Ineffective security mechanisms and increasing treat to ordinary civilians hint at a failed state

Civilian security plays an important role in post -conflict stability, rule of law and functional government. Adequate security measures must be undertaken for the promotion of human rights, establish good governance and accountability, eliminate criminal activities and end increasing impunity. Without proper security of commoners, the enforcement of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and attempts to institutionalize democratic and republic regime would prove futile.

The country's security situation is under treat, and abductions and killings are rampant. Serious doubts have been raised about the governments 's post -conflict arrangement in terms of ensuring civilian security and improving rule of law, as well as controlling cross-border crimes and arms. The government ‘s effort to bring armed groups into mainstream politics through negotiations seems questionable because of these groups' direct involvement in criminal activities through violent tactics for the sole purpose of extortion and ransom.

The increasing activities of organized criminal groups under political patronage and easy availability of small arms and explosives smuggled through open borders have created additional threats to civilian security. Political protection of criminals makes the transitional period more insecure, unstable and vulnerable, and possibly violent. Obviously, political agendas must be resolved through dialogue, but the government should make no compromise while enforcing laws