dozen CA committees engaged in different aspects of the constitutioin including the division of the country,language(s) that can be used (and, importantly, understood) in the national assembly, on wheter there is to be a unicamerl or bicameral legislature, the strict division of power and resources among the centre and the federting units andsoforth. Apparently, only five sub-committees have submitted their reports to theCA chiefso far, and six mor are yet to make their official presentations. Thecommittee reports ae to be discussed at the CA meetings after which the committee recommendations will be pieced together to form the draft of the new constitution for a"new "Nepal.

The CA has less than ninemonths in which tocomplete itswork, and this means that the reports will be fonfined to discussion s in the house alone which means that whatever the major parties agree on will mean the final say in the constitution. The NC, UML andthe Maoists can expecst to discuss the propose statute among their own party members, that too only among the senior ones, and any three party agreements on the draft will mean there is no turning back. The party whip, whether explicit or subtly understood, will ensure that CA memberss belonging to the three parties will vote along party lines on the statute.

The committees that are presently at work have toensure that chances of conflict are minimized. One cannot completely eliminate the possibility of conflect since the document cannot meet with the approval of all all the citizens of the country. There will always be those who want more. The point of confilct could be the federl structure, the kind of power federating units are given under the constitution, language issues, reservatiion for minorities, backward classes, Dalits and the handicapped and the treatment that the new constitution will mete out to Nepali women who, as they rightly claim, from half of the country's population. It is always easy to dismiss the possibility of conficts coming up in the future.The standard argument would be they are "too small" a group to really matter. One remembers high ranking security and government officials as well as ministers saying something similar when the Maoists began their bloody armed insurgency.

The home minister just the other day said that there were over 100 armed groups operating in different parts of the country. One cannot but agree with him when he said that many of them were criminal groups. But what about the non--criminal groups? The ones who have taken up arms for safeguarding or attaining their perceived faiths, beliefs and ideologies? They are the ones who will pose a threat to the stability of the country, and they are the ones who could succeed in dividing and fragmenting the country. It would be a folly to understimate them as did the post 1996 rulers inthe case of the Maoists. Somehow, there is no escaping the feeling that the Maoists exploited these very divisive sentiments to garnersupport; and once this happened, there was no alternative for the communist party but to opt fora federl structure for the country.

Professor Cameron of Toronto University in his article on Iraq wrote, "Contemporary federal experience is rather different. Instead of the imageof free peoples coming together tobuild, something better, the picture today is often of warring communities, locked in a political relationship from which they cannot escape. Federalism, in such melancholy situations as these, often presents itself as each community's reluctant second choice - system designed to make an unsatisfcatory situation habitable. "Many in Neapal are still afraid of a possible repeat of the past conflict, and there have been many compromises in the past toavoid this. The constitutional experts whoare hard at work to produce a document that is acceptable to most Nepalis would be hard-pressed to ensure that the new statuteis really the "logical conclusion" of the peace process.

All past Governments of Nepal  have held the notion that citizens are to be ruled, not served!

No nation, king culture, language, political party can exist without the people. Novertheless, the people and their needs have never received serious attention from successive governments in Nepal. This, in turn, has neverallowed thepeople to enjoy an improved qauality of life which can be measured by a better standard of living, health care, education, employment, social secutiry and political stability.

Nepal has witnessed several governments in the past, but their approach to governance has remained more or less the same; that is, governments of the few, by the few and for the few and that the citizens do not deserve to be served but they deserve to be ruled.

The role of a government and its contribution to the governance of society has been ever changing. The government is not the sole factor in modern governance anymore. Otherwise, the royal government of the recentpast would not have crumbled. The government has become only one of the components are the international community, the business community, the media, the civil society, different groups of people and many other actors. The government can still play a major role in governance, but it is not the sole factor. So the new role of the government should bethat of a manager or a coordinator of services tobe offered to the citizens.

This brings us to the question: What kind of government and governance does Nepal need in the context of the currently much debated new vision for Nepal?

The vision for a future government should be based on the serving model, not on the ruling model. It should obviously act as coordinator of services to the people, and should be owned by the people at large, not by a person, a family or a group of just a few people.

If the goal of a government is to srve the the citizens aspiring for an improved quaity of life,m then who would serve them better than themselves? Self-governance, therefoe, should be pursued within the farmework of making various aspects of an improved quality of life accessible and affordable to the people. Once-again, some important and basic indicators of an improved quality of life are a better standard of living, health cae, education, employment opportunities, social secutity and political stability.

Since people live in communities, and these communities are linked at local, regional, national and global levels, the system of government should also reflect this connectedness through a network of local, regional, national and global governance in order to optimize the efficacy of the system.

One of the criticisms that has been levelled at past governments in Nepal is their top-bottom design. In the changed context, a new thinking of a bottom-up system of government is emerging. Since the local governments will be at the foundation of the system of governments, it is impertive that issues related to local government and governance be addressed with utmost urgency. It is an irony that the focus hs focus has still been on the central and regional governments only, and local government and governance has received little attention by the media, politicians, the civil society, policymakers and political pundits.

Against the above background, I would like to purpose the following model for local governments. In proposing this model, it is assumed that consitutional and legal provisions defining the relationship among central, regional and local governments are already in place.

1. Dismantle the current district structures. Instead, combine three or four current VDCs to form the smallestadministative and political unit like the county they have in several countries.

2. A council of elected members with a chief(mayor) will run the local government. Members of the council will be elected to represent the composition of the local population. For example, members of the council may be elected through an election based on proportional representation.

3. The mayor may nominate additional council memebrs representing minorities and socially marginalized groups in the community.

4. The mayor will nominate a fixed number of members from the civil society who could be professionals, teachers, lawyers, retired professionals, elders and so forth. None of the previous governments have considered this seriously.

5. The council may devise innovative methods to involve locals working in foreign countries. Lots of Nepalis go to foreign lands seeking employment. The Diaspora could bring aunique prospecive to their locality nd contribute to local development. For example, an engineer may help design a bridge or a road; a doctor may help set a temporary medical camp. Similarly, others may contribute by constructing a library, school or health centre or by collecting equipment, books and other materials.

6. The local government will form committees for local txes, budget and finance, market, spending and economic development plan, education, drinking water, health services, traffic (where applicable) recreation, environment nd so forth.

7. The local government will promulgte local laws that do not contradict with central and regional government laws.

8. Two local governments may combine their resources if needed (for example, school systems, courts).

9. The local government will employ administrative staff, judges, teachers and other personnel necessary to run the govenment.

10. The local government will execute the laws of the central and regional governments according to the provisionsmade in the constitution. The central and regional governments will provide grants and assistance to local governments.

11. The government must be transparent, accountable, responsive, participatory, inclusive and and based on the rule of law.

It is impossible to discuss all the details here, and dalso it will require a lot of work from experts than just an editorial on the subject; but the mainconcept isto estabishasystem of local governments to deliver servicesto the citizens rightto their backyard. This will eliminate going to the district headquarters for minor issues, spending a lot of time to get there and then get intimidated by government officers as if some outsider is ruling them. It will also help address issues like daily strikes, protests, demands and other forms of unrests that are plaguing Nepal. Under the proposed system, there will be no one to demand from, and no one protest against. The people will be demanding from themselves and protesting against themselves as they will be in charge of themselves.

Have mercy on the country and get to work writing the constitution!

Last week, the Constitutent Assembly's (CA) work schedule was changed fort the fifth time, its proceedings were adjorned indefinitely and Chairman Subash Nembang was compelled to call a meeting of the leaders of the major political parties. He criticized their deliberte indifference and urged them to reach a political consensus at least on the point of writing the new constitution.

Considering the slow pace at which the work of writing the consititution has been progressing, finishing it by the May 27, 2010 deadline looks unattainable. Contrary to popular wishes that the major constituents of the CA rise above petty political interests to wirte an incusiveand democratic constituion, the political parties, mainly the UCPN (Maoist), the CPN-UML andthe Nepali Congdress, have in effect betrayed the country and the people by failing to maintain a working relationship even to execute the most presseing national priority.

All political forces must be held responsible for the present gridlock. However, being the single largest party in the CA and self-proclaimed torch-bearer of the transformation, the Maoists were naturally expected to demonstrate more matued and responsible political behaviour than the others in order to take the political transition of the country to a logical conclusion. But its unexpected and early exit from power has angered itto the. The pang of transformingitself from a might-based to a reason-based political force amid intense differences within the party rank and file is much deerper than generally perceived. An, above all, the realiztion of the fact that its private army would be liquidated sooner than later has bred a sense of political insecurity at all levels of its organizaion. The combined effecsts of all these factors have converted the Maoists into a major impediment tothe political process.

The present mayhem, howerver, is not an outcome merely of recent self-centerd conduct and unintentional faux pas by the politial parties. It is an out-come of a series of irresponsible acts like deliberate imposition of irrational agendas, heightened ego, overt apprehensiveness and pervasive confusion within. Intrestingly though, the practice of serving the party by exploiting the country is common across all the parties.

Since the initiation of the peace process, the first major disservice of the political forces to this impoverished nation came in the form of the "consensus" to create a gigantic 601-member CA.Then folowed the tacit understnding among the parties to undermine the legitimacy of the CA itself and violate established democratic norms by picking ministers not only from outside the CA but from among those who were defeated in the elections. The present government is the height of this moral turpitude as the prime minister himself is a loser. At this point, debting the cause behind the thin presence of CA members the House procedings, their level of knowledge and qualification, and the quality of their inputs visa-visthe cost bron by the exchequer appears completely meaninglesss.

Second, the political parties employed multiple representation methods, namely first past the post, proportional and nomination, on the pretext of making the CA widely inclusive. On the face of it, this presented a fine opportunity to ensure representation of constitutional experts independent scholars and the voiceless and underrepresented sections of society in the CA. The very justification of such multiple represntation was base on a two-pronged principle. One, the outlook and defined ideology of any mainstream, political party alone may not incorporte evey concern of diverse and smaller groups of the population. Two, all CA members have the freedom, no way infringed by political, ethnic or other affiliation, to express their idea as a contribution to the new constituion.

But both these principles have been uniformly strangled by the highly dicatorial "whipping practice of all the political parties that brought out party-specific "concept notes " on top of the election manifestos that were made public during the CA elections. If advocacy of the "concept note" were to be made obligatory for each CA member representing that particular party, as is the case now, one representative from each party would have sufficed to constitute the CA. Non-adherence to universally established practices of providing total freedom to CA members has been the main bottleneck in forging political consensus on boarder constitutonal issues. It has also increased the chances ofth new constitution redpresenting party aspirtions than those of the people.

Third, the drfting process itself is being done on a highly ad hoc basis. Unless all the major political forces unconditionally agree to adopt a pluralistic, adult franchise-based competitive democracy the constituition drafting process with never conclude. But the political parties have neither realized the imporance of such an agreement nor havethey deemed it a prerequisite to concurently set up supplementary institutions like a state restructuring commissionandabody to propoe the potential architecture of federalism.

Fourth, a few drafts from the subject committees so far presented for discussion indicate that, in many cases, they are tangibly detrimental to the principle of separtion of powers seem purposefully designed to erode many of the robust in the stress tests of history. Some proposed provisions pertaining to the judiciary and constitutional commissions like the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority are indicative of these lacunae.

The constitution drafting process has snagged, and there have been no convincing gesture from the major political players about resolving the political impasse. Under these conditions, the uncertainty regarding the completion of the constitution on time an the quality of its finaldraft hasheightened. Aseries of such irresponsible acts by the political partis has pushed the country closer to an abyss of prolonged transition and unmanageable anarchy. Clerly, this situation has embanated from the utter lack of a credible monitoring and evaluation mechanism. It could have pointed out such glaring gaps and improprieties in the CA functions, suggested remedies and created public opinion so that the derailed process could be brought back on track. And audit in the media and sporadic puboc comments are perhaps not enough to bring even very genuine concerns to the notice of our politicians.

All Political Parties of Nepal should realise that their future hinges on finishing the constituion on time!

Writing a new constitution was the main purpose for which the Constituent Assembly (CA) was elected, although it was also expected to function as the legislative body duringthe interim period of two and a half years. But about four months were wasted as the old seven party alliance dilly-daiiled in transferring power to the new alliance resulting from the CA election. The old alliane was headed by Girija P. Koirala as the leader of the then largest party, the Nepali Congress(NC); but the new alliance was to be headed by Pushpa K. Dahal as the leader of the newly elected largest party, the CPN (Maoist), in the CA. That wastage of four months apart, the new alliance took a very long time to adjust to the new political scenario, and the NC having refused to join government, the new alliance was beleaguered from the very start; andit broke apart in less than nine months.

A new alliance has been made with the NC in and the CPN (Maoist) out, which also took an exceptionally long time to be formed, and it is still trying to enlist the support of the latter to have complete coalition. It is ideally desired by all, but there is a viivid trend against a complete coalition. It can be easily inferredthat the spirit of complete coalition is evaporating, beingreplaced by incongruous groups and alliances. Although the CA is not supposed to be sectarian in its approach has not died down. It was given birth by the NC by refusing to support alive by the CPN (Maoist) whose cooperation is indispensable to achieve the required minimum of a two-thirds majority to pass the constitution. The forer coalition had at lest a two-thirds majorty even without the support of the NC. But the CPN (Maoist) has more than aone-third presenein the CA, making it capable of defeating the constitution making process.

More than the numerical calculation, the motive of the parties appears to be of primary importance. The constitution has to be made, and it does not get extra time except in case of an emergency. Thus, unless the major parties agree to shed their sectarian apporach, the CA cannot create a new constitution. The CA had drawn a timetable for the formulation, review and enforcement of the constituton within the given time frame of the interim constituion. But this timetable has undergone five substantial changes before a single article has been formally agreed upon, except to declare the formally agreed upon, except to declare the state a popular republic. Thus, given the helplessness of the CA to arrive at a formal conclusion of any provision, it is being seriously doubted that the constitution will come out in the given time frame. What are the causative factors of this doubt?

The primary cause of the debacle is the motive of the parties and their leders. Although the CA is supposed to function on a non-sectarian basis, practical experienceshown the opposed to function on a non-sectarian basis, practical experiebce shows the opposite to be the norm. The parteis andthe members of the CA Parliament being the same in their composition, their biases and priorities are openly reflected in the CA. All the parties pay lip service to the making of the consitituion as being their number one priority, but it has evaded action on a priority basis. If the constitution has to be made on time, the parties haveto follow the given time table, becaue an extension of the time limit will have to get a pupular mandate, which is not possible under the interim constituion. The only possible extension applies to an emergency situation which does not yet appear to be emerging, unless it is artificially created.

Another major factor is the issue of restructuring the state into viable and acceptable federal units. Although there was a consensus before the election for the CA regarding the need for restructuring, there was no agreement even among the constituents of the seven-party alliance about the nature of the federation. The CPN (Maoist) was the only party which had visualized the nature and shape of the federal structure, and had contested the CA election with this plan in hand. The Madhesi Janadhikar Forum had participated in the election with the slogan of "one Madhes one pradesh", without giving a clear shape to non-Madhesi areas. Other parties started to visualize the federal structure only long after the election, and some parties have just recently flashed their concept. When all the parties will have outlines their plan for the federtion, the issue will pass through an impenetrable jungle of political confusion. Further on there are loud claims from sections of our society which have no direct representation in the CA. But the CA will have to take these factors in to serious consideration. The CA will find their strength tested in trying to resolve this issue. This will take much more time than has been allotted to it in the CA.

Even the earlier aspects of the constitution that were less contentious took considerably longer than their allotted time in the CA. There are other time consuming aspects of the constituion. The determination of the nomenclature and power distribution of the key positions of the heads of state and government will be more contentious matters to be resolved, and it will take much more time than originally thought. The distribution of power between the central and state governments will also need mdore time and deeper analysis. All these issues will take a considerably longer time than has been allotted for their resolution.

The modus operandi adopted by the CA is a discussion at the committee phase and finalization through the plenary session of the CA. But even if there is a serious exchange among members of the different committees, they cannot make decisions against the main policies of their respective party high echelons. The parties have not yet decided to skip or boycott discussions at the committee stage, although some parties have demonstrably styed away from the Parliament sessions. But when discussion starts on the substantive issues of the formation of the federal structure and the distribution of power between the different levels, there will appear more vivid chasms between different parties.

The filling of these chsms will need a more direct interaction among the parties, especially the major ones. The prctice as of nowis to talk behind the back of the parties. One party leader speaks against other parties at a semi-public forum and it reverberates along differeent levels of different parties. An effective interaction between the CPN (Maoist) and the other parties in the present coalition has not yet been initiated to end the conflicts, whatever they are. But unless such an initiative is taken, preferably by the coalition leadership, the differences are not likely to go away.

The country has more problem than the parties have cared to address and redress. The constitution will be the major foundation on which a new Nepal will be and will have to be built. All the parties can optimize their chances to lead the national reconstruction on that foun dation which will need popular legitimacy through a subsequesnt elecion. But if there is noconstituion t the end of the stipulated time, the country will plung into deep anarchy, as the interim constitution will automatically lapse,. No party can rescue the country from this void.

Thus, a new constitution becomes the indispensabe goal of all the parties. The parties can build and strengthen their political base after the enfoecement of a new constitution. But if the constitution is not forthcomeing, every facet of the nation will be shattered, including the future of the parties. The major parties, therefore, need to realize this and very seriously engagee in collaboration with the rest of the parties in the CA to draft the constitution.

The Politics Parties of Nepal need to shed their hangover of mutual bias and start consolidating the nation!

King Mahendra had ended the multiparty system in 1960 with the dictum that the parliamentary system had proven to be unsuitable to the Nepali cultural ethos(Nepali sanskarma aphap siddha), and after imposing direct rule for over two years, he had introduced an indigenous political system called panchayat. Panchayat was called partyless democracy and political party activists were brandedas "antinationalists". The Nepali Congress (NC) was the only credible party which posed athreat to the king's autocratic rule by winning two-thrds majority in the general election in 1959. During the two-year period, the king tried to lure some senior party members to his side by offering political posts in the government. He had succeeded in bringing some senior leaders like Tulsi Griri and Bishwabandhu Thapa to his side as royalists. But most of the NC loyalists who did not yield to his overtures were either put behind bars or went to live in exile in India.

In an attempt to win over the loyalty of party workers, the king called a national intellectual conference in which I participated as one of the three delegates from Ilam where I was working as the founder-principal of Mehandra Ratna College. Inauguranting the conferene, the king urged the participants to speak with an open mind. AlthoughI was not an active member of any political party, I had a democratic ethos in my psyche, ad I decided to speak with a really open mind. I remember having made some harsh utterances. Countering the accusation that party workers were "antinational elements", I stated that the authorities had developed a mental disease of kicking a dead tiger and that I had been critical of the role of the monarch citing the example of "Nero playing the fiddle while Rome was burning". Atthis ulterance, I was nicknamed "the naughtyboy form the east" (puvako chhuchcho thito) .

I want to recount one incident at the conference that has often plaugued my mind whenever I try to identify the Nepali politicians' psyche. I was chosen to represent Mechi zone in the ssteering committee which held a couple of sittings. As expected, there were senior persons, politicians and intellectuals in the committee where I was the youngest chap. one of its functions was to finalize a list of resolutins tabled by individual members. The committee prepared three criteria to be used in deciding the appropriateness of the resolution. They were: The resolution should not be political; it should not be vague or unclear and it should not be techinal. There were 58 resolutions altogether.

The senior leaders started reviewing the resolutions one by one. They were so serious about the criteria that out of the first 35 resolutions, not a single one was accepted. Until then I was watching without making any comments beause the senior leaders were making decisions without acknowledging the presence of ohter points of view. Then I protested saying that there was no need to review the rest of the resolutions because the three criteria did not permit the seclection of any valid resolution. If a resolution was not specific , it was still rejected as being tehnical or political. The vague boundry of the criteria was so inclusive that it would block the resolutionof any nature. More than this, the motive had a pre-emptive bias. The effect of my protest was so direct that the next three resolutions were selected and we accepted about five more in the list. We then added a few others which I persisted to think they already had in their bag.

The Nepalese psyche is full of such pre-emptive biases. Biases are created to disallow the other viewpoint howsoever good and beneficial it might be. Biases arer either the result of negative apprciation of the other viewpoint or blind indoctrination of one's own ideoloty. There were not as many parties as now. Because pnchayat was a partyless system, there was one branding for all the political parties. They were all antinationals irrespective of whether they were leftist o rightist. This persisted for over 28 years. The sssystem continuedto be partyless. The parties remained underground. Panchayat appered to be a monolithic monster for the parties.

The first Jana Andolan of 1990 broke the myth of the monolithic monster and King Briendra yielded to the power of the people. Democracy was restored and it was going to stay for eterity. However, pre-emptive biases began to develop among the parties themselves. The lust for power among the parties and party eders developed as a contagious epidemic and it weakened the democratic system itself. King Birendra had compromised with democracy, but King Gyanendra nurtured a deep-seated pre-emptive bias agaisnt all the prties. He was so blind in his bias that he failed to see the power of the people behind the parties. The parties temporarily forgot their mutual biases and evolved a collective mechanism called the political alliance of seven parties. They courted friendship with another monolith called the Maoists.Together they launched such a massive agitation tht the people cooperated to the full extent and demolished the first monolith, the monarchy in Nepal.

Nepal has undergonea great change, but more changes ae needed to stabilize the changed structure. For thispurpose, national unity among all the political parties is necessary. The political alliance among the seven parties was the bais of the first phase of this change. Together the parties guided the transition with a transitional constitution, an election to the Constituent Assembly and the system of a coalition government. But the unity factor is withering gradually and is being replaced by mutual biases among the man parties. The single factor that can stabilize the transition is the making of a new constituton. But the mustual bias among the parties themselves is stnding asa stumbling block in the path of making the new constitution. Lately, it appers tht the biasis the Maoists versus the rest of the parties.

A fragile coalition has been built, but that is not enough to create the constitution. The Maoists know that the constituton cannot be created without their fullest coopertion. But they faill to realize that they cannot also make a constitution without the fullest cooperation of the other parties, particularly the large ones. Taht failure appliesin the case of the other major parties as well. Their effort to enlist the full cooperation of the Maoists is ony superficial. They cannot reach the destination in this manner.

The continuty of this mutual bias may be fatal to the republic Destabilizers are supposedly active and they are rejoicing at the visible mistrust among the major parties. If a sound constitution is not in place within the given time, the republic will be in danger. We cannot afford to see the reemergence of the monarchy or any other monolith. If and only if the parties agree to cooperated can the constitution be created and a solid foundation laid fora stable republic. Can the major parties shed their hangover of mutual bias and sart the process of consolidating the nation?

It appears that the only way to get the govt to listenis to cause disruption!

Protesting by obstructing roads, disrupting work and chanting slogans in public places has become common place in Nepal. These methods have been seen to demands and thus they have spread.They are seen to be so effective, in fact thoseemployees of the government itself decided to use these means to protest the very heart of the state appartus at Singha Durbar. Their reason? The government budget had not increased their salaries according to the Pay Commission's recommendations. Usually, protests in Kathmandu always end at Singha Durbar. Crowds chanting slogans make their way through streets and end at the gates of the complex that houses the centre of Nepali governane. There they are held at bay by secutiry personnel. This time, the bulk of the proteststook plae within the vast area within the Singha Durbar compound. Ministries were shut. Roads between one building to another, from one ministry to another, were obstructed by parked vehicles. The scene at Singha Durbar for the past three days has beenone of chaos and work in the top bodies of the state apparatushas almost completely ceased.

On Wednesday, Finane Minister Surendra Pandey invited the agitating bureaucrats for talks. At the time of writing on Thursday, the Cabinet had decided to review itsdecision. In appeares likely that the government will give in and adhere to the Pay Commission's recommendations, and increase salaries at a flat rate of Rs. 5,000 per month.

The question arises: If the government was so easily willing to give into the demands of the bureaucrats once they protested, why did it ignore the Pay Commission's recommendations in the first place? Did it have no idea that failing to raise the salaries of civil servants would cause such an uproar? Given that ministers work in such close proximity with civil servants within the precincts of Singha Durbar, surely the government had ample opportunity to consult with them and reach a decision that would not so alienate them. that would not so alienate them.

For a government that claims to place high priority on following the rule of law, this incident sets a bad precedent. It demonstratesthat nomatertowhich group one belongsor whatone's demands are, the government will not be willing to negotiate with you and perhaps try and address them. It demonstrate that no mattee to which group one belongs or what one's grieveances is to use any means possible to caues disruption and crate asituationwhere the government cannot function. After all, the natural line of thinking would go thus: If those who are so close to the state structure have to agiate in order to have their voices heard, what chance does any other group have to get their demnds addressed than to engage in more extreme versions of the same activity?

The Maoists ae not yet ready to go soft

For over a decade the Maoists were on one track. Their goal was to do away with the age-old feudalist structure and etablish a populist communism through armed rebellion. They targeted everybody on their way, strting from the state and sweeping everyone that sides with the state. The latter included innocent people from school teachers to religious priests who were suspected to be clandestine informers. The Maoists were brutal in pursuing their target. The state retaliated with equal brutality. The nation lost above13,000 people, roughly half and half on either side.

The purpose of this essay is not to justify or assail the approach of the Maoists on political, ethical and philosophical ground, but to show that the Maoists have diverted from their original approach. Each politicl grouping has some political targets determined by the philosophical ground, but to show that the Maoists have diverted from their original approach. Each political grouping has some political targets determined by the philosophy it adheres to . The Maoists were guided by the dialectics of class struggle propounded by Karl Marx and practically sharpened by Leninin the context of Russia and Mao Tse-tung in the context of China. Marxism had become the ideal of all dissatisfied people of the world for half a century from the II World War onwards, but itscharm declined in the after math of the failure of the communist system in Russiain the early 1990s. By that time, China and also set capitalistic goals in its economic approach, although it remained, and still remains, a one-party communist state. But tht was before the birth of the Maoist movement in nepal halfa decade later.

In the decade-long rebellion, it had become evident that the state could neither crush the Maoists forces fighting the guerilla war on a sporadicbasis, nor could the Maoists defeat the state army and claim victory againt the state. That had put the Maoists defeat the state army and calaim victory against the state. That had put the Maoists in a dilemma and they were in serchofa alternate approach. The Maoists were not only in war with the king as the head of the feuenmity with the other constitutional parties seen as regressive . Similarly, the king chased not only the Maoists who were against the constituion, but also the other parties who were followers of the constituion. Thus,two opposite forces became enemies of the king. This propelled the twosides to join hands which resulted in the signing of what thereafter came to be known as the' 12 point agreement'.

The 12 point agreement was the turning point in the strategy of the Maoists. The main thrust of the agreement was to convert the guerilla fighters into participants of the competitive multiparty political system. That was not just welcomed inside the country but it was also hailed as a major political event by the international community. That agreement paved the way for the participation of the Maoists in the then coalition government. It guided the Maoists to travel in the path of a democratic culture and they participated in the election for the Constitutent Assembly (CA) in which they emerged as the largest party, but absolute majorty in the CA-cum-Parliament. They also led a coalition government for nine months.

All this while, the Maoists nurtured an ambivalence between the old one-party culture to which they were committed and the new multi-party culture to which they were not only new but experientially juxtaposed. Lacking the experiene of leading a coalition government, they committed tactical blunders culminating in a clash with the Nepal Army. With the president taking the side of the Army, they were completely isolated and they quit the governement. In their next move to find a fresh alliance, they have decided to remain in the opposition and are expected to play the role of the creative oppositiion has a special significance as an eye openerandfault finder. Both these roles are soft politicl weapons. But the Maoists are proving that they are not yet ready to go soft. And they do not have the means to crack down hard.

What are the compelling factors? Are they within or outside the Maoist outfit? There are several factor both within and without. Let us first briefly dwell on the internal factors. There ae two basic factors: the first is ideological . There are two basic factors: the first is ideological. There is a core group of hardliners who are not pleased with the switch to the democratic line and they are still advocating drastic methods of opposition. They do not want to appear soft in the midst of the multitude of bese line cadres who have been indoctrinated in the conventional hard line strategies of creating a classless society through the revolutionbary means of class struggle. That is what keeps them from entering the liberal frontiers of private life and property. That is what keeps them from handing back the property of the displaced people usurped during the armed rebellion.

The second internal factoris material or logisstical. A large mass of cadres has been mobilised, but only a small portion is integrte in the economic system. Even thearmed fighters or the Jana Sena kept within the bounds of the seven camps, whose integration is one of the maingoals of the nation, hve not yet been given a deserved position in society. There are other varieties like the Young Communist League members and fultime party volunteers who have to be logistically supported. Like the Jan Sena, the YCL is also deeply indoctrinated in the hard-line communist approaches. All these factors go against adopting a fully democratic soft appraoch.

There are several external factors. The Maoists have deiversified their contact both within the nation and globally after the signing of the 12 point agreement. These contacts run counter to the conventional Maoist approach and the Maoists are trying to adjust in the given environment. They hve signed several agreements. committing themselves to several dos and don'ts. But the Maoists have of late gained the reputation as arbitrary breakers of agreements and commitments. They were resented within the coalition for their paternalistic behavious while they headed the government. This resentment culminated in the gradual withdrwalof the coalition partners which led to the downfall of the Maoist-led government. The Maoists could not win the trust of theother parties, bit or small. That spirit of suspicion still haunts the Maoists.

In the intrnational aarena, particularly after the CA electionandthe formationof the Maoist-led government, an atmosphere was seen to be forming where the Maoists appearedto be acceptable to a growing international network. Although the U.S had not removed the 'terrorist' tag, they were softer than before and had started to deal with the Maoists directly. These were the gains of the Maoists.But, at the implementationlevel of the democratic behaviours, the international community has not been happy. At the present, the Maoists are pointingan accusing finger at several international powers. In fact, international  intervention was the purported reason given for the resignation of the Maoists government. Even today, they accuse the present coalition government as being a slave to foreign powers.

There is only one way to get out of the ambivalence co-operaate with the present government either by joining it or staying positive to its creative moves. That way alone, the nation can move ahead and a new constitution can be created. There is a glint of hope as the Maoists have temporarily suspended their agitation againtst the move of the president to retain the Chiefof the Army Staff and allowed the parliament to move ahead by suspending their two-month-long obstruction.

The meneuvers of the Maoists were faulty and the result was negative. The Maoists could have taken appropriate action against the Army chief at the very beginning and no body would have raised even an eyebrow. But they waited long enough to let the Army chief mobilise moral and political support. They took the final action at a wrong time and in a faulty manner, inviting the intervention of the president. They are trying to make the president a scapegoart for their faulty ways.

There is an urgent need to straighten the political course before it is too late

I havenot given up my efforts to read a turbulent history of Nepal. Scholars put history variously as concrete or amorphous, shifting or stable. It is anything but transparent. That is why interprters make wild guesses about the sources of events and wild goose chases for the culprits or heroes in history. People locate individuals and geographies, ideologies and catastrophes to read history. Nepal combines all these parameteres.

All its very origin, its creator or let us say unifier or conqueror or the warrior soldier, whatever you may call him. Prithvi Narayan Shah of the House of Gorkha used two obvious parameters. He said this country was sandwiched like a yam between two sturdy boulders called China and India. He next put his finger on the power of the distant, obviously British Power with its proselytizing accountrements as the slow but sure conqueror of territories. Both his locations are correct if we read the postcolonial history. The shy but very talented artist, a great sculptor, the late Amar Chitrakar was commissioned by the stae to make this man's sculpture, which was placed outside Singha Durbar. I saw an eccentric take up all the cudgels to paint it rosy, white and blue like a doll; he turned the sculptor's art into a farce.

But P.N. Shah's pronouncements of geography have turned out to be correct. The British-- as scholoars like David Ludden, Nepali historian Pratyush Onta's gurru, take great pains to explain--saw terrains and maps as important factors to expand their empire. Every moment of this nation's history is haunted by the spectre of those imagined powers called China and Inida. Now Nepal, which is caught in a difficult situation in history, is spending all its energy to please the gaint states. China, from what it sees as indications of theTibetan people's possible movements against it from Nepal, is putting pressure on the fragile Nepali government to curb the activities of the "miscreants". Aggravatd by the news of the meeting by Nepali parliamentarians with the Dalai Lama in Dharmashala onMay 21, the pressure has assumed new intensity. Both China and India are pressing Nepal to sign the extradition tredy.

Nepal, that included its prime minister Nepal and all the denizens of this free earth, is caught in a fix. It is ironical that the old spectre of China-India geographico-power rivalry should revive at this stage andchoose this small neighbour one again as a ground to flex their muscles when they havesignedall the major agreements of trade or vyapar and munafa or profit in the post-capitalist, post-democracy and post-Maoist world. Why they do not want to see this wonderful small neighbour stabilise its politics by wiriting a consitituionis a mystics by writing a constitution isa mystery. The great Beatles sang our desire long ago, "I get by with a little help from my friends.

What about individuals, ideologies and catastrophes that we try to locate to read the history of this country? Ideologically, according to the erstwhile prime minister and UCPN (Maoist) leader Prachanda who, speaking at his much hyped political rhetoric at the UML"s eighth party congress in Butwal in February 2009, said 60 perent of the parliamentrians in Nepal were Marxissts. That is very true. But the same Marxists are at loggerheads with each other. Their desire to make the right assessment of Nepali historical reality and their search for what they call methodological correctnessremindsus of a wild goose chase.

The late B.P. Koirala, founder of the Nepali Congress, did give a grat premium to the ideology of democdratic socialism that his party leades read today like a surrealistic peom. The descendents of P.N. Shah read history ike a feudal idelogical structure supported by an army raised and groomed by the monarchy. The last king Gyanendra Shah's assessment was ironically coorect. He said the role of the king of the 21st century should be different. Rhetorically speaking, in Nepal such a role turnedout to be norole. He quietly left the place and now must be watching from the fringe of history the political parties and their youths warring and shedding blood for monetary gains, tenders and anxieties of monopolising power.

As the present moment, Nepali history is a shifting phenomenon. A scribe who sis down before the computer to script a piece for his or her column would find that the politics outside is changing every moment. There is nothing outsie the text, said a French philosopher. But in Nepal, that does not apply. Everything happens outside the text in Nepal. There is no fixed text. However, every ideologue or political leader is engaged in creating surrogate power texts. The latest in political showbizis defection and joining and leaving of parties. Choosing such moments's ethics, leaders dole out supreme rhetoric of vituperation againt ech other.

Similarly, we vainlytry to locate our history in individuals. To my non-Nepali readers, I want to present a gist of what was discussed in the last fortnihgt. Nepali analysts focussed on the personal of the erstwhile prime minister and the great octogenarian leader Gririja Prasad Koirala alias. Girijababu and what he said about the present stalemate. This remarkably Delphi-like politician vouchsafed interesting riddles for others to decipher. He spoke about political understanding in one breath and disaster for the Maoists in the next; he spoke about the formation of a national government, and mind you, about a government under his ledership as requested by Prchanda and Jhala Nath Khanal. Brilliant columnists tried to read his riddles variously.

But Girijababu's Biratnagar Delphi predicts one thing very clearly. There is an urgent need to straighten the political course before it is too late. The present governent and is prime minister do not apper to be braching for a bigger challenge as can be judged from the wantonness of their actions and speeches and a psyche of fulfilling only ad hoc responsibilities .

Mysticism is another aspect of the present political situation. The role of the president whose desires for power, that according to Bertrand Rusell, works as lust in course of time if your strong democratic political ideology doesnot prevent you, and that of the generals who have been uncannily given some elitist tase for power by al the parties erring one way or the other in this matter,is not clear. I appreaciate onequality of the army. They are vocal, and you can debate with them or summon them. But the greate democatic leader President Ram Baran yadav is silent like anary Delphi. Do we understand his intentions from what Girijababu says or from what the Army Chief says? Only those close to him may know what he thinks. It is high time he spoke his good democratic and republian inentions and make some sacrifices if necessary to break the ice.

Listen to the Girijababu Delphi, and come together before the mess gets out of your policical hands. If you do not,the people will eventually establish their supremacy; but remember, that will be another costly and hard course for all.

Ours is apolitical culture characterised by naked confrontation of forces bent on maximising their own power at the expense of others!!

The political forces that coalesced to form the new government believe that the Maoist-led government had to be replaced as the Maoists clearly demonstrated that they were not willing to play by the rules of multi-party democracy. They were interfering too deeply with the institutions of the state, it was said, and were using too many of its resources to strengthentheparty. But the Maoistsdid play by the rules, perhaps not those of "democracy" as an ideal value but by those that developed informally during the 1990s. The reasonwhy the older parliamentary parties became so afraid was because the Maoists mastered these rules and were able to play the game in a superior manner than heother political parties. All parties have diverted state resources towards partisan ends; the Maoists just did it most efficiently. All parties have atttmpted to use their positioninpower to weaken the other political parties; theMaoists just did it to such a degree that the other parties began to fear for their existence.

What has occurred over the past two years has been vastly different from what the traditional parliamentary parties,the Nepali Congress (NC) in particular, expected would happen. They made a mistake in believing that the only area where the Maoists enjoyed superiority over other political forces was in knowledge and experience in military affairs. Once the Maoists consigned their army to cantonments, it was thought, and were forced to participate in competitive politics, they would rapidly lose out to the older, more experienced players. The NC, after all, was the master in the arts of influencing the bureaucracy to itsadvantage, gaining the support of national and international power centres, and manipulating their opponents to weaken them. And although the Maoists demonstrated naivety in their handling of international relations - by alienating India they has tened the collapse of their government-- in other areas they proved that the NC underestimated their capabilities.

The NC and other traditional parties erred in thinking that the People's Liberation Army (PLA) was the only major organised force under Maoist leadership. They understimated the strength of the Maoist front organizations established during the war, and did not foresee that the Maoists would form and strengthen other organizations of mass mobiloization - student and trade unions, the Young Communist League (YCL) - after emerging overground.

The older parties did ofcourse have their student, labour, ethnic, and youth wings as well. But the difference in degree if irgabuzational strebgth between these and those of the Maoists was so vast that it almost constituted a difference in kind. If there is one major difference between the political cultures of 1990s and that of the post -2006 period this is it. Whereas in the past papolitical leaders in power diverted resources gained from the state and other sources to their supporters, it was largerly done onan individual basis. The hope was that funds andperks distributed to hundreds of the thousands of individuals would add up to massive electoral support during the elections.The differene that the Maoists introduced ws hat the fundsand perks they diverted to their cadre did not go to individulals, but to the party machinery, and these funds were not used for individual consumption or aggrandizement, but for further strengthening theparty organization and its hold over the population.

The traditional parliamentary parties diverted state resources towards diverse and diffuse social groups and interests; this was a penetration of fragmented societal interests into the state. The Maoists, on the other hand, during their time in power, diverted state resources to cadres with the purpose of fulfilling the party's political objectives. In a sense, the party became a substitute for the bureaucracy. This was a penetration of the party into the state, though perhaps in avery different way form that of the traditional communist systems.

Ideally, the "assimilation of the Maoists into the democratic mainstream", should have meant something very different form what occurred. If Nepal's politicalinstitutions were more developed and autonomous of direct political control, capable of mediating conflict between various groups and influencing political party behavius rather than simply being mainpulated by them, the Maoists would have gradually been socialized into standard of democratic practices and rorms. The relative power balance between the parties would not have been as much of an issue as there would be institutions to mediate between political forces and cushion theimpact of conflict between them. But as things exist, most Nepali political institutions-- beit the bureaucracy or trade unions or student unions--are not capable of such activity. Instead, they exist as instruments that parfties, by establishing control over them, use in their power struggles against their rivals.

It is because of this realization that nobody argues anymore that allowing the Maoists to lead the government will have a moderating effect on the party. This was a common belief during the early days of the Maoists to lead the government will have a moderating effect on the party. This was a common belief during the early days the Maoists' tenure in government: The Maoists are more dangerous outside of government than in it, went the refrain. If they remain outside they will only radicalize their cadres and cause major disruption. Now, to the contrary, the traditionalparliamentary parties agee that it is ncessary to keep the Maoists out of power foras long as possible, that the NC and UML should use their own time in power for as long as possible, that the NC and UML should use their own time in power to expand their influence and negotiate a Maoistre-entry into government only according to terms in which the other parties have the upper hand.

Howerver, judging by the performance of ghe paties now in power, their organizatinal disarry and their electoral weakness as revealed by the Consstituent Assembly election, it appears highly unlikelytht they will be able to use their time in government to shift the balance of power in their favour. And it also appers tht the current coalition may soon unravel, or at the very least, confront a situation where it will be unable to govern. Sections within the Nepal Army that remain vehemently anti-Maoist and wish to see the party pushed to the sidelines have started to feeldisenchantedwith what is perceivedto be thei neptnessof the governing coalition. They feel that an extra-constitutional intervention will be necessary to prevent the Maoists from again assuming power. And there is increased appetite within the Army (certainly with Chief of Army Staff Rookmangud Katawal) to assume a direct political role; the process of cultivting sections sympathetic towards it and building a politial constituency for its intervention has already begun.

But the Army, like the traditional political parties in the past, seems to underestimate the strength of the Maoist organizational machinery or the resistance it would face (in the form of street protests and general strikes, if not militaristic violence) if it took over powr. It also seems tooveretimae itsability to develop constituencies of its own. Beyond the tiny group that ws loyal to the monarchy and prhaps small sections of the Kathamandu middle class, it is hard to see who would support the Army. And if the Army assumes a direct political role, it is almost certain that, as in other hightly fragmented societies where militaries have played a prominent part, difference sof opiniion within it will make it almost impossible for it to decide on a coherent course of action.

An intervention by the Army may be foolhardy and ill fated but it will not besurprising. If it does occur, it will apper as a natural culmination of a political process that, in the absence of political institutions to manage and contain conflict, is charactrized by naked confrontaion - in government, on the streets and in the House - of social and political forces bent on maximizing their own power at the expense of others.

People would disregard the antics of politicians if they didn't disrupt their daily lives

Nepal is a country obsessed by politics. The media focuses almost exclusivelyon politics. The media focuses almost exclusively on politics; the general public is aware of esoteric detils rerding events within political parties. In teashops, buses and offices, the talk is of the latest cabinet induction or the debte within the Maoist party. Much of the tie the talk is resinged: there is a general feeling of helplessness at one's inability to bring about any changetoa politiclsystem that is perpetually in crisis, andit seems to mny thtthe bet way to approach politics is through humour and scepticism. But often, durring conversations about the relative culpability that each party deserves for the pesent cirsis, for example, voices rise inindignation and vehemence. For, it is cler toall that politics is not simply a sport-like pastime; the games played a few hundred people at the higher echelons of political parties and the state hae far reaching ramifications that affect every single inhabitant of this country. The state have far reaching reamifictions that affect every single inhabitant of this country.

The scrambles at the higher levels of the political sphere do not ony cease the country from progressing; it does not simply stall spending on development and led to a squandering of resources, block aspirations that the people have for a more just society, or prevents the drafting of a new constitution that would bring some stability. If only this were thecase, itwould be possible for prive citizens to retreat into the private sphere and spend their time engaged in pursuits -- of worlk and leisure--without regard to the state or the political sphere. If this were the case, one would feel some anger at the political classfor not doing anything, but there would some relief at the fact that it wasn't doing any active harm.

If only that were the case. Perhaps the major reason why the people of Nepal follow the abusrd machinations and manoeuvrings of a miniscule group of politicians is because their activities often do impinge on the individual lfe in negativeways. They do actively caue harm. A criminal is arrested for extortion or murder; the police receive a phone call from a politician; and the criminal is released. Almost every criminal appears to have a political patron; the police are generally unable to offer protection; and general insecurity and a climate of fear increases. A political party decides to protest against the government for a reason that the public knows is only a ruse; thousands of party cadres are brought out on to the streets and people who are only making their way around in the course of living their normal lives are accosted, their means of transport burnt down.

We are a nation obssesd by politics. Not because it is inherently fascinating, or because we expect much from our leaders, or because we are strongly aware of the rights that are our due. It is simply that every action taken by a high-level political leader has the potential to send tremors down to the grassroots, causing disruption and hardship. And while the population stands by helpless, it cannot but look on in morbid fascination.

The incompetene of those whom we mistakenly trusted has doomed the counrty

For any one of us made used to confornting fleeing politics of uncertainly, the onyway out, it seems, is to be prepared  for the worsts to happen. When, therefore, colleagues of mine hold pessimistic v iews about country's politics and blame, as ever, the statesmen and politicians, I do not see any reason why they should  do otherwise.

A peep at Nepali politicl happenings of our times, for instance, is enough to turn us frustrated,sad, and pessimistic. It is also reflective of the kind of people we tend/ed to be in the different periods of time giving rise to a wave of retrospection; have we ever been better before? Will we ever be different in days to come?To me, it appears that Nepali political history has run in the cycle of turmoil, suffering, followed by revolution and bloodshed and then moments of euphoria followed, in turn, by forgetting and disillusionent and thus leaving room for the cycle to contnue.

Let us look at how we suffered since the Panchayat regime--going further back will bring scores of disappointments. Pre-1990 era people sought stability amidst ills of the panchayat regimes. Result was 1990 agition and bloodshed which brought a legion ofeuphoric moments with democrcy as savior. I remember an episode from my high school days. The newly emerged political libertors wouldvisit schools and indoctrinate us. "Now everyting will beright. Thirty year old panchayat regime has beencrushed. Now we rule, your men, your representatives.You should now come to our agenda."They said. They had us join the students' orgnistions. We had been given flags of political parties and led to mass meeetings. 

Then all forgot the spirit of 1990 rvolution--let it be admitted that we are a nationof forgetters. We sensed disillusionment only when the then political party leaders started showing real colours.Then the bloody insurgency followed. And we all woke one day and said, monarchy was an  obstacle and it should be eiped out. Then again second episode of people's movement and bloodshed of 2006 heralded the illusory consensus  among the political parties to rebuildthenation. This new euphoria revived the lost faiths and trusts  for the politicians. they were considered chastised and enlightened by the course of the time--now we can only regret  those  infantile notions. Another series of hopelessness, diillusionment, uncertainity and anarchism have reigned supreme.   

And we have been plaed in such awful conditions again. A constant fear of political anarchy is looming large. A youth is supposed to get job only if he hobnobs with big politicall ment. Politicians haven't charged. They are apparently there for two purposes: formation of the  governdment and then toppling it down on whims. This is what they have proved good at besides being reliablepatronagsofimpunity andcriminality. How can anyone forget for exapmle, how infuriated Grrija Prasad Koiral had beento have supposedly a corrupt bank official arrested andremandedto the administration? How can anyone fogret new republican Prime Minister's patronising of a murder suspect like Kali Bahadur Kham is acentrl committee of his party? Baban Singh, once the most wanted criminals, is now among the constituent assembly members.  He was arrested when he was feared to reveal the secrets of the journalist Uma Singh's  murder. But then we hadalready accepted him as our liberator-- at least some of the followers of his had.They came out to the street protesting his arrest. I will probably never forget the scene of Baban Singh's release from Birgunj police station. He was being applauded by the people as if he were Nelson Mandela.  He was waiving and smilling at them as if he had won the war.As if this were not enough, another consitituent assembly memberis caught red handed in a whorehouse. The lists can be added to infinity. In Nepal , some such members complement constituent assembly. From the prime minister to the people's repesentatives to people, they are chained intothe nexus of criminality, impunity and lawlessness.

The  succession of charades, one afer another, has eclipsed the ideals with which we have lived. That Nepal is a land of Buddha and  Shangri-La, Nepali people are similey and friendly, Nepal's land-scapes  are the most beautiful. Nepal  isa a land of mountains and temples,Nepal is a peaceful country with unity in diversity, Nepl has never been subjegated by foreign powers in its history are  being debunked. It is another thing that hese ideals sometimes have sparkedrage among the innocent. 

That we are friendly does not seem to hold any more. We hve been critical ,suspicious and hostile to each other. Tarai people are not comfortable with hill folks and viceversa. Brothers tend to go against brothers, friends are digging the graves of friends. And the root of this huge affliction is, of course, the incompetence of those whom we mistakenly trusted and who, therefore, cruelly duped us. Reflecting over this phenomenon I do not regret  to hear somebody say he hates to live in Nepal. I do not lament hearing   college graduates calling politicians thieves and saying the country is eternally doomed. In fact, I do not see any point why they should believe otherwise.

The Maoist have to be brought into government for the sake of stability.

Although the CPN-UML led government has not even taken full shape yet, most political actors - including those in government - are already looking beyond the tenure of his particular government to see what will be the likely shape of the government that will follow. Some of them have already tentatively decided their future political alignments; others are in the process of doing so. What everyone seems to agree on is that the Madhav Nepal-led government cannot but be temporary. There was always a sense that this was the case, but such thoughts seem to have now hardened following the painful negotiations over distribution of ministerial portfolios; the turn of events has lay bare the conflict between and within the coalition parties. These evens clearly demonstrate how fractious and unstable the government is likely to be.

As on previous occasions during the peace process when there was political uncertainty,there are potentially two lines that the parties currently in the governing coalition can follow. These can be termed the centrist and the rightist lines. The centristline recognises the necessity of continuing with the constituiion drafting and pecace process and mintaining an alliance with the Maoists if the nation is to achieve stabiity. This line would involve bringing the Maoist back in government, sooner rather than later. If this works out, future political circumstances will dicatate its precise modalities. Will the current government be successful innegotiating with the Maoists and bringing them into gvernment? Or will this government fall leaving open the path for the Maoists to form an alternate coalition to head the government? Only time will tell which of these paths will be followed. Or inded whether the centrist line will prevail at all.

The rightist line is held by a smatteing of political leaders in the old royalist parties, the Nepali Congress, UML and by a section of the Nepal army (NA). This group of people continue to be ambivalent about the Constituent Assembly's over-whelming vote in faavour of a republic (andabolition of monarchy) andeven maintain(especialy in private conversations) that the peace process has been a mistake all along. NC and UML leaders, they claim, were blithely ignorant of the dangers of their attempts to bring the Maoists intothe political mainstream. Every time there is a breakdown in trust between the Maoists and oher parliamentry parties, the rightists rear their heads and advocate for using force against the Maoists. They have again been emboldened by the current hostility of most major political actors and India towards the Maoist. If the rightists were to have their way, the current government would be replaced by a "civilian" government with Army backing.

Needless to say, this line would not only be against the very principles of the peace process, but would also invite logterm anarchy and bloodshed. It cannot be allowed to prevail. It would be wiser to bring the Maoists back into government and stabilise the peace process now, rather than expect that the politics and the peace process to say course by itself.

Simply replacing Nepal's parliamentary system with a presidential one is not going to cure the nation's ills

The traditional parliamentary parties, presenting themselves as staunch defenders of democracy, have for some time now argued that only a parliamentary system would be able to protect democracy. That a presidential system would lead to authoritarianism, and that the Maoist advocacy for such a sysem only reflects their covert desire to install themselves at the helm of the state faorever.

But there has been widespread disillusionment as a result of the Maoist withdrawal from government andthe painful and prolonged drama of the quarrel over the division of ministerial porfolios. For some this is an indication of the failure of parliamentary democarcy. A presidential system, it is argued, will have an executve that will be very difficult to remove until it completes its full five-year tenure. In addition, major powers will be concentrated in the offiice of the president, which will also have full freedom in the appointment of ministers. This will lead to highly stable political system which can finally work for the long-term interests of the country.

While thismay be anattractive argument given the current political situation, it is misleading. A presidential system by itself will not be the panacea for all ills; it will not be able to cure the fundamental problems underlying the Nepali state-- its weakness, inability to deliver and its great susceptibility to interference by various political actors andsocial groups. In f act, given the nature of the Nepali state, the "democrats" fertht a presidentaial system will lead to a kind of authoritarianism may not be unfounded, though perhaps not in the way that they think.

What, then, are the major problems of our state? First, its ability to deliver services--be it infrastructure, health or education-- is extremely limited. There is a major dearth of monitoring and implementation mechanisms. A very high proportion of funds allocated to any projecst are siphoned off. The implementation of projecss by the government is likepouring water into sand. This was most recently seen in the reports regarding the efficacy of the literacy and employment projects that former Minister of Finance Baburam Bhattarai instituted. It was revealed that these projects have barely had any impact t all and some of them are now to be scrapped altogether.

When the traditional parliamentary parties vehemently criticized Bhattarai's policies and claimed that all of the money he spent would go strtight into the pockets of Maoist cadres, they were speaking fromexperience of the Nepali state. they had, after all, worked within Singha Drubar for almot two decades and come to realize the inefficienciesof the governing apparatus. The most conscientious of policicians, who entered the halls of power in the 1990s, thinking that they would gain stature and legitimacy through the rapid implemetation of major projects that would benefit the people at large, were quickly disabused of allsuch notions they brought with them. It ws far easier,m they realized, to expandone's support base-- if not stature and legitimany- through the dispensation of patronag of particular individuals or groups. Of course, this would not lead to any tangible output, but they would be able to cultivate a pool of cadres and voters.

The bureaucrcy and other state institutions such as the police, meanwhile, showed that they were eminently susceptible to the lurees that their political bosses offered them. Patronage could make government officials loyal to a particular politician or party. For politicians, then, one of the purposes of entering government became the cooption of the bureaucrcy, which they could then usen towards partisan ends in events such as elections. While out of government, they were wracked with paranoiathat their political rivals would expand their influence at the expense of their own.

But the structure of Nepal's political system andits culture helped mitigate these fears. Except for brief periods in the late 1950s and erly 1990s, no singleparty gota majority in national elections. Parties that wished to form government therefore first had to cobble together a coalition of parties, often of vastly diverging views . This enabled the smaller parties to check the largerparties' unrestrained expansion over government organs and patronage networks. Besides befodre this process went too far, before the party leading the government became too powerful, the government would collapse anyway. Unable tocontenancethe headofgovernment's grandiosse plans for the expansion of his power, his coalition partners, or, on occasion, even rivals within his own party, would engineer his downfall.

This is the political model that most leaders of the traditional parliamentary parties are most familiar with and would like to see perpetuated. The most important political value in this democratic system is not the time-honoured right to justice and equality,m or the separation of powers. It is the maintenance of a relative equilibrium of power among partis through checks imposed on their tenure and actions in government.

The replaement of the parliamentary system by a prsidential one would make in much more difficult for a group of parties to check or oust the party in power, which could well complete its full tenure--an accomplishement hitherto achieved by no party in Nepal's history. This would allow asingleparty to penetrate so deeply into all government organs and use them to expand their control over society to such a degreethattheother political partiesbecome permanently emasculated. This is what leaders of the mainstream political partis mean whenthey say that a presidential system will lead to authoritarianism. And because the Maoists are electorally the most powerful party, and appear set to remain so, a presidential system, it is said, will lead to "Maoist authoritarianism. "

Nepal's post-1990 political system, with its weak and unstable governments, has been discredited. Major reforms in all political institutions are required. But such reform has to be much broader and has to go much deeper than the simple replacement of a parliamentary system by a presidential one. A presidential system by itself will not cleanse the ills of Nepal's state. It will not improve its effectiveness, it will not make it more autonomous from political interference, and it will not curbthe channeling of state resources towards patronage net-works. Instead, if these oher issues are not tackled head on, a presidential system could well instll inpower an executive bent solely on the aggrandizement of self and party, with such great control over the state that it would be immensely difficult to eject it from power.

Maoists - UML relations are at their worst in the past three years.

Relations between the CPN-UML and the Maoists have for long been extremely complicated Both parties, of course, trace their lineage to the original Communist Party of Nepal. Innumerable bitter and acrimonious conflicts arose between members of these parties over the past half-century, but no matter how many splits occurred, there was always a sense that their communist ideology united them against the other political forces in Nepal's politics. The widest breach in relations between the UML and Maoists occurred in 1996 when the Maoists went on to start their war and the UML moved towards the centre to become throughly committed to parliamentary democracy.

Suspicion remained between the two parties after the 2006 Jana Andoalan, but overall relations between the two paties improved. There was much talk of their shared history among sections of both parties. There was even some talk of bringing together all left parties in Nepal to form a large, unified communist party. But the complictions of ideology and day-to-day politics interfered and caused complications between the two parties. In particular, the UML was angered by Maoist intimidation and violence, especially on these occasions when Maoists cadres killd or assaulted those of their party. UML leaders also felt betrayed by the Maoists reneged on their promise to support a UML leader for the presidency.

But there remained leaders within the UML who continued to believe tht they remained closer to the Maoists than to any other party regrding their socio-economic vision for the country. The oft parroted line aong UML leaders was that while they would support the Maoists' progressive agenda, they wouldcontinue to vehemently oppose their violent ways. This was the line that the UMLtook with it when it joined the Maoists-led coalition. But the row between the Army and the Maiost drove the two paties apart, eventually leading to the UML's with-drawal of support to the coalition.

Now that the Maoist-led government has been replaced by an UML-led one, relations between the two parties have never been this bitter since the beginning of the peace process. The Maoists state that the UML has sold out to "reactionaries". The UML fees that the Maoists remain uncommitted to the peace process. This is deeply unfortunate. The UML had, during the past three years, maintained a moderate stance and had mediated disputes between the Nepali Congress (NC). UML appears to have nowwhole-hertedly sided with the NC. UML leaders realize this. Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal has rcently reached out to the Maoists, but political circumstances are such that approchement does not seem immediately possible. It is, however, to be hoped that, as during occasions in the past, the shared history and ideology of the two parties will lead to some kind of conciliation between the two parties andthe revival of the peace process.

The political parties have weakened the democrtic power they had mutually created

Nepal has seen another prime minister in a short spell of nine months. The Constituent Assimbly (CA) elected Madhav Kumar Nepal, the erstwhile general secretary of the the United Marxist Leninist (UML) as the new prime minister. Nine months leader of a Maoist guerrillagroup that remained a strong insurgent force for 10 years until they signed a peace deal with oher political parties on Nov,21,2006, became the first prime minister of the republic of Nepal. The first communist prime minister of Nepal Manmohan Adhikari of the UML governed for nine months too. The Economist British weekly reporting on Adhikari's ascendancy as prime minister then wrote, "A communist is no longer a communist when he becomes the prime minister of Nepal." But Madhav Nepal succeeds a fr left-wing communist leader Prchanda whose fall was triggered by a constitutional debate over his government's sacking of the Chief of Army Staff (CoAS) Katawal and the intervention of President Ram Baran Yadav to save him.

Madhav Nepal will move into Baluwtar at a propitious moment chosen by his astrologer Santosh Acharya who has predicted in interviews with the media various periods of crisisfor him. Nepal's trusted atrologer has pedicted that his political bad days will begin from August 30 and will culminate in the first week of September when Nepal's bad strs or saadesat will be on the ascendancy in his astrological firmament. Nepal'scelestial cartography shows anoher period of turbulence in the first week of February next year. If he survives this period, he will complete his tenure, of which 12 months remain as stipulated in the Interiun Constitution. But Acharya's divination has not pointed to the constelation of other worldly stars that could beboth benignand pernicious. these stars will govern the actionsofPrime Minister Nepal and his coalition cabinet.

In this somewhat bizarre time journey of this communist giant,we can see the absurd, confused and unpredicatable llegory and irony of this land's contemporary history.

When Pradhanda became prime minister, there were trmendous possibilities of establishing people's power in post-revolution Nepal. All the other parties his fellow guardian deities. But something went wrong in the political firmament. The leaders of all the parties of republican Nepal made visible and invisible mistakes. They created bogies for themselves. Now Madhav Nepal has to work under the shdow of different invisible mistakes. They created bogies for themselves. Now Madhav Nepal has to work under the shadow of different invisible powers. The Army is visible, but the halo of power that surrounds it is invisible. That is the handiwork of the political parties themselves who created it to tame the "Maoistis bumpkins". The soldiers are fine, but the power psyche that the parties have created around them has already become a force to reckon with for Madhav Nepal and other party leaders.

Civilian control of the army has become a textual matter. Any mve taken to counter the Maoist government's steps will involve servious symbolic stkes. Ironically, the first meeting of the cabinet will reverse the erstwhile cabinet's decision to sack the CoAS , which will go down in the political and constitutonal history of this country as an eloquent text. Interestingly and ironically, the Maoists will continue to use B.P.Koirala as their rference text to produce the discourse of civilian control of the army, and they will take this juncture of history of the voters in future elections. The Nepali Congress, its senior leader Girijababu, Madhesi parties espically the Forum and. what has now become quite clear, the geopolitically important neighbour Inida, Prachanda and his unified CPN will be the other uneasy stars in the constellation of the political firmament.

Madhav Nepal's cabinet will be a radar where all the inner and intra-party turbulences and regional misplaced anxieties will send confusing signals. The inner leadership crisis and the old thwarted love for power within the Nepali Congress will throw the most powerful Congress will throw the most powerful signals to Madhav Nepal's government. The Forum crisis and power sharing deals within the UML itself will surface in Madhav Nepal's cabinet. The UCPN (Maoist), the largest party in the CA, will be the other formidable star in Madhav Nepal's astrological firament. But positively, outside the government, courageous and strong new generation leaders within the major political parties will begin to speak the truth like Narahari Acharya of the Nepali Congress - the emperor is naked. I refer to Hans Christian Anderson's story "The Emperor's New Clothes" here.

But the euphoria and sense of victory tht marked the formation of the Maoist led coahtion government has gneatly faded. The peoples parties had an aur of mystery, unexplored avenues of power and promises of united actions. Madhav Nepal has become prime minister at a time when a few forebodings are already looming round the corner of history, Nepal is a good man with quite achunk of graphics in history showing his good political engagements. But he wears the albatross of an election defeat around his neck, andthe challenging presene of his comrders whom TV channels show sitting glumly beside him. Psychologically, he will not be working s freely as Prachanda, and we have yet to see how his own constellation of stars find a place of accod in the political firmament inhabited by discordant political stars.

The Maoists will lose politically, emotionally and physically if they resort to violence and attack on cadres of other parties. The present history has given them a great position of power, which is the power of peaceful politics. They can emerge as the decidedly largest party if they correctly analyse the present situation and work towards the writing of the constitution of the federal republic of Nepal.

There are glimmers of hope. The efforts and foresightedness of people like Speaker Subhas Nembang and leaders with great political insight who are taking up some form of responsibilities within each party will find a way out of this current political impasse, and bring the political parties together once again. But one thing is certain. The political parties have weakned the great positive democratic power they had mutually created by their actions, and they will have to ber the consequences. If the present situation continues to get worse, as Professor Lokraj Baral predicts, there can be another people's movement like the last one.

I want to end the essay with a musical note of harmoney. World-renowned French rock singer and guitarist Louis Bertignac's trio and Nepali sitar player Bijaya Vaidya and his team of flute player, percussionist, drummer and guitarists produced music of confluene at the Nepal Academy hall on May 23.Louis Bertignac, who is stylistically closer to the Rolling Stones, exuded a great "power" on stage. His mouthing of his dear old guitar looked more like a close reading of his rock text than an expression of ire and frustration. Like everyone else, I emerged from the performance full of energy given by the confluence of sitar and guitar rock The French ambassador in his opening speech alluded to the discordant notes that the politicians are playing in Nepal. But I see harmony in discord. We want to see sense prevail in Nepali politics.

Madhav Kumar Nepal should seek out the forces of compromise, not those of confrontation

Almost three weeks after the resignation of Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal, the obstruction of parliament ceased and the CPN-UML was able to cobble together the support of 22 parties, clearing the path to the election of Madhav Kumar Nepal asthe new prime minister. Unlike previous occasions whenG.P. Koirala was made prime minister after the 2006 Jana Andolan and Dahal afer the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections, there is no euphoria this time around. Instead, there exists some hope but also one of foreboding that may go astray.

Madhav Nepal is a respected political leader who has contributed much tot he peace process, andin oher circumstances he could well be leader who could give the nation direction and who could be looked up at. But he has assumed the highest office because the process to redefine the state went seriously astray. And the tasks assigned to him are difficult indeed. After the steady erosion of relations between the parties over the past months, it falls to him to repair relations, bring the Maoists back into government, and resume the constitution drafting and Maoist combatant integration processes. As such, there will be no grace period for him. His performance will be scrutinised, and he will be judged immeditely.

It does not help that many political forces that have backed his prime ministership are staunchly anti-Maoist, and wish to see the new government attempt to weaken them by any means possible. This is what the right wing of the Nepali Congress (NC) and sections of the Neapal Army wich to see happen. To push on with such a strategy, however, would be disastrous for the nation. This would lead to uncontrolled anarchy and the collapse of the process of restructuring the state according to the aspirtions of the people.

Madhav Nepal, however, has throughout the peace process shown himself to be a person of moderate temperament who has consistently tried to find the middle ground between opposing actions. This quality of his raises hopes that he is, after all, equipped for the task assigned to him. for this to happen, howerver, he has to be able to find a course that enables him to reach out to all sides.  

There are oher non-Maoist political forces who,while accepting the need for the new governing coalition, understand that it is imperative to bring the Maoists back into the fold and negotiate a new agreement based on consensus. These entities understand that the Maoists simply cannot be forced or pushed aside, and that compromises will have to be made with them. NCpresident G.P.Koirala is in himself one such force. His recent idea that a high-level mechanism to monitor the functioning of the government should be formed, which should include top Maoist leaders, is a constructive suggestion that the policital class would do well to take heed of. It is towards people like him that our new prime minister should look for support if trust is to rebuilt and peace and stability gained.

While work on the new constitution is in progress, the crucial issues are being ignored!

There is a general impression that alongwith the political crisis, all work towards drafting anew constituion has come to an abrupthalt. Gven the seemingly intractable nature of the debates consuming the political class these days, this may be natural impressionto hae, but it is not quite true. Most of the 11 thematic committees in the Constituent Assembly (CA) have been holding regular meetings over issues under heir jurisdiction through the crisis of the past month. Three of them - the National Interst Protection Committee, the Committee for the Protection of Minority Rights and the Committee for Determining the Basis of Cultural and Social Solidarity - have even completed their work on the concept papers tht are to be submitted by today. And there has even been some debate inthe media regarding some of the controversial provisions - for compulsory conscription into the Nepal Army and the installation of a visa regime at both the northern and southern borders - put forward by the National Interst Protection Committee.

This is not to say, however, that the process of drfting the ew constitution is moving forward somoothly nd independent of othre political events in the country. It appears that most of the discussions that have been taking place are focused on the more technical issues of the constitution., over which it is easy to reach some kind of agreement. The three committees that have produced their concept papers were dealing mostly with less controversial issues. Meanwhile, the core issues of the new constitution-- inparticular, those regardingwhether Nepal should adopt a presidential or parliamentary system of governance and the type of federalism that should be adopted - have received little attention inthe committees. This is because these are matters of grave dis-agreement between the parties. In addition, the sub-committee of the Consititutiona lCommittee, which is supposed to draft the language of the constitution, has not even been formed due to disagreement over tits composition.

And whatever the level of activity in the committees of the CA, it appears unlikely that agreement on the crucial issues of the constitution will be rached anytie soon. Here, the crisis over the formation of the new government has cretainly hampered constructive debate. These are issues that the senior-most leaders of the vrious political parties should be deeply invested in if they desire to resolve them within the stipulated timeframe. With much of their energy focued on other political concerns, howerver, these constitutional issues have been ignord. And it would be unrealisstic for such debates to gain momentum until consensus is reached onother political issues and the peace process - including the discussions on the integration and rehabilitation of Maoist combatants - rvived. What the CA can do is act as a space for interaction and negotiation between the political parties, a space to remind them of the magnitude of the task ahead of them, and thus of the necessity to rebuild trust between them.

With all commotion voer the Army Chief flasso and party leaders engaging in championship boxing no one knbows how the new constitution progressing

The political fluidity and uncertainity in the country constitunes with no one quite sure as to who will form the form the next government. The tamasha at a meetingof animportant regionalparty where participants came to blows is indicative of the dogmatic commitment somepeople adhere to. It was reported thatonegroup headedfor Comrde Pushpa Kamal Dahal's residenceandanother to the residenceofformerprime minister G.P. Koirala. These scenes in the national political arena would be a laughing matter were they not taking place at time when the country needsall the peae, goodwill and tranquillity it canget from evey well-wisher, and especially from its own citizen politicians who claim to care for this country.

The present crisis began with the Maoist decision to sack the army chief despite opposition from other parties that were part of the Maoist-led government. The Maoists have been dangling the excuse of the universally accepted concept of " civilian supremacy" over the military in firing the army chief. All other policital parties would hae gone along with the Maoist move if that concept was really at stake. Other political parties apparently saw grander designs in the Maoist move and, therefore, opposed it.

As if to reinoforce the grand design theoryof the Maoists, there wre reports that the Maoist cabinet took as manyas 32 controversial decisionsjust hours befdore Prime Minister Dahal announced his resignation. In the power politics tussle, lost by the wayside is the very fundamental reason for which elections were held last year: the drafting of a new constitution for the country. The political parties colluded with the Koirala government to ensure that all kinds of interest, mainly political, were accommodated in the yet to be formed Constituent Assembly (CA); and, as a result, the CA has over 600 members whose upkeep is paid for by taxpayers' money. And yet the CA has not been able to accomplish much of the task entrusted to itby tepeople. And all this because the government seems to have been over-playing its card, almost certainly to appease the cadres and workers of the parties constituting the government.

One would have thought that the role of he government installed by the CA was merely to take care of the day-to-day affairs of the government without trying to impose any new or long-term politicies. The Maost-led government one thought, strayed from the straight path and indulged in actions not quite befitting an interim government formed to take care of the governane of the country until new elections were held under a new constitutaion drafted and apporved by the people.

The peace process that began with the New Delhi 12-point understanding is said to come to its logical conclusion (whatever that means) with the formulation of a new constitution and elections held under it to elect a new government. All this should have been achieved with-in two years-- two and half years at the most -- from the CA elections and meeting. Much of the time has been wasted in matters not related to the formulation of a new constitution. In fact, the CA has not been able to concentrate fully on the process leading to the formulation a new statute for the country. though the parties blame each other for the delay, it is quite clear that all of them are to be equally blamed for the lack of progress as they all seem to hae dumped the task of writing the constitutionby the wayside.

True, CA teams have sent to different parts of the country to gauge the feelings and opinions of the people about the new constitution. But it has been rightly pointed out that despite the huge amounts spent on the exercise, there is confusion whether the CA members who belong to dfferent political parties exercised impartiality in gathering the opinions or whether they imposed their own opinions on the people. The writing of the constituion should not prove to betoo difficult for the experts, but they have to be given a certain frame work in which to do so. Helping in the constitution writing ae host of well meaning internaional, particularly Western,agencies who are spending huge sums in this country to ensure that a proper statute suitable for the country and the people is drawn up.

This king of free spending by foreign agencies is no inerference in the internal affairs of this country. We seem not to consider a foreign hand as interference as long as it suits us, and once these very foreign agenciesbegin to to againt the interests of a particular group or party, then it becomes interference in the affairs of a " sovereign" country. (It might be worth comparing the manner in which Dr.Tulsi Giri, during ex-King Gyanendra's dirct rule, ventd his wrath at foreign in terference with what our present Prime Minister Dahal has been saying about foreign interfference).

The present crisis in the formation of the government has undoubtedly hampered the cnstitution making process. And this is the process that is of paramount importance if the country is to given a way out. The obstacles that are put in the process like army integration and sacking of the army chief, as well as the sorry law and order situation in the country apart from the one orthe other kind of cirsis regularly emerging in Tarai, could will be deliberte attempts to mislead the way. But allthese willeasily overcome if the politcal parties do not leave the main agenda by the wayside and concentrate onthe main task ahead without being diverted by petty policital interest. Such a course will not only help in better and wider public discussions of the issues at stake in the furture consititution, but also bri ng more confidence in the economy and, therefore, attract foreign investment, something all parties, including the Maoists, seem to want.

All the countries of the world, big or small,are exposed to some degree of influence from the external world, but the degree of influence has an inverse relation to the size and the power of the country concerned. That is, the bigger or more powerful the nation, the lesser thedegree of influence and vice versa. Therefore, mit is natural that small and least powerful countries are exposed to high does of influence, direct or indirect. Nepal cannot be an exception. But the influence can be a benevolent type or a coercive type. It depends upon the leaders of the concerned country to what extent it can cope with such influence.

We have just now done away with a two anda half century old monarchy and are in the paty of consolidating a democratic republic. We have almost finished the process of dismantling the status of the royal rulers, but we can still utilize the age old wisdom of the founder of the nation and the royal dynasty. Prithvi Narayan Shah. He had sensed the fragility of our nation being sandwiched between two giant neighbours, India and China, giving the simile of a yam between two rocks. In those old days, the distant countries of Asia and other parts of the wrold could not have a direct influence. Britainhad its influence not as an island country of Europe, but as the colonial authority over India. However, British India, and later independent India, was the most influential country in many respects, but China was ony occasionally in thepicture. Thus, for most of its political history, Nepal's foreign relations were titled towards India.

However, inthe aftermathof the Bandung Conference and the launching of the Non-Aligned Movement, our first elected Prime Minister B P Koirala courted friendship with China by exchanging visits with theChinese prime minister. Later, ex-king Mahendra exended the effort to counter the Indian influence, by sending Prime Minister Kirtinidhi Bista as his emissary and himself visiting China. China responded by extending development aid and assistance, but did not show more direct interst in the political process, except to lend legitimacy to the ledership of the monarchy. It was only in the very recent struggle to overthrow the monarchy and in the aftermath of its overthrow that China has started to penetrate deeper into the political process. The government led by the Maoists started more direct interactionwith China. though China has not demonstrted as vivid an interest as India in the political procedss, it can be felt that China is watching very closely. Thus, the level of Chinese influence is increasingly rapidly.

Apart from these two countries, there are complex influences in Nepal from the international community including the United National anda large number of donor countries, big and samll. Their interest is not limited to the utilization of their donation but extends to the wider socio-political matrix. Thus, the recent years Nepal has been in their eyes a strategic point of balance and counter balance between big powers. Our border with China through the Tibetan corridor has been a point of interest not only for India, but also for the USA anda number of non-communist power centres. Our relation with China is sore inthe eye of many countries that have been advocating a more liberal Tibetan policy. Inda and China both see Nepal as a strategic spot for checking each others' wider influence. That is perhaps the main reason for Nepal's survival.

Having said, this, let us examine how we have handledour foreign relations. Apart from the short references made in the erlier section, our past was mostly India titled. That was dictated mainly by the geography and the socio-economic makeup of our country. We were entirely dependent for all supplies on India until very recent times. Even now, basic supplies come through Inida. The southernpart of Nepal has a close cultural proximity to India. Surrrounded on three sidesbyIndia andby the Himalayas on the fourth, our access to the outside world is severely limited except through India. These are some restrictive forces tht bind Nepal's hands while determining foreign relations.

Within the limitations cited above, our own psyche also works as a restrictive factor. Most of the leaders have been trained in the political climate with Indian patrons or colleagues or have lived inexile inthe Indian territory with Indian patrons orcolleagues or have lived in exile in the Indian territory with Indian patronage. In that sense, there is no leder without an Indian connection. It used to be believed that the Nepali Congress leaders have pro-Indiaorientation, but it turned ourthat even the Maoist leaders had enjoyed the warmth of Indian patronage during the ten years of insurgency, and India had arranged the so-called 12-point deal which the Maoists signed with the six party alliance that was launching a political battle agaisnt the king. This factor automatically places Nepal under an obligation which the Indian side exploits as often as is necessary.

Much depends on the capability of our leaders. It has been observed that when there is political instability and disunity among the political leaders, foreign actors are most active. During the peak hour in king Gyanendra's direct rule, American ambassador James Mariarty was more oftenseen as the political areana than our political leaders. And he was given free access to the royal place. Even after the surrender of the king. Prime Minister Girija Koirala had brakfast with Moriarty almost every other day. His example was not unique. The Indin ambassadors had even closer ccess. It was demonstrated that those dignitaries were not meant for the foreign ministry. This factor was emulated even when Pushpa Kamal Dahal became prime minister. The queue of foreign ambassadors outside the prime minister's waiting room continues to increase. It is but natural that their presence adds influence every time they visit the prime minister.

Let us examine this paradigm in the context of the present political cirsis. The Maoist leadership developed a greater level of interaction with the Chinese, through various high level cross visits and the Chinese even produced a treaty of friendship. The warmth of this mutual relationship encouraged the Maoist ledership to undermine the internal military theat and they threw their angst against the Chief of the Armed Services.They called for an explanation which created a furor not only in the domestic circles but also in the international arena. The frequency of the visits of the Indian ambassador rapidly increased circles but also in the internationl arena. The frequency of the visits of the Indian ambassador rapidly increased culminating in his consultation in Delhi whereupon the PM was pressurized not to fire the CoAS. But the PM felt invincible and went ahed with the decisionto fire him. He was counting on the promised support of the UML leadeship could not withstand the pressure from outside and withdrew their support to the Maoisst-led government. The perssure was also building on the president and he took an unconstitutional decision on paralyze the Maoist decision.

From a nationalistic point of view, the PM's decision to resign in order to throw a "missile againt the external powers" may be a potent strategy, but this decision andothe further steps to preempt the formation of a new government is suicidal because it wil not ony irritate the already aggrieved partners of the former government, its fatal consequences will also let the inernational community conclude that the Maoist role was destructive. It will be much harder for the Maoist to regain the credibility that they acquired by ending the the armed struggle and entering compe titive democratic politics. Their decision to resign is not likely to reduce the exernal influene because we have not yet acquird the skill and the courage to govern ourselves.

All the countries of the world, big or small,are exposed to some degree of influence from the external world, but the degree of influence has an inverse relation to the size and the power of the country concerned. That is, the bigger or more powerful the nation, the lesser thedegree of influence and vice versa. Therefore, mit is natural that small and least powerful countries are exposed to high does of influence, direct or indirect. Nepal cannot be an exception. But the influence can be a benevolent type or a coercive type. It depends upon the leaders of the concerned country to what extent it can cope with such influence.

We have just now done away with a two anda half century old monarchy and are in the paty of consolidating a democratic republic. We have almost finished the process of dismantling the status of the royal rulers, but we can still utilize the age old wisdom of the founder of the nation and the royal dynasty. Prithvi Narayan Shah. He had sensed the fragility of our nation being sandwiched between two giant neighbours, India and China, giving the simile of a yam between two rocks. In those old days, the distant countries of Asia and other parts of the wrold could not have a direct influence. Britainhad its influence not as an island country of Europe, but as the colonial authority over India. However, British India, and later independent India, was the most influential country in many respects, but China was ony occasionally in thepicture. Thus, for most of its political history, Nepal's foreign relations were titled towards India.

However, inthe aftermathof the Bandung Conference and the launching of the Non-Aligned Movement, our first elected Prime Minister B P Koirala courted friendship with China by exchanging visits with theChinese prime minister. Later, ex-king Mahendra exended the effort to counter the Indian influence, by sending Prime Minister Kirtinidhi Bista as his emissary and himself visiting China. China responded by extending development aid and assistance, but did not show more direct interst in the political process, except to lend legitimacy to the ledership of the monarchy. It was only in the very recent struggle to overthrow the monarchy and in the aftermath of its overthrow that China has started to penetrate deeper into the political process. The government led by the Maoists started more direct interactionwith China. though China has not demonstrted as vivid an interest as India in the political procedss, it can be felt that China is watching very closely. Thus, the level of Chinese influence is increasingly rapidly.

Apart from these two countries, there are complex influences in Nepal from the international community including the United National anda large number of donor countries, big and samll. Their interest is not limited to the utilization of their donation but extends to the wider socio-political matrix. Thus, the recent years Nepal has been in their eyes a strategic point of balance and counter balance between big powers. Our border with China through the Tibetan corridor has been a point of interest not only for India, but also for the USA anda number of non-communist power centres. Our relation with China is sore inthe eye of many countries that have been advocating a more liberal Tibetan policy. Inda and China both see Nepal as a strategic spot for checking each others' wider influence. That is perhaps the main reason for Nepal's survival.

Having said, this, let us examine how we have handledour foreign relations. Apart from the short references made in the erlier section, our past was mostly India titled. That was dictated mainly by the geography and the socio-economic makeup of our country. We were entirely dependent for all supplies on India until very recent times. Even now, basic supplies come through Inida. The southernpart of Nepal has a close cultural proximity to India. Surrrounded on three sidesbyIndia andby the Himalayas on the fourth, our access to the outside world is severely limited except through India. These are some restrictive forces tht bind Nepal's hands while determining foreign relations.

Within the limitations cited above, our own psyche also works as a restrictive factor. Most of the leaders have been trained in the political climate with Indian patrons or colleagues or have lived inexile inthe Indian territory with Indian patrons orcolleagues or have lived in exile in the Indian territory with Indian patronage. In that sense, there is no leder without an Indian connection. It used to be believed that the Nepali Congress leaders have pro-Indiaorientation, but it turned ourthat even the Maoist leaders had enjoyed the warmth of Indian patronage during the ten years of insurgency, and India had arranged the so-called 12-point deal which the Maoists signed with the six party alliance that was launching a political battle agaisnt the king. This factor automatically places Nepal under an obligation which the Indian side exploits as often as is necessary.

Much depends on the capability of our leaders. It has been observed that when there is political instability and disunity among the political leaders, foreign actors are most active. During the peak hour in king Gyanendra's direct rule, American ambassador James Mariarty was more oftenseen as the political areana than our political leaders. And he was given free access to the royal place. Even after the surrender of the king. Prime Minister Girija Koirala had brakfast with Moriarty almost every other day. His example was not unique. The Indin ambassadors had even closer ccess. It was demonstrated that those dignitaries were not meant for the foreign ministry. This factor was emulated even when Pushpa Kamal Dahal became prime minister. The queue of foreign ambassadors outside the prime minister's waiting room continues to increase. It is but natural that their presence adds influence every time they visit the prime minister.

Let us examine this paradigm in the context of the present political cirsis. The Maoist leadership developed a greater level of interaction with the Chinese, through various high level cross visits and the Chinese even produced a treaty of friendship. The warmth of this mutual relationship encouraged the Maoist ledership to undermine the internal military theat and they threw their angst against the Chief of the Armed Services.They called for an explanation which created a furor not only in the domestic circles but also in the international arena. The frequency of the visits of the Indian ambassador rapidly increased circles but also in the internationl arena. The frequency of the visits of the Indian ambassador rapidly increased culminating in his consultation in Delhi whereupon the PM was pressurized not to fire the CoAS. But the PM felt invincible and went ahed with the decisionto fire him. He was counting on the promised support of the UML leadeship could not withstand the pressure from outside and withdrew their support to the Maoisst-led government. The perssure was also building on the president and he took an unconstitutional decision on paralyze the Maoist decision.

From a nationalistic point of view, the PM's decision to resign in order to throw a "missile againt the external powers" may be a potent strategy, but this decision andothe further steps to preempt the formation of a new government is suicidal because it wil not ony irritate the already aggrieved partners of the former government, its fatal consequences will also let the inernational community conclude that the Maoist role was destructive. It will be much harder for the Maoist to regain the credibility that they acquired by ending the the armed struggle and entering compe titive democratic politics. Their decision to resign is not likely to reduce the exernal influene because we have not yet acquird the skill and the courage to govern ourselves.

Maoist Facade

The startling video tape of Prchanda's speechhas revealedhis party's hidden strategy

Maoist supremo Pushpa Kamal Dahal has expressing verbal commitments to democracy, the rule of law,the ongoing peace process and civilian supremacy by addressing the press following his resignation from the post of prime minister. Contrary to his commitments, however, he has been revealing his party's strategy to the cadres that they had been using democracy and the peace process as a popular slogan to capture stae power militarily and establish apeople's republic at any cost at an appropriate time. Moreover, he disclosed his stretegy to capture sstate power by politicizing (Maobadikaran, in his own word) the Nepal Army (NA) once they reached the government through the Constituent Assembly (CA) on the pretext of inegrating their combatants into the NA.

The startling videotape of Prchanda's speech duringa trainingsession for heir combatants in Shaktikhor on Jan2, 2008 has rvealed his party's hidden ssstrtegy as to how they would capture stte power and politicize the national army to establish a people's democracy. He declared sdthat once they win the election and form the government under their own leadership, they would not need to comply with the verificaion of their army by UNMIN. He proudly announced that he would introduce heir own strategy nd policy to integrate their entire army into the NA at any cost and that he would politicize-not democratize-- the NA. He had even admitted that they had only 7,000 to 8,000 combatants befodre the peace process started, but they succeeded in incrasing the numberto 32,000 given their strategic and military approach.

He claimed that they had been using democrcy, the CA and the peace process justfor public consumption; and that their real strategy was establishing apeople's democracy suing these terminologies as popular slogans. He described the peace process and the CA election as a continuation of heir long-erm strategy of armed struggle and hat the revolution wasnot over. and he urged his armed cadrs to continue fighting until a people's democracy was established.

He neither seemed serious regarding the peace process nor honest about the CA election, whereas democracy, sustainable peace, the CA elecstion and drafting a new democartic werehe main agenda of the people's movement. Is it betrayal to the people or not ? Therefore, following the release of the much -debated secret video tape, their malicious intentins have been exposed. And it has raised a serious question whether they are committed to democrcy, sustainable peace and the constitution drafting process or are just using democracy and the peace process to achieve thier party's strategy.

They have been using democracy, peace process and the government to capture state power and establish a people's democracy. They have been following strategic rigidness and tactical flexibility for along time to achiev their objectives. The rcent commitment to democracy, the peace process and civilian supremacy is tactical flexbility for public consumption, and the video tape is the strategic rigidness before their cadres. Is it a mere strategy of the Maoists or dual characer of the leadership?

The Nepali people, political parties, the civil society, the media and the inernational community had given the Maoist the benefit of the doubt, once they had joined the mainstream. But following the exposure of the very controversial strategy, the Maoists have probably thier hard won faith and trust because it was the Nepali people who had fought for a fedearl democratic rpublic, sustainable peace and economic prosperity. They won't forgive those who use their aspirtions as their strategy.

It has been justified that the Maoists don't believe in ideology and principle, and they just believe in strategy, tacties abd utilitarian policies. Some time they shook hands with royalists and some times with the political parties as per their party's strategic interest. It has been porved that the Maoists are still hell-bent on estabishing a people's democrcy at any cost and that they don't believe in democracy and peace at all. Democracy is nothing more than a facade for them. But democracy shouldn't be a strategy. Rather, democracy is values, principles and commitment, and it should be used to ensure the people's rights, the rule of law and economic prosperity.

As he defined his strategy to his armed cadres in the video tape, the Maoists wanted to control the army on the pretext of civilian supremacy and intergration of their combatants into the NA. As per their strategic plan to capture power, they wouldn't be able to control the army as long as Chief of Army Staff (CoAS) Rookmangud Katawal was there. From that perspective, Katawal was an obstacle to achieve their strategy. Therefore, they decided to sack him and picked Lieutenant General Kul Bahadur Khadka as CoAS to implement their strategy through him.

First, they wanted to control the army by appointing Khadka. They had thought that one Khadka became CoAS, he would control the Army Headquarters. Second, they wanted to divide and weaken the NA, if they couldn't control the enire army. And as per their analysis the Khadka-led faction would support them and they would remian in power on the strength of the army by interpreting the inerim constitution as per their own convenience. They was the serious conspircy against the national army that is responsible for protecting national unity, territorial integrity nd the people's supremacy. It was not only a conspiracy against the national army, it was a conspiracy against nationallism, territorial integrity and the people's supremacy s well.

But their strategy -- controlling the army and capturing power -- was defeated due to the wise decision of the president. They, therefore, seem hostile towards him as he thwarted their strategy. Probably considering their hidden agenda and sensitivity of the national army, the president took the much-needed decision at this very critical moment as per the printiple of necessity for the sake of unity and purity of the NA and protiction of the constitution. Had the president not taken the decision, they would have succeeded in controlling the army. And, once they controlled the army, they could easily capture state power toestablish a people's democracy on the strength of their own army and the divided national army.

The decision of the president might be considered to be controversial miight be considered to be controversial from constitutional perspective, but from a political perspective, it was inevitable at that very moment to void division of the NA and potential munity in the army that might invite an unfortunate accident in the history of Nepal. Had that incident occurred, not only the on going peace process, but the future of the federal democratic republic and the constitution drafting process would have been plunged into danger.

The Maoists need to be seriously engaged with if widespread violence is to be avoided

The decision by the Unified CPN (Maoist) to "struggle" against the president's order to revoke Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal's decision to remove the Chief of Army Staff (CoAS) from office has begun to take shape. After an initially hopeful period where it appeared that the Maoists wished to avoid confrontation and anarchy, fears have arisen that their protests will be protracted and cause severe disruption. Maoist members of the Constituent Assembly (CA) have decided to stall legislature proceedings until their demand is met. They have planned street demonstrations in the capital. And most worrisome of all members of the Nepali Congress andthe CPN-UML to vacate the district by Saturday.

An appeal issued by the Maoist Ramechhap district committee hasaccused the NC and UML of being "agents of Indian expansionism", and has said that it is the duty of all patriotic Nepalisto chase their members away. The district units of the party, the Young Communist League(YCL) and other affiliate organizations haebeen directed to actively implement likely that it will - this will pose a serious threat to the peace process. Could it be the beginning of violent reprisals against dissenting parties to snuff out their political space? It seems entirely possible that levels of violenceand intimidation by Maoist cadres will rise to the worst levels prevalent in the pre- CA electionperiod in 2007 and early 2008.

Ramechhap was one of the worst affected districts during the conflict, where violence between the Maoists and the Nepal Army was intense, as were the pressuresand traumas faced by the local population. In the period leading up to the election, it was one of the districts over which the Maoists had established major control through the use of violence and initimidation to marginalize members of other political parties. Ramechhap was also the district where, before the elections, there was almost a mlitary confrontation between the Maoists and the Army-- which would have almost certainly led to the cancellation of the lections and thrown the peace process out of kilter.It appers that it is because of their hold over the area that the Maoists have decided to begin their activities of using force against rival political party members to put pressure on their leders in Kathmandu. If not addrssed in time, the ue of violence and force will likely spread to other districts, causing the already fragile peace process to veer even further off track, possibly to a level of no return.

It is impertive that the political parties in Kathmandu begin addressing this grave treat before it goes too far. It is natural for them to be franticlly engaged in negotiations to form a new government. But to do so while ignoring Maoist actions across the country would be myopic. Simultancously, the non-Maoist parties have to make efforsts to engage the Maoists on multiple levels, convince them that an agreement suitable for all can be negotiated, and urge them to limit their acts of protest and force. The Maoist leadership would do well to realize that acts of violence and intimidation only give legitimacy to the theory that the party is all set on its agenda to subert the state. This theory has gained new currency after TV stations (part of the footage is also available on YouTube) played Chairman Prachanda's pre-election videotape where he talks about his plans to seize state power.

What has been the biggest crisis in the infant republic may very well turn out to be a moment of gain and growing pains on many fronts.

Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal's decision to sack Cheif of Army Staff (CsAS) Katawal and President Ram Baran Yadav's order to reinstte him in his post may apper to be the biggest crisis in the infant repbulic, but they wre necessary acts to save Nepal's democratic future. My point is not as paradoxicalas it may appear. Let me explain. Without the decision to sack Katawal, Dahal's future in his party as well as in Nepali politics would have been over. He would have to longer remained Prachanda who led the movement that brought a paradigm shift in Nepal's political and social landscape but a softy incapable of standing up to his recalcitrant Army Chief. His persuasive power within his party to marshal his forces would also have been unconvincing. After Katawal's repeated acts of defiance, the Maoists'democrtic future would have been defunct anyway. Who would hae trusted their capacity for change in Nepal? And there was no way that Dahal would have been eventually able to bring the Congress and the UML on board on this question even if he had waited, especially given the ack of trust between them. So sacking Katawal was the only option left for Dahal and his party.

The biggest challenge of a governing political party and its leadership in Nepal has been to pass the test of the army. If a political leader scucceeds in making the army obey his will, he goes. No commoner in the history of Nepal has ever belled this cat. B.P Koirala wasted his years in prison becasue the army supported the king against him. Years later, his brother Girija Koirla had to resign as prime minister because the army disobeyed his orders to mobilize itself against the Maoist . And the sme fte was to befall Dahal in arepublic. Even at the cost of his government, he had no choice but to sack Katawal in order to demonstrate that he was no weaking and that he was the prime minister of the republic and leader of the most powerful politicalforce in Nepal's history. And without Dahal's decision, the Maoist would have a force any body could ignore, bait, disobey andthen get away with. The Nepali, people would have lost confidence in their capability, considering them a force like any other. And given the Maoists' effective politics in the past 13 years, both inthe insurgency and the elections, this ineffective future would have been quite uncharacteristic of the Maoists. So to save himself and his party, Dahal had to act decisively, whether unilaterally or consensually. In the absence of a consensus, the only option left was to act unilaterally.

But without Dahal and his Maoists as an indispensable partnerof the peace process and constitutional fromation, a new Nepal is both impossible and undesirable beause the Maoists have been crucial in the transformation of the relationship between the state and the populace. Whether one acknowledges it or not, it is a fact of history. And in order for the Maoists to remain a convincing and potentpolitical force, for themselves, for the millions of the dispossessed, the disempowered and oppressed, and dfor the multiethnic goalsof a new Nepal, they had to demonstrate that they were different from other political forces. And so, the decision to retire Katawal was absolutely necessary for theMaoists' survival and the viability of Nepal's long -term democratic future.

But this crisis could also be a lesson for the Maoists in democraticpolitics if they really wanttotransform themselves into a democratic force. Long indoctrinated into the ideology of dictatorship of the proletariat and calling every other political group or force revisionist, reactionary, expansionist or imperialist, and accustomed to getting things done by the barrel of the gun or unilaterally as a one-party monopoly, this crisis should be an object lessonfor them in democratic politics works in the real world. They now have the invaluable experience tht democratic politics is messy and complex, involving complicated negotiations, bargaining, backtracking, dilly-dallying, give and take, compromise, requiring much patience, control of emotions and speech making. And even after all this, the resultis very oftennot whtone desires. Democraticpolitics is not as easy, fast and brutalas a authoritarianism or dictatorship of any kind.

It should also be a lesson for them in global and regional geopolitics. Itshould deepen their understanding that Nepal isnot China or Russianor even Cuba; and we do not live in the days of Cold War geopolitics as it happens on the ground is not what is written in the books by Marx, Lenin or Mao. Rhetoric is different from the reality of rule. Real politics occurs in a geopolitical context, and ultimately it is a politics of the possible. Within this context, a political force has afucionpersuasively andstrive for and achieve itsgoals. If the Maoists learn this lesson, it would befor the benefit of Nepal's present and future generations because they will benefit from the Maoists' fierce commitment to Nepal's transformation into full democrcy and from their very complex and original understanding of Nepal's history and cultural compexity. The Maoists themselves will benefit from this maturation becauseit will save their lives from violence and waste. Their brilliance, their commitment to principle andthe sharp, seasoned and original intellect of Maoist leadership will all come to be of use for the benefit not only of Nepal's oppressed and exploited but also for the country's development itself.

Yet, Dahal and the Maoists' unilaateral decision to sack Katawal was undemocratic since noother political party supported it. Had Dahal's decision gone unchallenged, it would have set a bad prcedent, eventually even causing the death of Nepali democracy, not because the Maoists would hae captured state power overnight, as their opposition's crying wolf might lead one to believe, but because the Maoisss do nt have a majority in the Constituent Assembly and theirs was not a majority government. And so Dahal's decision was not a majority decision and must not have gone unchallenged if there was any viable future for Nepali democracy. In this sense, by issuing the order for Katawal to continue, President Yadav, the protector of the Interim Constitution, has safeguarded the Interim Constitution, majority rule and the future of Nepali democracy.

And it will be alesson to the Nepal Army as well. Its generals should know that times have changed, values have changed, and they, too, need to change, Civilian supremacy is the heart and soul of democracy. And they cannot play with civilian leadership and get away with it as they did befodre. They need to learn to be cooperative and submit to the civilian will that comes from the people both in word and deed. The Nepal Army needs to open up and democratize. It should reflect the diversity of Nepal. And it should follow the democratic consensus on PLA integration and in becoming an army of the people.

So, what has been the biggest crisis in the infant republic may very well turn out to be moment of gain and growing pains on many fronts.

Life and Dearth

We are suffering acute shortages because of the political folly of those who aeat the helm of the nation

Nepal is bestowed with some of the best gifts of nature, but we are suffering acute shortges because of the political folly of those who ae at the helm of the nation. The Ranas deserve the curses that each of the generations after 1951 has been directing at them for their history of exploitation. But even the Ranas, who amassed untold wealth by resorting to unchecked exploitationof the available resources, were concerned about some basic amenities like water supply in Kathmandu and some other towns and even electricity inKathmandu! Although the nights were not lit properly, the people  in  those days must have drunk clean water in abundant quantities. What do we have today? A 16-hour power cut everyday andwater supply at the dead of night for two hours twice every week when there is no electricity to run the pump to suck out water from the stagenant pipes!     

We live in the 21st century, and it is natural that the people would like to enjoy modern amenities. But it is apity that we have to live under conditions prevailing in the pre-civilization era. Nepal has developed some amount of ssurface infrastructure like roads, airports, canals and factories and has imported a rlatively large amount of vehicles to ply on those  roads. But the vehicles and the factories are static because of dry oil  pumps throughout the country. There is not only no plan to produce petroleum in the country, but also noprovision of regular supply of imported  petroleum products for running the vehicles and the factories. Let us leave aside the comfort side of life  to be had from the use of petroleum products. Let us take basic amenities like drinking water and electricity. Electricity has become the life sustaining aid in modern times, but we live under 16 hoursof power outages everyday. People do not get even  one-fifth of their daily requirement of drinking water in the Kathmandu Valley and other urban centres are no better.

Nepal is presumed to have a potential of producing 83,000 megawatts of electricity from her river systems. When we produce electricity on that scale, we might become the richestnationin the South Asian region. Will we ever produce electricity on that scale? Yes, we can, but we are living in the dark at the present moment because of incapacitation.  We have some plants that can meet all the domestic power needs for the time being. But the  existing plants have been producing less than half their capacity. This is partly because of some natural causes that we cannot avoid like a reduction in rainfall and snowfall. But  it is partly because of some wrong decisions taken by the political authorities. For example, by this time, the Arun III mega project would have been completed, and we would have had the needed power supply if the UML government had not dropped the project as a political ego.  Again, the reduction in rainfall is attributable to the rampant deforestation which is as much a social fault as political. The governmentis doing practically nothing to stop the rampant deforestation that has caused environmental hazards.      

Similarly, the water supply problem points to the failure of the govedrnment to tackle it both on a short-term and long-term basis. The Kathmandu Valley has perennial water sources within its water-shed area. They could have been adequate to meet the needs of the people for centuries if there had been natural popuation growth and rational plans for water use. But there is unnatural growth of the population because of large scale migration on the one hand, and there is no serious plan  in place on the other.

There once was a dream of diverting the water of Melamachi into the Bagmati system and increasing the water supply potential of the valley several fold. Cognizable efforts have been made by donor communities to make the project practical, but the government has not taken consistent steps and action to implement it. The mysterious Melamchi project has beena breeding ground for large scale corruption even before the real work really gets going. Among many fall outs, it has taken the toll of the life of one secretary of the Nepal government, Minister Hisila Yami, in her first stint as the minister in charge  created such an environment that the biggest Melamchi donor, the Asian Develoment Bank (ADB), was prepared to bundle up its office in Nepal and retreat.   

Taking of political corruption, there are no ceilings; but the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) has the highest sky inits limit. Taking just one example, among several hunddred vehicles bought in the names of diffreent projects, more than hundddred have no record, and most of them have gone to the premises of ex-ministers and present minister and the NEA has admitted it has no record. The cash swindle is not that transparent, but it is conceivably more profound innature and amount. Other departments or projects in the water sector are not very far behind in terms of being a germination ground for corruption in high places. It is to belittle other sectors to sasy that the water sector is the lone seed-bed for corruption. I can flatly give every sector a score of 95 percent, the 5 percent being reserved for the presence of that  rare breed of honest leaders or officers.  

Corruption is not the only distinctionof the political leadership. They lack the basic knowledge of the specialized functionthat the conerned ministry or the sector is supposed to be doing. Ministers are made not on the strength of heir skill or knowledge but on their political influenceover the local or national political affairs.Nowadays, the slogan of "inclusiveness" compels the inclusion of nincompoos inthe name of representation of certain communities. Secondly, there is a parallel  existence of lack of planning and non-recognition of past work, howsoever useful it may have been. This disease has been carriedalong from the Raana days.  As a result, several projects get stuck midway, adding to the list of incomplete projects and resulting in staggering figures of financial irregularities because the expenses made on the  half complete or incomplete projecsts ae written as irregular by  the national audit. 

The worst part of the pyramid of corruption of the political suthorities is the immobilization of the expert knowledge of technocrats or bureaucrats. Each sectoral ministry has a pool of experts, but the ego of the political leader of that ministry as the know all person inhibits the use of the technocrats' expertise. In the panchayat days, the bureaucracy wasnot allowedtechnical autonomy, but the restoration of democracy in 1990 and during the days thereafter, the condition is even worse.

In the panchayat days, there was an absence of politicization except to put a limit that they could not speak against the king or panchayat. But the emergence of democracy has been  followed by all round polarization of the bureaucrats by creating party affiliated unions a  by giving favour to the followers of their respective party line by the party in power. Meanwhile, the concept of an autonomous and politically  neutral bureaucracy as a capable institution has  completely died down. Demoralized bureaucrats do not build anation. Nor do disheartened technocrats design more responsive plans. Unless the politcal authorities start trusting the bureaucrats and technocrats, the basic needs will ramain unattended.  The people will haveno option but to wait and waste themselves.

Dalit Aspirations

In the period following the constituent assembly election,various marginalized groups of Nepali society have launched vigorous movements to ensure that their rights are guranteed in the new constitution. Elderly people, disabled, women, dalits, Madhesis, janajatis, religious minorities, landless people, freed Kamaiyas and Haliyas and sexual minorities have demanded equality, justice and recognitionof their identity. All these seemingly disparate social movements are united by a common aspiration: to have a say in the decision-making processes that affect their lives. It is a role the majority of Nepalies have been denied so far.

In this cntext, dalits are demanding compenstion for the historical injustices they hve suffered at the hands of the state, land rights and eradication of untouchability. They seek euality because they have been victims of social cultural and political discrimination for generations. The dominant ideology of caste and untouchability has been destructive to their economic growth, political empowerment andcultural integration in Nepali society.

The aspirations and demands of marginalized sections are now being considered for integration in the new consitution. The Interim Constitution of Nepal 2007 has already paved a path for ensuring proportionate representation in plural structures of governance. Dalits constitute 8.5(49) percent inthe present constituent assembly (CA). Before the CA election, only 5.77(19) percent of dalits were represented in the legislative parliament, which is not proporationate tothe dalit population (13.8 percent) according to the 2001 census. However, the present CA assembly indicates an increased participation of dalist in governance. This is surely a step forward.

Despite this, dalits continue to be treated as the most inferior members of society due to rampant stereotyping. Although politically things have improved, the notions of inferiority and superiority remain deeply entrenched in our individual and collective psyche. Such prejudice are yet to be uprooted. The incidents of castle-based violence against dalits in recent months made just one example.

There are now 49 members of dalit community in the constituent assembly. But it seems they have not been able to represent the voices of people they are meant to represent. They have to work muc harder to incorporate the aspirations of all categories of dalits in the new constitution.

 Madhesis, janajatis and Tharus have launched unprecedednted movements to make their voices heard. But CA members from dalit communities harbour the illusion that the advancement of dalits depends on the whims of political elites and parties. No doubt political parties are the lubricating oil for running a democracy. But solely depending on them woruld be another historical mastake on the part of dalit leaders. Since 1963 to date, the stte has beenserving declarations and platitudes todalists. But the state's apathy towards their sufferings, and itsindiffefrencein implementing laws and politicies in their favour led to an over whelming rise of discrimination and violence against dalits.

Dalit CA members must remember its and ensure that they do not shatter the dreams of dalits yet again. They should push themselvsto the utmost in order to guarantee the inclusion of dalit issues in the new constitution. They must rememberit's nowor never.

Brave New World

The new from of our society must accommodate change without requiring violence!

We, as a nation, are changing dramatically; and there is no turning back. the old politics mew politics is still on the horizon. We unspeakable violence and dramatic transformations. We find ourselves in what seems like unending instability. Internationally, the flaws of the global financial order have become public knowledge. The social foundatins of global capitalism are being questioned all across the world. America, the bastion of the free market economy, has nationalized its major private bnks. Greed seems to have eaten itself up. The two financial powers, China and America, are locked in a deadly economic embrace. India is hesitating. Ideologies and movements that found solidarity in opposition to imperial capital-critics of Western style econmics of the claim that they were right. This is the ocean of views tht we find ourselves in. To what extent these views ae true, it is difficult to know.

However, some facts are clear. Global and domestic events have changed our view of the world as well as our role in it. For many years, we dreamed of going to the West. Today, we have a chance to build something better. How do we do it? This article offers a preliminary analysis for discussion .

With the speed of change, old social ideologies are losing their grip. Dominant economic and social thinking so far dictated that the struggle for justice could be described as a struggle between the state and themarket. the free market embodied efficiency, independence, autonomy, freedom, rights and liberty. It was the pinnacle of society. The duty of the government was no more and no less than to maintain the market. anything else that the government did - regardless of the reason - was defined as inefficient. In the lives of the citizens, this meant that rights to goods - sometimes even rights to justice - could bebought and sold. this formultion benefited many people, and as a result, the metaphor of capital expanded its reach andother form of capital emerged - we began to hear of social capital, political capital andcultural capital.

The economics of capital became technical and highly specialised. Anylysts used jargon and technial computations that even the common educated citizen could not understand. The magic art of free market economics became a specialization and economics gained power as a profession. It's relative; the field of finance grew in influence even more. Solving social and political problems no longer required listening to everyday people. If we had problems in our country, it was because we did not yet have-- or failed to implement-- the magic formula. We began to believe that politics was the problem. However, there was a curious fact that nobody talked about much. In the last 30 yers, those who toiled abroad andgained advanced technical skill in order to benefit Nepal cqame hoem to realize theat there were no technical solutions. Of everything they had learned after years of advanced education, only the basic concepts of Western economics wre useful back home. Everything else seemed to be useless. Why?

In Nepal, the mainstream Maoist movement emerged in response to wide-spread injustice, exploitation and structural in equalities in our country. It 's strengthcame from itsopposistionto existing ideologies. It's own ideology dicated the use of capitalism in order to destroy theuseof capitalism in order to destroy capitalism. Itwas believed that once the contradictionsinthe old sysstem became sharp andobvious enough an inevitable revolution would bring about the global rebirth of a just society where workers once again had respect and power.

In the Maoist view, the basis of society was conflict, juts as the fundmental dynamic of nature was conflict. Intellectually, it offered a reformulation of Maxism applied to Nepal's context in opposition to the existing global economic degma. Not only were these iedas analyzed and defended throughly, they were localized to Nepal's context. As a result, the version of Marxist thinking that the Maoist party developed has become a major contribution to an originallly Nepali vision of our country. However, because of the manner in which the Maoist party came to dominate the politics of Nepal, it became difficult to tell whether it was successful because of the merits of its ideas,the genius of its tactics or the weakness of the opposition. Overall, we can see that Maoist doctrine derived its strength in proporation to the strength of opposition to imperial capitalism. Two years ago the changes that the Maoist party brought to our country seemed extremely rapid. In the last year, the changes seem to have become very slow. Why?

These questions hve to be seen inthe context of Nepal's changes and in relation to global changes. In relation to the very rapid global changes that are now taking place, the pace of change promised by the Maoist party is not fast enough. Keeping in mind Einstein's theory of relativity, it is natural that from a global standpoint, the rate of Nepal's changenow seems slow. Thre has never been any doubt that Maoist doctrine is visionary. But we are learning now that vision is not enough. Ultimately, the pace of change is equal to the rate of implementation.

The semi-Marxist ideas of the Maoist party have done the country a great service by high lighting our core issues - social justice, economic development and the distribution of wealth. these are old issues which have finally been excavated in our country. Thre is also some rethinking going on within the party itself, a party that has tried its best to localizea foreign ideology. However, two facts have become clear. First, the pace of global change is rendering thecurrent Maoist ideology outdated, and the expiration dte of Maoist thinking is rapidly approaching. Second, because Nepali Maoist thught derived its strength from opposition to capitalism, the weakening of capitalist thinking - neither of which originated in Nepal. We are beginning to see the logical conslusion of both ideologies, and the future will emerge from their failures.

We now need to take lessions from both extremes and fashion a new vocabulary to describe our vision for the future. Our new thinking will need to go beyond concepts and dualities developed so far - beyond communism vs. capitalism, beyond the market vs, the state, beyond the society vs, the individual and be ond Marx vs. Smith. Our new concepts will have to embrace communism and capitalism, market and state, society as well as the individual.

From the Maoist, we will need to retain the concept of struggle and the focus on distribution; and from the capitlists, we will need to retain the concept of innovationand the focus on growth. The framework we develop will haveto accommodate innovation and constant struggleat the same time. It will also have to reconcil growth with distributiion. Overfall, the conceptual, legal, economic andsocial framework itself will need to be fiexible but just. The new form of our society must accommodate change without requiring violence. Instense disagreement will be necessary, but it will need to be mediated by a common, shared commitment to justice for our people and the integrity of our country. At heart, our new society will havetobe proficient at converting constradiction into creativity. The fact that we do notknowfor sure which way to go is a sign of genuine need. We have a chance to create our own social and economic paradigm; and we must work together, as one nation, to do so.

That political murder continues three years after the conflict is troublesome

Once again, there has been an act of murder of a political party activist. Once again, the politicalparty to which the inmrdered activist belonged has accused workers of another political party of the killing. CPN-UML activist Prachanda Thaiba was murdered in Butwal on March 27, allegedly by members of the Maoist-affiliated Young Communist League (YCL) in a dirive-by shooting as he was returning home in the evening.

That such seemngly politically influenced slayings continue to take place almost three yers after theend of the conflict is in itself trublesome. Also troublesome, howerver, is the tendency for friends and fellow activists of the murdered to take the law into their own hands. The town of Butwal was in chaos for much of the day on March 28. UML activists rioted all across town. TV images showed hordes of young men sacking various Maoist offices in the area and even the house of a Maoist member of the Constituent Assembly. The buildings were stripped of its tables, chairs, cup-boards and even its wter tank. These were then collected in a pie in the street and torched. The police could do little but look on, and later, impose a curfew.

The extreme public nature of the reaction by UML activists to the murder is indicative of growing vigilantism, the belief that one can only make one's voice herd if one collects hundreds or thousands of young men (and sometimes women) and engges in dramatic public acts of violence and vandalism. This was, to a lrge degree, a result of the conflict. But in Nepal had an effective state and political parties that were accountable, this trend could now-- three years after the con flict -- have been substantially reduced. One of the major reasons why activists of various hues and colour feel the needto engge in such public violence is because they feel that they will not receive justice any other way. They feel that perpetrators of heinous crimes such as murder will be protectd by political parties and cannot be brought to justice through legal means.

And given the events of the past three years, it seems tht this belief is justified. The way the chain of evens has played out so far following Thaiba's murder has been very similar to incidents in the past where Maoist cadres have been accused of murder. First, the Maoist party strenously denies that their party workers had any role in the crime. Then they form committee under the leader ship of one of their own party members to inquire into the incident. This is where things stand right now; but given past precedents, the murder of Ram Hari Shrestha for example, it is likely that the committee will either give a clean chit to their party cadres or come out with names of party workers who were responsibe for the crime. In the latter case, the Maoist party will state that the accused has been punished by the party, and that is where things will end.

In order for the Maoist party to change the pattern, and convince the public that the guilty has been brought to justice, it will first be necessary to ascertan the guilt of the accused through other means. A commission should be formed, but it should include members of various political parties inthe fuling coalition-- not just Maoist. Then, the accused should be tried in a court, and the proceedings of he trial should be made public. If the accused is found guilty, punishment should be given according to the whims of the Maoist party. This process will serv e to convince the public that justice has been served. It will sst a preceedent that will make aggrieved groups feel that justice can be served in courts, and thre is less need to come out onthe streets and engagein bloodshed and destruction.

The student elections have shown that eductional institutions are no longer plces of intellectual quest but a playground fo rpolitical parties

The recently held student elections in the public universities and diffderent public colleges reveal a changed pattern in the thinking andbehaviour of the students. the pollswere postphones at number of places due to violent clashes, and vote counting at Tribhuvan University and the main college c ampus in Pokhara was suspended due to persistent controversies. By the plete result may or may not be known. But the results known so far show a clear direction towards change.

The Kathmandu Post reported some features of the elecion in its edition of Feb. 20 thus: "Amid violent clshes in several places, an estimated 2000,000 sssstudentsl voted on Monday to elect their union leaders in over 200 university colleges nationalwide. Onestudent was killed in Jhapa and over a hundred were injured across the country, around two dozen in the 26 colleges inthe Kathmndu Valley alone..." The elecion had to be post-poned in several places because of violent clashes between belligerent groups. The counting of votes was not peaceful even where the election hadbeenheld. At Tribhuvan University in Kathmandu, which had the largest number of voters, counting had to be suspended because of controversial positions taken by the three groups. It was similar to the case at PN College in Pokhara which had the largest number of vogters outside in Kathmandu Valley.

Although there were several local or regional factions, the election was a tough show of strength between three student groups,namely the All Nepal National Free Students Union (ANNFSU), a UML Union (NSU) a Congress sister organization, and the All Nepal National Independent Students Union Revolutionary (ANNISU), a Maoist sister organization. In the earlier elections, the ANNFSU and the NSU were the ANNISU being held as political rebels. so itwas the fidrst time that the ANNIS also participatedf as a fully legitimte organization. Although the three groups contested as arch rivals,there were some common pannels in certain places. This was one distinguishing feature of this election.

Several inferences can be drawn fromthe electoral exercise. For long time in the past, continujing from the panchayat days, there was a bipolar war in the campuses between the NSU and the ANNFSU. Now onwards, it will bea tri-polar war for the foreseable future. This time, there was speculation tht the ANNISU would attract a clear majority because of their aggressive compaigning and the not so hiden intimidation. The ANNFSU was supposed to lose its strength because of rivalry between the two leftist groups, and the NSUws thereby supposed to gain in the tri-polar battle. But the result was completely the opposiste. The ANNFSU got a clear mandate in an overwhelmingly conspicuous manner. The NSU managed to be slightly on the higherf side of the remining positions. The ANNISU failed to attract a majority, and its intimidation did not deter the determined voters.

The ANNFSU has remained a popular force in the campuses ever since its appearance under the panchayat system. It was believed that it was encouraged by the regime to conain the NSU which was and is still supportedby the NC. The NC was supposd to be the most powerful force to pull down the pnchayat system with both overt and covert support of India. The panchayat regime tried to build its own student force; but the move did not have an ideological base behind it, and the recruitment of muscular bullies made it very unpopular, and its activities put the pnchayat system in disrepute. So it was later disbanded, leaving the field open to the ANNFSU and the NSU as the main contenders. The entry of he ANNFSU was supposed to enfeeble the ANNFSU because of the split in leftist students. But the result of the pesent election has shown that assumption to be a myth.

The main fallout of the elcetion result it its impact on the different parent partics. The FSU is the entry point into the conscious section of Nepalese society. The different student groups are organized with the ideologies of their respective parent parties. This time the winner is the UML, and it is natueally celebrting he vicory. What is he political message of this vicory? One cler message is hat the student masses have rejected both the ultra-left ideology of the Maoists and the conventionl liberal ideology of the NC . The students, and the conscious people behind them, prefer the moderate ideology of the UML. Why did the students reject the two extremes? Some answers are hidden in the performance of the parent parties.

The NC has had the greatest and longest opportunity to lead tolead the nation. It wa twice returned by the people with an absolute majority. But it filed to deliver as per the wishes of the people. Its role has been seen s as sympathizer to the feudal and higher classes of people and it was much glued to the institution a corner to chnge its stand to go republican. Its inclusion of the element of socialism had given it a progressive look, but it abandoned tht vision. It failed to set the surge for change in all social strata and could not positively and creatively respond to the growing dissatiscction among the emerent political aspirants. Thus, the NC can lern to great lesson from this election.

The Unified CPN (Maoist) has also to lern a good lesson. The students cannot fail to see the excesses the revolutionar student leaders have beebn carrying on during the election campaigning and even in normal times. The Maoists have been using their youth wing, the Young Communist League, in the front liness to silence their adversaries, and their greatest strengthis is their muscle power. But the present election has shown that muscle power and bullying tactics are not going to yield convincing results. The Maoists hae been labelling the UML as a regressive force. But a large mass turned out in support of the UML backed ANNFSU in this election. This may have immediate repercussion on the impending by election.

The UML has been elected by the electoral saving which was beyond anybody's expectation. But this attitude may breed complacency in the party, and it may also be misled into concluding that the student version is the real reflection of the national mood. The test lies ahead in the impending election. If the party engages itself more dedicatedly in the elction and convience the general people that it has a more useful and practical agenda than the other parties, it may be able to grab some of the seven seatson offer. All the seven seats have been vacated by members of other parties. So, even winning a seat or two will be a morale booster for the UML.

Analysts are forced to drw an unfortunate conslusionfrom this elecstion that educational institutions are no longerplacesof intellectual quest. Rather, they are play ground for political parties. This was seen at the time of the appointment of the vice chancellor and other top officials in government controlled universities. This is reinforced by the involvement of vrious parties during the FSU election. A serious questionarises, who will be interested in the advancement of knowledge through the universities?

Diplomatic Blunder

Ambassadors have been appointed according to their political leanings

An event that took place at a meeting of the council of ministers of March 18 was instructive regarding the manner in which ambassadrs to imporant foreign countires ae selected in Nepal. Foreign Minisssster Upendra Yadav proposed the names of two individuals as ambassadors to India and France. One of the ministers present at the gathering asked whether they could have copies of these individuals' resumes, to see whether they would be fit for the prominent positions going to be assigned to them. Yadav did not have any informtion regrding the backgrounds of these appointees ready. He asked for a few days time, afer which he would be able to make this information available.

The two individuals in question were Ram Karki (also known as Surendra or Partha Chhetri) and Chandrakant Poudel. Neither of the two have any diplomatic experience in their career backgounds. Karki is a politburo member of the Maoist party. He was active in party organisation in Indiaz during the conflict, until he was rrested and sent back to Nepali in 2004. Poudel has made a career in teaching. He has a PhD in economics from Tribhuvan University. After working as a principal at a school for 21 years, he moved to Kathmandu where he has taught in a number of schol os. He is currently principal of Gyankunj College. Accused of being a Maoist sympathiser. Poudel was arrested and detained for nine months around five years ago. Both Karki and Poudel have been nominated by the Maoist party, Karki was initially meant to be sent as ambassador to India, but after India expressed disapproval of this choice-- for the rson that Karki had been previously arrented inIndian teritory--Poudyal was found as the alterntive, Karki is now meant to be sent to France.

There is a long traditionin this country of parties in any coalition government distributing ambassarorial appointments among themselves. The trendcontinues. In addition to the Maoist appointees, the Madheshi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) has been allowed to choose amabssadors to the covted positionsat the embassies in Washington DC and London. the appointees re, respectively, Sukhdedv Shah, an IMF economist who has been resident in the United Stats for the past 40 years, and Ramsubhart Raya, a professor of physics at a college in Janakpur.

There is nothing inherently wrong in politically appointing ambassadors to imporant countrie. Countries all verf the wrld, even the most developed anddomocrtic ones, do this as a matter of due course. In fact, politically appointted ambassadors are seen as desirble inthemost imporatnt countries, those with which the home country has deep and complicated foreign policy entanglements. Sending as ambassador someone whom the head of government is close to and trusts is a way of ensuring that the countries particular foreign policy thrust is reflected in the person of the ambassador.

But even here it is expected tht the designated diplomats have background in diplomacy nd have proved themselves in the past. In other words, it has to be demonstrated that they can function as capable ambassadors. Not so, however, in Nepal ambassadors here are indeed politically appointed, but there is little thought put into their qualifictions and capabilities. Rather, the selection of ambassdors has been often misused as one more way to dispense patron-age to people who have helped parties in power in the past.

This is refected in the current crop of ambassador appointment. None of the appointments have prior diplomatic experience. They have been chosen according to their closeness to leaders of the parties in power. And the nation's diplomacy may have to suffer as a result. As a senior Foreign Ministry official told Kantipur,"As soon as foreign diplomats realise that they're dealing with someone whois a novice they lose interest in having a serious conversation. Instead, they start asking questions like "How is the wether like in Kathmandu?"

Falgun 7 represents the dawn of democracy in Nepal!

58 years ago on this day, the oligarchic century-long Rana regime came to an end and an interim government consisting of representatives of the Nepali Congress (NC) and Ranas was formed. The Ranas were forced to give up power due to a movement led by the Nepali Congress (NC) that was supported by King Tribhuvan and India. The entire decade of the 1950 was witness to intense factional politics and instability. It took eight years for general elections to be held across the country (which the NC swept). And that first democratically elected government was forced out by King Mahendra barely a year after it came into power. But that day when the Rana-NC interim government was formed - Falgun 7, 2007 (Feb 18, 1951) has thereafter been commemorated each year as Democracy Day. For, despite all of the ills of Nepali politics in the 1950s, Falgun 7 was the first day when the popular will actually found representation in the affairs of the state.

It appears too many that subsequent political events - in particular the uprisings of 1990 and 2006 - have overshadow-owed Falgun 7, and made it with in significance. It was some feel incomplete, a mere prototype of the anti-absolutist revolutions that were to follow. And it is true that the 1950 revolutions were unsuccessful in institutionalizing a political system that enshrined the popular will. Assaults on the democratic system of governance by King Mahendra undermined its gains. Another movement had to be waged in 1990 against the monarchy to regain the gains of 1990. And that too was undermined by King Gyanendra beginning 2002, leading to the massive uprising of 2006, which led to the abolition of the monarchy. Having become used to upheaval, it is natural that the Nepali people have, to large extent forgotten about Falgun 7. It is natural that the 2006 movement occupies a much larger significance in their minds.

But if one is to view the boarder historical picture, the movements of 2006 and 1990 fall within the lineage engendered by the revolution of 1950 -51. The latter movements included much a much larger section of the population, but the seed of their aspirations and hopes for a representative form of government was planted by the first democratic movement. Falgun 7, 2007 laid the foundations for the expansion of democratic space that allowed for the free dooms of association and expression. First during the 1950s and later the 1990s, these freedoms allowed for the demands for rights (of ethnicity, class, and gender) that is a major feature of the political landscape today. Falgun 7 is thus a day that is still worth commemorating. It is an occasion to remember the sacrifices of our forbears, and an occasion to again remind ourselves of our commitment to tolerance, free speech, open competition and other democratic values.

The US continues to be cautious in dealing with the Maoists

Ever since the Maoists came above ground, they have displayed keen interest in getting their name removed from the US state department's list of terrorist organizations. However, they have been unsuccessful so far. The US assistant secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs Richard A. Boucher, during his visit to Nepal recently, made it quite clear that the US had not set any timeframe to remove the Maoist from the list and that this would depend on the actions of the Maoist party in the future.

The Maoist was put on the list of terrorist organization by the US in 2003, after the former gunned down two of the security guards deployed at US Agency for International Development (USAID) and the US Embassy in 2001 and 2002 respectively. Thereafter US provided assistance to the successive governments in combating the Maoists. This support saw in increase with the Royal take over and Nepal too supposedly joined the 'war on terror'. The terrorist tag hurt the Maoist significantly as this restricted their entry into the US. This also barred the US citizens from making contributions that would in any way further the cause of the organization. In addition to this the terror tag isolated the Maoist from the international community at large.

However, relations between the two have thawed come-what since the Maoists entered the peace process. The US welcomed the verdict of the constituent assembly election, which brought Maoist at the helm of the state. Ever since then the US has been cautious in dealing with the government. They have continued their support to various government run programs and reassured the former rebels of future assistance as well. But the US has made it clear that they would like to see more action on the part of the government. And they still seem to harbour doubts regarding the former rebels commitment to democratic values.

After the Maoist entry into the peace process and stated commitment to renounce violence and enter multi-party politics, many in the international community warmed up to them. The US too, understood that it had to review its politics towards the Maoists, but has been more cautious than other Western countries. The decision on the part of the Maoists to participate in multi party elections was taken positively by Washington. In addition, the Maoists assurance regarding the private property and creating environment for the foreign direct investment (FDI) likely played a role in allaying America's suspicions toward the Maoists.

But the continued violence by Maoist cadres and threatening rhetoric by party leaders is likely the cause why the US administration is still watching the Maoists with caution. But Boucher's visit was a positive step in relations between Nepal and the US, and it is to be hoped that it has encouraged the Maoists to continue in their path towards peaceful competitive politics.

The international media mission can have a positive effect on press freedom in Nepal.

After investigating the threats to journalists and press freedom for four days, the international media mission consisting of representatives of 12 international media organizations, including the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and reporters Sans Frontiers, left Kathmandu yesterday. Following the murder of journalists Uma Singh and other assaults on the media, the threat to the press in Nepal has drawn the attention of people worldwide. The international delegation's visit to Nepal is an indication of this widespread concern. The presence of the mission in Kathmandu was a welcome one. It is an expression of international solidarity with the press in this country. And through its meetings with leaders of various political parties, collection of information on incidents of violence against journalists and thorough documentation, the mission has the potential to improve the climate for press freedom and reduce the fears of journalists working across the country.

The mission had for the past few days been making the rounds in Kathmandu, meeting leaders of various political parties including those at the helm. In a meeting with Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal, members of the delegation raised concern that the perpetrators of violence against journalists had been granted protection and immunity by the politically powerful and urged the prime minister to end impunity and establish the rule of law. The prime minister assured the delegation that his government was committed to press freedom and would necessary actions. It would, of course, be naive to expect the Maoist leadership to immediately implement the commitments they have made. They have, after all, made many such pledges in recent months. But the knowledge that they are being closely watched will certainly inhibit them and other political groups who have been involved in attacks on journalists from making blatant assaults on the media that can be traced back to them.

The international media delegation also had an important role to play in documenting cases of murder of journalists and other instances where press freedom has been violated. For instance attack on media houses drew the mission's attention. There have been various fact-finding missions consisting of Nepali journalists and human rights activists that have investigated specific instances of violence such as Uma Singh's murder. Their work has been important and played no small part in pressuring the government to bring the guilty to book. However, given that the members of these national missions have real or perceived affiliations to certain sections of society within the country, they are sometimes perceived to be biased or pushing their personal agenda. The international media mission cannot be accused f bias, ad their documentation and reporting will have across-the-board legitimacy. Therefore the mission's recommendation such as enshrining press freedom in the constitution and implementing the Working Journalists' Act must receive serious attention.

Obstructions to garbage disposal reflect negative trends in our political culture

For the past 18 days various interest groups have been obstructing the route to the landfill site at Sisdol, where much of the Kathmandu Valley's garbage is disposed. As a result, immense mounds of garbage have accumulated with in the valley, causing unbearable stench and posing health hazards to Kathmandu's citizens.

The obstruction imposed by the Tinpiple "Citizens' Struggle Committee" is only the latest example of a negative development in Nepal's political culture that has developed over the past few years: the willingness of various political and other interest groups to hold the whole country hostage to apply pressure to fulfill their narrow demands. In the past four years-- the time period during which the Sisdol landfill site has been in operation - inhabitants of the locality around the site have obstructed the disposal of garbage 25 times. On most of these occasions, the protestors have had some legitimate ground for their protests: they have usually demanded reparations from the government for the damage caused to their locality. But never before has the obstruction lasted as long as it has now. And never before has a group obstructed the disposal of garbage of reasons totally unconnected to issue directly resulting form garbage disposal.

Beginning Sunday, the obstruction has Sbeen caused by cadres of the CPN-UML affiliated Youth Force (YF). For nearly two weeks before that another group had caused obstruction; their demands were met and they withdrew their protests. The major demand of the YF cadres is to bring to book three Young Communist League (YCL) cadres who allegedly chopped off a YF activist's leg. In addition, they have demanded that the government provide free education to his two children.

It is objectionable for a group of people to carry out activities that cause discomfort and threatens the health of hundreds of thousands of the Valley's inhabitants. It indicates the complete breakdown of civic sense among some citizens. And it is not only those currently obstructing the route to Sisdol who should be blamed, but everyone who has contributed to the creation of the existing political culture. The political parties especially those that have been in power over the previous decades, are particularly responsible for this. They have consistently ignored groups that have approached them peacefully and with reasonable requests. The government has a history of only addressing the demands of groups that stage protests involving violence or other actions that cause widespread inconvenience and suffering. The YF protestors probably felt that they had hit upon the best possible method to get the government to heed their demands. Such protests will continue until there is a fundamental change in Nepal's political culture.

Uma Singh's murder was a serious blow to independent journalism in the Tarai regions of Nepal

Just three weeks after the hooliganism at Himalmedia, Janakpur-based raid journalist Uma Singh was hacked to death at her home on January 11, 2009. Of late, Singh had been voicing her vehement opposition, both through airwaves and in print, against the widespread land usurpation being carried out under the patronage of former Minister for Forest and Soil Conservation Matrika Prasad Yadav in Siraha. Singh had repeatedly been warned to desist from reporting against Yadav and his henchmen. But she refused to cow down to intimidation and fought on us as she had been fighting to bring the killers of her brother and father to book.

It is a reflection of the appalling state of affairs prevailing in the country that a week after round 15 armed men barge into the house of a journalist and cut her up, neither the local few enforcement officials in Dhanusha or the government at the centre, has made much headway in the investigation. Only one suspect has been nabbed. And while the circumstances of the murder remain a mystery, both the Prime Minister Puspa Kamal Dahal and the Minister for Information and Communications Krishna Bahadur Mahara have denied that any United CPN (Maoist) cadre has involved in the murder. This even while there are grounds to suspect Maoist involvement. It is astonishing that the prime minister and the information minister would make such statements even before the affairs in the country say such things only raises suspicions that the investigation will be perfunctory and the culprits will be protected.

Without free and independent media, New Nepal is hard to imagine. And press freedom is impossible in a climate of impunity where criminal outfits can threaten and kill journalists and still expect to get away scot-free. The media have a responsibility to maintainvigilance against criminal and corrupt acts committed by the powerful, but it cannot do so until the government is committed to protecting press freedom. The state of immunity in the whole of Nepal, and particularly in the Tarai, is growing. Three journalists have lost their lives in the country since the start of the peace process. The where about of Prakash Thakuri who "disappeared" from Kanchanpur a year ago is still unknown. Singh's murder has forced all Tarai-based journalists to weight their commitment to the people against their well being and that of their families.

A couple more of these incidents in the Tarai - with the government's repeated failure to hold the perpetrators to account - and it might spell the death knell for free press in the regions.

THE MOISTS HAE NO OPTION BUT TO REGAIN THE TRUST OF OTHER PARTIES

In a bid to convince its main coalition partner the CPN (UML) to remain to government, the CPN (Maoist) held a meeting with some UML leaders on December 27, 2008. At the meeting, the Maoists reiterated their pledge to return property seized during the conflict, reform the paramilitary structure of the Young Communist League (YCL), evacuate YCL and other Maoist cadres from government-owned buildings they have captured and give full shape to the Army Integration Special Committee (AISC) after holding consultations with the Nepali Congress (NC). This is a welcome move. However, the Maoists have made these pledges many times in the past but made few moves towards their implementation. It is natural, therefore, that their sincerity continues to remain under question.

The political situation that currently prevails makes it important for the Maoists to keep their word. Over the past months, much disenchantment has arisen regarding Maoist behavior among their coalition partners, the UML, and the Madheshi Janaadhikar Fourm (MJF). The Maoists have displayed a penchant for taking political decisions unilaterally and using state resources to further the particular ends of their party. Their relationship with the NC has never been as poor as it is now. This breakdown in consensus has effectively stalled the peace process. Unhappy with this state of things, the UML had warned the Maoists that they needed to drastically reform their working style and reach out to other parties if they wanted the continued participation of the UML in government.

It appears that the top Maoist leadership (or at least the section that is close to Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal) is aware of the gravity f the situation and is keen on making amends. This is evident from his efforts to regain the trust of the UML and his stated desire to include the NC in future political decisions. In addition, the prime minister has made efforts to engage with Moti Kaji Sthapit, a member of the Judicial Council. It may be recalled that Law Minister Dev Gurung had demanded Sthapit's resignation. After an outcry was raised about Maoist efforts to interfere in the judiciary, the prime minister met with Sthapit and assured him that he would not be forced to resign.

This is the only option for the Maoists if they wish to continue leading the government. And indeed this is what is best for the nation. We do not want the Maoist -led government to fall. They have, through the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections, received the mandate to lead the country, and great instability will result if their government is brought down. We only hope that they, by reaching out to other parties, are able to demonstrate statesman-like behavior. And that the peace process is brought to a successful conclusion.

The Maoists have ignored the peace process during their first 100 days in office.

On November 25 marked a hundred days since Pushpa Kamal Dahal took oath of office and became prime minister. Although negotiations for ministries took a few more weeks, this date, August 18, may be marked as the day the Maoist-led government took office. The performance of a government in the first 100 days may not reveal all that it is likely to accomplish during its tenure, but it certainly provides indications as to what its emphases are. What then have the Maoists prioritized and what have they ignored during these hundred honeymoon days?

The first priority of the government was foreign policy. Immediately after assuming his post, the new prime minister visited Beijing. Visits to New Delhi and to the annual meeting of the UN General Assembly in New York soon followed. Dahal used these two visits to reach out to the political classes and the general public in India and the U.S. His chief objective: assuage the suspicions that the political classes of both these countries harbour towards his party. The prime minister went on the charm offensive during these occasions, and these visits were largely successful in achieving their aims.

At home, the Maoist government unveiled ambitious Policies and Programs and Budget. The Rs 236 billion budget presented by Finance Minister Baburam Bhattarai was criticized by opposition leaders for being extraordinarily ambitious and for allocating funds that would find their way into the pockets of Maoist sympathizers. But Bhattarai defended the budget by stating that a heavy expenditure-push was indeed a must for leading the nation towards the much-needed economic growth. Although there are indications that the work culture at the finance ministry has changed, it is still unclear whether the programs are being effectively implemented and are on schedule.

The Maoists, however, have focused on all of the above at the expenses of the peace process that should in fact be at the centre-stage until it reaches its logical end. On June 25, the political parties signed an agreement that opened the way for the election of the president and prime minister and the formation of the government. This agreement stated that a special committee to oversee integration of Maoist combatants would be formed, in addition to commissions on Truth and Reconciliation and Disappearances. The Maoists promised to reform the YCL's wayward ways and return all captured property within 15 days. So far none of these have come to pass.

Over the past 100 days the Maoists have acted as leaders of government in normal times. They have focused on increasing their popularity and maximizing their advantage over other parties. The Nepali Congress has not acted any differently and appears keen to topple the Maoist-led government. All parties have ignored the peace process, which has not made any tangible progress since the Constituent Assembly elections.

India should use its good offices to help move the peace process forward.

Over three months after the formation of the Maoist-led government, a high level delegation from India arrived on an official visit on Nov. 24. The 11- member delegation led by Indian External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee is in Kathmandu for three days. The delegation has already met a number of top political leaders ranging across the spectrum of Nepal's political parties, and is scheduled to meet many more.

During the period of high spirits that prevailed immediately after the formation of the Maoist-led government, there was much talk of renegotiating past treaties, particularly the Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1950 and to make them more beneficial to Nepal. Rhetoric aside, we believe this is not the right time to enter into any issue of long-term import regarding our relations with India. In fact, the political atmosphere within Nepal does not allow for any the political atmosphere within Nepal does not allow for any such change. The peace process if far from over. Debate over the integration and rehabilitation of Maoist combatants has not progressed beyond the stage of all sides taking extreme, intractable positions. Relations between the Nepali Congress and the Maoists have not been this poor since the beginning of the peace process. Internal conflict within the CPN-UML is rife, and it appears that one of its factions could withdraw support to the coalition government. The Madhesi parties have not been able to play a constructive role between the Madhesi and the centre, as was envisaged when they got elected to the Constituent Assembly in such large numbers.

India played an important role in bringing the Maoists and the parliamentary parties together in Nov. 2005 and their engagement in Nepal has been largely constructive through the People's Movement II, the formation of the interim government and the holding of the Constituent Assembly elections. They are concerned about the rift between the Maoists and the NC, and wish to use diplomatic means to bring the two together and expedite and end of the peace process. Thus so far much of the talks have focused on the peace process, constitution drafting and the integration and rehabilitation of Maoist combatants. Although the discussions will also centre on issue of border security, reconstruction if the breach embankment in the Koshi river, and on issues of trade and transit, the overarching them of the visit is explicitly political. India's concern is natural and welcome. There have been a number of instances when India's prodding has helped move things move forward when the peace process has snagged and we hope that this visit will be similarly beneficial.

Maoists shouldn't use state resources to compensate for property capture.

There are many agreements reached between political parties over the past two years that have never been properly implemented. One of these has been the agreement by the Maoists to return all the property captured by their cadre. This has been a constant source of tension between the Maoists and the Nepali Congress (NC), and there have been a number of documents co-signed by both parties that state the Maoists are committed to returning captured land. This, however, has not fully happened, and the NC again submitted a list of nine demands, which included the issue of property return, to Prime Minister Dahal on Nov.9. Two days later the Prime Minister responded in a letter that stated, among other things, that the Maoists are committed to return all captured property by mid-December, and if anyone failed to receive property back by then, the state would provide that person with compensation for the lost property.

The issue of the return of captured land and other property by the Maoist is a complicated one. In many places, captured land has been redistributed to the poor and landless, and it is both ideologically and politically difficult for the Maoists to return this land. The Maoists leadership understands that there is a danger that they will alienate both local level cadres and the poor who now occupy the land if they forcibly try to evict them and return the land to owners who, during the war, were vilified by the party as feudal oppressors. Further, land reform according to the Maoists is an important means to create more egalitarian social structure, and the return of captured property makes it seem as though the Maoists have backtracked from this agenda. Indeed, we too believe that land reform is essential to provide the poor and landless with sources of subsistence.

These are the reasons why much captured property has not been returned even two years after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). And the PM's latest letter again demonstrates that the Maoists continue to face these difficulties. The clause in the letter that states that the state will compensate those whose property is not returned clearly indicates that the Maoists have no intention of returning captured property that still lies under their control. Insisted, they now plan to use the resources of the state to placate those whose property has been captured. This should not be allowed to happen. It was the party that was responsible for land capture, and it should be the party that should have to pay compensation if need be. To use the state's resources towards this purpose is not only to misuse its resources, but also to blur the distinction between state and party. This would be a severe breach of the norms of any democratic society.

Three months ago to the day, the mandate of the United Nations Mission to Nepal (UNMIN) was extended for the third time for six more months. After the completion of the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections, most aspects of UNMIN's mandate had been fulfilled, and the extension was made solely to allow it to continue monitoring the management of the arms and armies of the Maoists and the state. It was then hoped that in the new political climate after the election, the issue o integration and rehabilitation of Maoist combatants would be resolved; and that after six months, there would be no need for UNMIN to continue its monitoring role. Yet, more than six months after the CA elections, political parties have been unable to even form the special committee on integration and rehabilitation, which under Article 146 of the Interim Constitution, is meant to "supervise, integrate and rehabilitate" Maoist combatants.

To be fair, such a special committee had, in fact, been formed by the Nepali Congress-led government. But it met only once, in May 2007, and did not even begin discussions on integration and rehabilitation. This was largely due to political reasons: the Nepali Congress was unwilling to discuss the issue before the CA elections were held on April 10. Their reasoning was that the Maoists would perform so poorly at the polls that they would have to leverage left to push for mass integration of their combatants into the Nepal Army. The Maoists, on the other hand, publicly postured that they wanted integration to take place before the elections. But they too had no inclination to make this happen as they felt that the presence of a standing army would be beneficial to them during the elections.

Discussions on the formation of the special committee are now going on between the coalition partners, and it was expected that the government would announce its formation today. But political disagreements that have been holding up the formation of the committee remain unresolved. Presumably, the demand of the CPN-UML that a non-Maoist head the committee is unacceptable to the Maoists. In fact, to go beyond partisan politics, the Maoists should accept this demand. Integration is a highly sensitive issue that could potentially have disastrous consequences for the country, if handled badly. The Maoists, who have obvious partisan interests in the integration/rehabilitation of their People's Liberation Army, can not alone be trusted to focus on larger national interests. Further, it is troubling that negotiations have so far taken place between only two alliance partners the Maoists and the UML. Broad based consensus over the modalities of integration is crucial, and there is an immediate need for the opposition party, the Nepali Congress, to be involved in the negotiations. As important is for the Congress to be represented in the committee which will be eventually formed.

Prime Minister Puspa Kamal Dahal returned home after eight-day long visit to the US, claiming that the visit was a great success. He has not elaborated what he got out of his third foreign visit in less than one month. But like his predecessors, the prime minister met US President George W. Bush during a dinner hosted by the US President in honour of the heads of the delegations who were there to address the 63rd UN General Assembly. On the sideline of the UN General Assembly, Prime Minister Dahal invited U.N. Secretary General Ban-Ki Moon to visit Lumbini - the birth place of Lord Buddha. He also met the US Assistant Secretary of State for South Asian Affairs, Richard Boucher and said that Boucher gave a "positive" response to removing the Maoists from the US terror list.

We are not so sure that the prime minister's US visit was as great a success as he makes it out to be. Indeed, Dahal, 55 must have come across a breath of fresh air compared to his predecessor; the octogenarian Girija Prasad Koirala was more dour than exciting. Dahal could engage the audience, he impressed many with his commitment to a rapid economic growth and at times he was funny too. An elected Maoist leader and a former guerilla is bound to be an object of curiosity - and even admiration, to some - at the global stage. Others just wanted to see how committed the new prime minister was to peace and prosperity. This was especially important to the members of the Nepali Diaspora, many of whom have left the country frustrated by an unending insurgency while a tiny number of asylum-seekers have been direct victims of the Maoists. Unsurprisingly, he faced some difficult questions during his interactions with the Diaspora, at the Asia Society and the India - China Institute; the audience wanted to know CPN Maoist's positions on the Tibetan movement, continued YCL atrocities, and his party's commitment to democracy and market economy. He famously offered an alternative model of democracy during his Delhi visit "the mixture of democracy and communism".

In the US the prime minister expressed his firm commitment to democracy, human rights, press freedom, and market-friendly policies. He even approached the Nepali Diaspora to invest in Nepal. The fact that the US president shook hands with the prime minister and a senior State Department official met him means that there has been a perceptible thaw in the U.S Maoist ties. But at the end of the day, it is the Maoist behaviors at home that will determine how they are perceived by the international community. A swagger here and a warm handshake there will only achieve so much.

Get on with it

The Rules and Regulations Drafting Committee (RRDC) of the Constituent Assembly (CA) has finalized a draft of the guidelines to be followed when conducting the regular business of the Legislature Parliament. RRDC Chairman Narayan Man Bijukchhe has endorsed the provision in the draft to form eight thematic and two special committees. The tasks of these committees are to look after the daily activities of different ministries, formulate new bills, make necessary amendments to the existing acts, and hold public hearings. This set of rules governs parliamentary business.

The rules and regulations related to writing the constitution is nowhere near completion. The Interim Constitution requires that the CA draft the new constitution by May 2010. It has been five months since the CA polls were held, but the CA has made no progress on preparing the necessary rules and regulations. Chairman Bijukchhe has blamed the major political parties for dilly-dallying and not giving priority to sorting out their differences about the guidelines. Smaller parties have been unnecessarily demanding that they be included in all the thematic committees. This is impractical and also against the spirit of the election results. The delay in coming out with a draft of the rules and regulations has raised a serious question about the efficacy of the political parties. If the CA has not been able to finalize the rules and regulations after five months, how can we believe that it will complete the new constitution by the stipulated timeframe? The reason behind the time lost in power politics and engrossed in business of day to day governance is losing the larger picture at hand- new constitution. Again, the ongoing wrangling over the budget could further affect the drafting of the guidelines concerning the thematic committees.

The process of writing the constitution should have started way back when the Interim Parliament was preparing to enforce the decision to declare Nepal a republic. But the manner in which the CA members have been conducting themselves indicates that they are in the Legislature-Parliament just to collect allowances and perks. The 594 lawmakers have drawn more than Rs.95.5 million under various heads from the state treasury. For example, the state pays an allowance to the members for every meeting they attend and also bears their travel expenses. From April through September, the Legislature-Parliament has held 45 meetings. The CA members seem oblivious to the likely effects of the delay in drafting the new constitution. Such a lackadaisical approach does not bode well for the country's policies and the larger peace process, which is still fragile.

The parliamentary party meeting of the Nepal's oldest Democratic Party - The Nepali Congress - was put off Sunday following a dispute over the issue of the party's internal democratic exercise. Some younger generation leaders have demanded a direct election to choose the parliamentary party leadr4 and deputy leader. They have opposed the custom of the deputy leader being handpicked by the party leader who is elected in parliament. Allowing the elected leader to choose his deputy could be justified as it will keep differences out of the committee. But it limits democratic exercise. The practice of handpicking undermines the growth of dissenting leaders, for the parliamentary party leader is more than likely to value personal loyalty, rather than competence, while choosing his deputy. A handpicked deputy may not be able to lead the party during the parliamentary party leader's absence.

During the last days of the Rana oligarchy and despotic Panchayat regime, the Nepali Congress grew as a party under certain charismatic leadership. Despite its very liberal principles, the NC's practices evolved in the patronage of B P Koirala and Subarna Shumsher, and the collective leadership of Ganesh Man Singh, KP Bhattarai, and G P Koirala after BP's death. But the NC is entering a phase where the politics of charisma is correctly on the wane; the emerging leaders are trying to present a vision of democratic governance to the rank and file. The NC leaders, old and new, must imbibe democratic ethos in the party while deciding policies and selecting leaders. It should be acknowledged that an idea finalized through exhaustive debate is better than one propounded by a handful of individuals, mostly high-caste men, behind closed doors. Political debate in the NC should determine its political course, just not the legacy of a Koirala or a Ganesh Man Singh.

Though the NC has abandoned the practice of the president nominating all the Central Working Committee members with half of them now being elected, it seems there are still some leaders who are reluctant to go for full internal democracy. In order to reinvigorate the party organization and to ensure that it is still a people's party with liberal democratic values, the NC must end the illiberal exercise that has been practiced for decades by successive leaders. The upcoming parliamentary party election will be an opportunity for the party to enter a new era and for younger generations' leader who demonstrate democratic values. The proposed statute of the parliamentary party will be a little step forward.

The ongoing central committee meeting of the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN (UML) are noteworthy. And that not just for their criticism of the CPN (Maoist). Both the parties are trying to reinvent their wheels after surprise set-backs in the election. Traditionally, the NC defines itself as a socialist party. Its five decades long political struggle has also socialist party. Its five decades long political struggle ahs also given it the identity of a moderate force. It has a history of fighting for liberal values, representing the left-to-the-center, and lately, centrist values. The UML has redefined its political ideology, too, since it jointly launched the 1990 People's Movement. It has since fully embraced multiparty democracy, renounced politics of violence and emerged as the leading party on the left. General Secretary Madan Bhandari was responsible for bringing the UML into competitive politics. All through the tenure of Madhav Kumar Nepal, Bhandari's successor, the UML kept moving away from the left to the center. This party's cozy position as a mainstream communist party is now in peril after the CPN (Maoist) finished as the leading party in the CA. That, however, would be a hasty conclusion.

The Maoists remain unqualified on several grounds. Maoist cadres, especially the Young Communist League, have not renounced violence; nor have the Maoists remained committed to their word on the integration of Maoist combatants into the security forces. Finance Minister Baburam Bhattarai has talked a log about double-digit growth, but what king of budget he is going to present remains to be seen. Nevertheless, the CA election has changed the landscape of Nepali politics. The election also established two regional parties - MPRF and TMLP. It's important that the traditional powerhouses of Nepali politics- NC and UML define themselves vis-à-vis the regional parties too, for we believe regional politics is here to stay and may even help deepen democracy. The Maoists, which came above the ground in 2006, have yet to establish its democratic credentials. Many still see them as an ultra-leftist force, which often falters on major political issues.

A political party that represents extreme views and populist ideas is unlikely to make its presence felt though the CN (Maoist) has emerged as the largest political force after the CA poll. The Maoists intend to bring all leftist forces after under their leadership; but will they be able to do so as long as the UML remains the main leftist party? The CA election result shocked both the UML, and the NC. How long will the bonhomie between the UML and the Maoists last? Ideological differences abound between the Maoist and the UML. It is time the Maoists redefined their political principles if they really want to be part of competitive politics.

The people voted the Maoists to power being impressed by their election slogan: "You've tried the others time and again. This time, try the Maoists. "The people were attracted to them because they had an agenda for change- a new Nepal- and they decided to let them have a go at it. The way the Maoists have come to the forefront is extraordinary. Even without power, they changed a Hindu monarchy into a secular republic, brought the king's army under civilian control, and helped to make the elections happen.

In addition to the election commitments, there are various issues the Maoists have to address without delay in order to achieve their goals. First, they should implement revolutionary land reform as promised. Land reform has remained an unresolved issue since the 1960s. King Mahendra had introduced it with a few rules and regulations at the time he dismissed democracy and adopted Panchayat. But the outcome brought no satisfaction. The big political parties have put forward land reform as their main political agenda, but they were reluctant to translate it into action even when they were in power.

Given this historical perspective and the structure and nature of the present coalition government, the Maoists will have a tough time implementing revolutionary land reform which requires everybody's agreement. They will succeed only if they are committed to it politically.

Second, the nation is facing problems with widening budget deficit. It does not seem to be a big problem now, but they will have far-reaching impacts. The budget deficit will get bigger as the coalition government is going to spend beyond its means to fulfill their commitments. Enlarging the budget the budget without indentifying extra sources of revenue will only widen the deficit and raise inflation.

Most of the country's revenue comes from excise and customs duties. The production sector that could supply goods and services for domestic consumption and export has not developed enough to contribute substantially to government revenue. Thus, the "New Nepal" should see to explore possibilities of promoting the production sector minimize the role of customs and excise duties as the major source of government income. The new agenda for the new government should be to develop and promote production as well as the tourism industry.

The third issue is rising inequalities. There is a widening gap between the rich and the poor. A few people have a very high standard of living while the rest continue to languish in abject poverty. This is a big issue that needs to be dealt with. Inequalities in the distribution of income and wealth will crate social tensions. Therefore, a proper policy should be put in place to for just and equitable distribution of resources. In this respect, progressive taxation could act as tool to reduce the gap. The state can levy a high rate of tax on the rich without having to lower their standards to make others better off. To make this possible from both aspects, more jobs should be created for the unemployed. The revenue generated from such tax schemes should be invested in the productive sector that can crate more employment opportunities for the poor.

It is not only among the people that the gap between the haves and the have-nots is widening. There is a great chance of the disparity between Maoist cadres and their leaders enlarging too. If incomes are not distributed evenly among privileged leaders and ordinary cadres, it could give rise to intra-party clashes vertically divide the party.

The forth issue is rampant corruption. The efficiency of government agencies is intimately connected with corruption. There is no control mechanism to prevent graft and bribery. If not treated as a social evil, corruption will spread like a virus and paralyze the development of the country. Experience shows that persons convicted of corruption by agencies entrusted with catching them have been given lean chits by other government institutions like the courts. This is why corruption is thriving. If we really want to change the situation, stringent corruption control mechanisms should be enforced.

The fifth issue is inflation. Nepal Rastra Bank's estimates reveal that rising prices will jump to a double-digit rate in the near future. The prices of food products have doubled within the past year making life harder for poor and marginalized people. The government's service delivery system is almost immobile. Essentials like gas, kerosene, and food are not easily available.

An ordinary Nepali who voted for the Maoists now expects them to quickly take care of good scarcity, inflation, power outage, the economy, and breakdown in law and order. The people are eagerly waiting to see how the Maoists transform their election commitments into action and how they are going to achieve double-digit growth. Political will is vital to drive economic development. Let us see how Dahal maintains high economic growth.

Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal's first foreign trip has set off a controversy. Obviously, PM Dahal visited China and met Chinese President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao before attending the closing ceremony and the Beijing Olympics. And this visit has irritated Delhi, a section of Indian Politicians and the media who still see China through the 1962 Indo-China war. Nepal's ambassador to India Durgesh Man Singh sought to allay anxieties in Delhi about PM Dahal's five day visit to China. He defended the trip by saying that Nepal's ties with India were different, and that choosing China as the first foreign destination should not have raised anybody's hackles. The first port of call for a new Nepali Prime Minister has customarily been Delhi. However, the break with tradition has stunned Delhi hawks as they fear that Chinese influence over Nepal would further corner India.

The reaction in India clearly shows that Indians are still haunted by the ghost of 1962 when China and India fought a bitter border war. PM Dahal visited China to attend the closing ceremony of the Beijing Olympics as Nepal, being a next door neighbor, could not skip it. The Indian Congress sent high-profile leaders - Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi - to attend the Olympic inauguration. But PM Dahal's visit was interpreted in India as a sign of Nepal's pro-China tilt under the new dispensation that may challenge Delhi's preeminence in Nepal. The Indians are arguing that India had invited the new Prime Minister first; but Dahal went off to China without accepting or rejecting the Indian invitation. Now Delhi hawks are concerned about how to deal with the Maoist leader who has termed the 1950 Nepal-India Friendship Treaty "unequal" and wants to revise it to suit Nepali interests.

Difference between these two Asian giants may linger as they follow different political systems. But their differences should not be allowed to undermine Nepali sovereignty. India cannot dictate to Nepal and make it toe the Indian line, nor can this country be turned into an anti-China platform where pro-Tibet Indian activists travel to the Nepal -China border and raise Tibetan issues on Nepali soil. Nepal has its own foreign policy, and it has always remained equidistant from China and India. Nepal shares common cultures and religions with both countries. When Sonia and Rahul Gandhi can visit China and meet Chinese leaders, who can't the Nepali prime minister do so? Nepal needs both Chinese and Indian support to rebuild its insurgency-ravaged land. And PM Dahal must rebuild it as he was the architect of the decade-long Maoist rebellion that claimed over 14,000 lives and reduced the country's economy to rubble. It is very disappointing to see such political immaturity in some Indian leaders and diplomats.

No Place for Kids in Maoist Army

How the Maoists have failed to live up to their commitments needs no elaboration. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement of November 2006 explicitly requires the former rebels to release anyone younger than 18 years of age recruited for military purpose. A special representative of the UN Secretary General for Children and Armed Conflict has reminded the Maoist-led government that it must free all underage Maoist combatants staying in UN monitored cantonments and rehabilitate them into society. The UN report estimates that nearly 3,000 children continue to languish in Maoist cantonments. During the registration of the Maoist fighters, a large number of cadres had been rejected on the ground that they were below 18 years old also testifies to the fact that they were well below the age of maturity at the time the Maoists enlisted them.

Three consecutive UN reports have named the Maoists for violation of international standards prohibiting recruitment and use of child soldiers. The Maoist-led government has to meet its international obligations under the convention on the rights of the child as well as ILO Convention 182 to provide assistance and rehabilitation to former child soldiers. Some of the juvenile Maoist combatants have reportedly left the cantonments, but the Maoists have yet to discharge them formally. The children who missed out on education should be released from the Maoist ranks. The immediate concern now is reintegrating them into society. The Maoists used various techniques like abduction, kidnapping, and propaganda campaigns to recruit children into their army. They operated a "one family, one child" program whereby each family had to provide a soldier or face severe punishment. Children were part of the Maoist fighting force. The Maoists drove many children to flee their homes to avoid joining or to seek better lives far from conflict-ravaged districts.

A sudden release of underage Maoist combatants into the community may cause problems. They must first be provided proper rehabilitation as required by international law. The failure to initiate any systematic effort to release the child soldiers suggest that they have not benefited from the peace agreement. Many children in the ranks were recruited and trained after the peace process began. UNCEF and its partners should be given access to these young troops in order to make arrangements to reintegrate them into society. Though PM Dahal has denied that his party had recruited children younger than 18 years of age, the UN has verified and computed the exact number of child soldiers. Let us hope PM Dahal honestly releases the children and rehabilitates them without delay.

The Interim Constitution has already acknowledged the opposition's role in the Constituent Assembly; and the country's oldest Democratic Party, the Nepali Congress (NC), has chosen to play the role of the opposition. Though it is not the people's mandate to have any opposition bench, everybody should accept that the voters have rejected the NC as a ruling party. In its first meeting since the party's ouster from power, its Central Working Committee started assessing the reason behind its defeat at the polls and discussing its role as the opposition. The election defeat is a lesson for the NC. It failed to rasp the people's sentiment and reach out to them for over nine years. However, the party's decision to remain in the opposition is more an opportunity than a challenge to correct its shortcomings.

It is an opportunity in the sense that it will be able to merge emotionally the party's parallel structures from the center to the village level. It will be able to reorganize its cadres to stand firm in favor of drafting a new constitution and exert pressure on the Maoist-led government to address the people's problems. It will be able to receive the party's past glory as the champion of democracy if it keeps on mobilizing the people and party cadres to push for a fully democratic constitution - let it be on the streets or in the CA. But the first thing that the NC should admit is that the masses don't flock around a party that doesn't have convincing programs and appealing leaders. So that NC must make public its stance immediately on what sort of constitution it wants the CA to draft, what the structure to do the future political entities will enjoy and what sort of economic model it intends to establish in the future.

While making public its position on the future setup and politico-economic course, its responsibility is toe issue a white paper on what went wrong in the past. The program needs appealing leaders to implement it. But the NC is almost leaderless since the NC and the NC-D merged, and Girija Prasad Koirala handed over the baton to Sushil Koirala last year. The party units have been merged, but the concept of the NC's 60 percent and the NC-D's 40 percent share is still there. Students are staging a sit-in-outside the party office and the youth are still revolving around the central leaders. Further continuity of the situation is sure to render the opposition role of the NC ineffective. So the NC must hold its general convention to elect a new leadership, reenergize its cadres, review its performance, make public its future plan, and mobilize the masses to exert pressure for a democratic constitution.

The least they can do

The Common Minimum Program (CMO) which binds the three political parties - the Maoists, the CPN-UML, and the MPRF - looks very promising. But the question is this: Will the tree-party coalition government be able to translate the underpinning of the CMP into action? Prime Minister and Maoist chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has expressed his commitment to freedom of the press and protection and promotion of human rights. Dahal's pledge has failed miserably innumerable times in the past. Moist cadres killed Bara-based journalist Birendra Sah in 2007 after the Maoists had joined the peace process. Dahal then had also reaffirmed his commitment to press freedom and human rights. Unfortunately, the Maoists have yet to take action against their cadres involved in the murder of Sah and other incidents of similar nature. Instead, they have brushed off such occurrences calling them the handiwork of some criminals.

However, Dahal's promise has come following his election as prime minister, and there is much hope that he will stick to what he has said. The Post wishes that the Maoists will honestly respect freedom of the press. For that they should start changing the way the Young Communist League (YCL) has been operating. The Maoists have to improve law and order and dismantle the paramilitary structure of the YCL. The recent attack on a Post scribe in Doha is yet another incident highlighting YCL high-handedness. YCL cadres seized the reporter's camera and misbehaved with him. The incident took place right under the nose of two senior Maoist leaders, CP Gajurel and Matrike Prasad Yadav. There is growing fear that the YCL will intensify their excesses following Dahal's election as prime minister. The YCL has established a parallel administration across the country. Of late, its interventions have become conspicuous in the distribution of local-level government contracts. The local administration has remained helpless even when YCL cadres have been preventing local contractors from participating in the bidding. No local administration will be accountable to the people when YCL goons continue to run such a parallel administration.

The CMP can be effective only if the parties in power promote human rights, freedom of the press and make the local administration responsible to the people. Past experience, however, does not paint a rosy picture that the Maoists will be honest and committed to press freedom. People are filled with apprehension that the former rebels may use the local administration as a tool to violate human rights and undermine press freedom. In a country where half of the population is illiterate, the local administration should become much more accessible and deliver needed services to the people. The Post hopes the Maoists will stand by their commitments and sincerely realize the need to break up the paramilitary structure of the YCL which has been taking the law into its own hands.

This honeymoon could become a happy one. During the transitional period starting from 2006, the government (consisting mainly of the NC the UML< and the Maoists) under Girija Prasad Koirala's leadership held the Ca poll, got rid of the monarchy, and declared the country a republic. These are great achievements. However, the country went downhill in every other area. We could summarize the state of our nation by the world "lack": lack of constant power though the monsoon has reduced the load-shedding a bit, lack of books for students, lack of fuel for vehicle-owners, lack of food for many in western Nepal, lack of security for the wealthy under treats of kidnapping for ransom, lack of travel because of frequent bandas/strikes by youth groups and pro, anti-syndicate agitations and lack of government as many bureaucrats refused to work because of treats of life. Thus PM Dahal's restoration of some normalcy in our nation would signal the beginning of a happy honeymoon.

Positively, Dahal's oath-taking in the name of the people instead of "God" indicates his desire to make Nepal a truly secular state. His award of 20 million of rupees for those afflicted by the flooding Saptakosi River gives hope to those severely affected by this unexpected natural disaster. His instruction, if truly obeyed, to Maoist parliamentarians to visit their constituencies while the CA is in recess can bring hope. We should remember that cadres of other political parties have not done this either because of lethargy or Maoist threats.

Negatively, PM Dahal hasn't been able to wave his magic want; and promptly bring about a government as expected. Both the IML and MPRF complain that the Maoists haven't kept their word in the distribution of the ministries as promised. The longer the delays in the formation of the government, the quicker will, the euphoria in the Maoist leadership subside.

Though Dr Baburam Bhattarai announce the cessation of YCL's paramilitary nature of August 15th Friday, immediately after the election of Dahal as the PM, news of Maoists looting maize belonging to UML faithful in Sankhuwasabha and YCL goons beating up a Panchthar man (not voting for the Maoists in the CA poll) came in the papers three days later. The public hardly believes that the Classes will actually turn into "cows", and Dahal should prove his intent by action.

Further, Dahal distrusts the security the Nepal Army/the Nepal Police are providing him, and relies also on PLA's protection.

Many, including this writer, didn't want a Maoist-led government. However, hopes for an alternative quickly faded as the NC fielded the jaded Sher Bahadur Deuba against Dahal. Even his RPP mother-in-law Pratibha Rana didn't vote for Deuba and many NC parliamentarians must have cast their ballots for him reluctantly. Deuba and the largest ever "jumbo " cabinet of over 40 ministers started the Pajero culture, didn't heed the 40-point Maoist demand in 1996 thus allowing the 10- year-long insurgency to start, split the Nepali Congress, surrendered our democracy of King Gyanendra in 2002, and was dubbed "incompetent" by the later. Thus, senility, not only on the part of the octogenarian Girija babu but also the NC as a whole, must have played a role in allowing him to stand for the PM's post. I had advocated that either Ram Chandra Poudel or Dr Ram Sharan Mahat should have become the candidate.

On the other hand, Deuba had demanded seniority as a price for uniting his splinter party with the NC; and after Girija babu, he had a claim to the PM's post. Whatever the internal politics, Deuba himself must have proposed some other fresh candidate in his stead. If he had done so, surprising amalgamation of parties my have formed through the night for an attractive NC hopeful.

Anyway, now that the Maoist chairman is also our PM all should wish him a happy honeymoon; and applaud his successes while bemoaning his shortcomings. This writer sees a few things Dahal should give priority to.

He should keep his promises. Let his darling YCL abandon its paramilitary nature as soon as possible. This group shouldn't come into the news again for fresh atrocities. Let the Maoists return the confiscated property as they have promised for the umpteenth time. The Maoists should also make known the conditions of those disappeared, both by them and the past governments.

Dahal shouldn't demoralize the Nepal Army (NA) by still relying on the PLA for his protection. He can hasten the integration of the PLA into the NA through agreed norms and procedure, but shouldn't maintain the parallel military outfit. Such behavior can incite jealousy if not a rebellion in the NA.

He should quickly introduce the "revolutionary" land reform. Under such a scheme, President Cory Aquino of the Philippines parted with a lot of her own land to help the poor. When BP Koirala introduced a genuine land reform program in the late 1950s, the royal and the rich were the first to object to it. King Mahendra put an end to it by ousting BP's democratic government. As long as the Maoist land reform is genuine and does not seek to augment the party's vote-bank, people will support it.

Of course, the new government's main task is to write the first, federal, democratic constitution for Nepal. Within a few weeks, Dahal should ensure that this process begins.

Happy Honeymoon!

Koirala's Mixed Legacy

Outgoing Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala formally retired from his post Monday after Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal took the oath of office as his successor. We extend sincere gratitude to the octogenarian leader who kept the country on a tight rein during the tumultuous 27 months and finally handed the charge over to a democratically elected prime minister. Despite his frail health, Koirala has successfully fulfilled the people's aspiration for a new era and made the Constituent Assembly (CA) election possible within two years of his rein. Koirala's success should be measured in abolition of the 240-year-old monarchy amid speculations, especially from the former Maoist rebels, that the regressive forces would resist and the country might plunge, again, into a vortex of conflict. Fortunately, this did not happen. Koirala's innate leadership made it possible by gradually distancing the monarchy from the national army and other cultural affiliations.

Koirala's stance for revival of the dissolved parliament played a key role in defeating the regressive force and distancing the king from the national army. Despite Maoists' pressure to attain the goal of republic through antagonistic approach, Koirala pushed the republican agenda forward step by step and finally declared the country a secular federal republic. His resistance to external pressure was praiseworthy. A leader's talent is measured by the decisions he takes during crucial hours. Koirala frequently faced difficult circumstances, especially when the Maoists walked out of the cabinet and the Madhesi problem led to the postponement of the CA election. However, he eventually overcame both the problems. He created an atmosphere for open politics though he might have taken some decisions to suit his personal interests rather than the broader interests of the people and the country.

Koirala is a personality who is both highly revered and criticized. Even the Maoists and other allies respected him until he held the CA poll. But in recent days, some Maoist leaders have openly called him a power monger. It is not a politics of tolerance that the people were expecting from the new leaders. The risk that Koirala took while meeting with the then "terrorist' leaders and his ability to bring them to negotiating table for peace and prosperity of this country are his greatest achievements. He rescued the country out of the Maoist insurgency and handed the power over to a democratically-elected leader. He fought against autocratic Ranas and Shahs for six decades. Often hard to understand and given to whims, his political contributions to this country on the final analysis are immense. His suggestions and advice would be of great value for Nepal to foster and advance a democratic political culture.

The failure of the major political parties to reach a consensus on forming a new government is very unfortunate. The parties have deviated from the political path directed by the April uprising one after anther in recent months. They have started taking crucial decisions through division of votes going against the people's wish for a politics of consensus until all the vestiges of feudal Nepal under monarchy are uprooted. The four major political parties should be blamed for this deviation. The decision to elect the prime minister through voting could lead to a political disaster as it is an apparent move against the consensus government. The country does not need any Common Minimum Program so long as the past peace accords expressly direct the CA members what they are supposed to do.

The election slated for Friday for the post of prime minister is against the pact if not against the provision of the Interim Constitution. The election will certainly have a negative impact on the peace process and the making of a new constitution. The main goals of the CA are to draft and endorse the new constitution within the next 20 months, take the ongoing peace process to a logical end and consolidate the democratic system for a prosperous New Nepal. Have the political parties, since the CA poll result, moved towards fulfilling these objectives? How will a majoritarian government muster the required strength in the A to pass every clause of the new constitution with leaders of the major parties throwing taunts at it? Two-third of the CA members must endorse each article: That means there must be unity among the Maoists, NC, UML, and MPRF at least so that the CA can formulate the new constitution within the stipulated timeframe. Though the CA has been performing the role of parliament as well during this transition, the parties should not divide themselves into ruling and opposition benches as has happened in the past where they used to engage in mudslinging.

The process of forming the government through a voting system would definitely push some of the parties into the opposition benches and invite serious inter-party tussles. So far, the Ca members have focused their attention on who should get what position rather than on forming a consensus government. The Maoists seem to be confused by open politics. Their words do not match their deeds. They have also failed to fulfill their political commitments. The NC, the UML, and the MPRF are no different. However, no party has the right to dishonor the people's mandate. All the parties must work unanimously to fulfill the people's aspirations. Adoption of proportional representation system to elect CA members was aimed at making as inclusive CA as possible. So going against the people's wishes will certainly push the country into a vortex of political instability we have experienced in the past.

Dr Ram Baran Yadav is the first president of the Republic of Nepal. We bow with respect and pride to the first head of the state from the people. In addition to Yadav and the Nepali Congress party, it is the victory of the general public and the democratic ideology over autocratic conspiracies. Yadav is the most ideal person to become the president because he represents the Madhesi community, is a learned man, and has been championing the democratic ideals for over four decades. When all other so-called senior leaders from his community were attempting to become politically correct, it was only Dr Yadav who strongly stood in favor of Nepal's nationality, integrity, and national reconciliation. He never budged an inch from his stance even when he was attacked at his village in Dhanusha. His stand was vindicated by the people by electing him to the Constituent Assembly. We rally needed an honest, competent, and nationalist leader like Dr Yadav to act as the head of the state.

We hope that the first president Dr Yadav and the first vice president Paramananda Jha will stand as the base pillar to safeguard the country's democratic space. Both have very crucial role to play in leading the peace process to a logical end and put the country onto the fast track of economic development. Their talents and tact should lead the nation to a smooth transition from conflict to peace. The integration of the Maoist combatants as well as safeguarding the sanctity and professionalism of the Nepal Army will also depend on their roles. We are sure that both will discharge their roles responsibly. However, vice-president Jha will have to work harder to omit his past bad record when he was a justice of the Supreme Court.

With the election of the first president, the discourse of Nepali politics has also taken a sharp turn. The Maoists, who were being seen as the undisputable power in the Constituent Assembly, have suddenly turned into minnows. As per their habit of being smart, they have started saying that they might not form the next government. Despite the present coalition among the NC, CPM-UML, and the Forum, the Maoist can form the next government. We believe that the Maoists should be given an opportunity to form the new government. Politics of the majority should end here and politics of reconciliation should resole. Nepal will transform into a peaceful and democratic country only if all the major parties work in unison. Also, the people want a taste of the Maoist government. The threat of the Maoists' usurping state power and imposing communism has significantly been reduced with Dr Yadav as the president.

Republic Nepal's First President

In Nepali there is saying, "Let it be late, but it must be a son". By all standards, the election or selection of the president of the Republic of Nepal is late, but it is likely that we are going to get the son after all (the implied gender bias is regretted as I am quoting a popular saying). We will have a president, male or female, by the time this feature will appear in print, or soon afterwards at the latest.

Given the complacent style of the working of our leaders, they must be complimented on this feat. Whoever is elected as the president, will be a historical person and will set the best precedent in several aspects of the role of the future presidents.

The delay in the appointment of the president has raised a number of political issues and I am focusing on some of them.

The first cause was related to haggling for power. The chairman of the CPN (Maoist) Puspa Kamal Dahal fought the election with the slogan of being the first president, assuming that the country will chose a presidential form of government. But the people did not give his party enough votes to decide a new form of government. So, he had to accept a compromise and agree on being the prime minister with power rather than a president without.

The second issue is that of the status of the president. Some people call it ceremonial; some have called it constitutional. By all means, a president of a democratic republic will be constitutional. An unconstitutional president may represent a republic but it will not be a democracy; it may be a despot.

On the other hand, a ceremonial king will also enjoy some constitutional powers. S/he will be the head of the state and have the status of first rank. S/he will approve all legislative or executive decisions of the state. In the general usage, the word constitutional connotes constitutionally defined and limited powers used by the head of the state. A ceremonial head of the state is limited by the constitution, but a constitution can give the president unlimited power.

These two issues point to a third issue: whether Nepal should adopt a presidential form or a parliamentary form of government. Within a kingdom, Nepal had chosen the parliamentary form whenever there was a chance of making a democratic government. When the king snatched all the power, there was the need for a concerted effort to snatch it back and a culture of coalition emerged which was able to throw the monarchy off. Now it looks very likely that one party government will be the thing of the past. There will have to be alliances to run the government, now and in future. Alliances may change but the culture will remain.

A powerful president commanding allegiance from the majority of the people may be possible in a two party system as in the United States. But Nepal has chosen to have a multiple party system under a strictly divided federation. Most of the parties may have local allegiance. Under such a scenario, the growth of a central leadership capable of coordinating all the political divisions will be impossible. A powerful president will have to have the support of at least a simple majority of the popular vote. This does not augur well for the foreseeable future. But a president with constitutionally limited power will be more neutral and impartial. Under such a system, the prime minister can be arranged with practicable coalitions between different parties and the system will be effective.

The third important issue is the stifling of the powers and functions of the Constituent Assembly (CA). During the pre-CA stage of the interim politics, the culture of the Severn Party Alliance was relevant. After the formation of the CA, the SPA is neither functioning in unison nor is it letting the CA take over. There is a play of three major parties that cannot agree on any issue of national importance. The CA is more representative and more diverse. There are 25 parties big or small, but they have had no chance of influencing the policy of the nation. Even the SPA has internal discrimination; the smaller constituents are not consulted. This is against the wish of the people.

The forth important issue is the hangover of past problems. The Madhesi parties are not satisfied with the implementation of the past agreements; the government is also not addressing the issues in a holistic manner; and a new government has not taken shape. The politics of consensus has given way to the politics of competition. There is clear polarization between the left leaning parties and the rest. This has not only adversely affected the formation of the new government but is also showing symptoms of blocking the very process of forming a new constitution for which the CA was elected.

There is a time loss in the making of the constitution. All the important decisions concerning the new constitution will have to be carried by a two/thirds majority. But, with the looking polarization, it does not seem to be possible. The tragic victim of the power haggling is the constitution.

The newly appointed president will find her/him-self in the scenario described above. S/he will not be a new person on the politics of Nepal, but the new role will require several adjustments in the personal orientations and dealings of the president. S/he will have to distance her/him-self form the party of allegiance and be common leader to all parties and aspirations. S/he must realize that it is an interim period. The transition is a preparation for the more settled form of the polity. The president must step down along with the termination of the interim government. i.e., after the new constitution formally takes effect.

The ex-president may join the old party after the term is over, but as long as s/he remains the President, s/he will be a neutral person. Unless this happens, a coalition government cannot run. The president should be guided by the national interest as against the narrow party interest. This factor will give the president the confidence of the people in addition to the constitutionally defined power.

The president will have two major functions: first, to legitimize the work of the executive and approve the bills and legislative proposals to run the interim government; second, to approve the provisions of the new constitution prepared by the CA. The president will have to play roles to slow or modify the executive action done hastily, but s/he may have to use moral pressure or courage to prepare and finalize the new constitution. The constitution making has a deadline of two years, but part of the time is already consumed in haggling among parties.

The interim constitution has given a margin of six additional months to finalize the new constitution. But, given the present haggling and party conflicts, it does not look possible that the job will be done even within the added time. Furthermore, the case of emergency may have to be artificially crated. It is, therefore, advisable to amend the constitution by giving logically required more time for the CA and stimulate it to function more efficiently. Whether ceremonial or constitutional, the President can influence a lot.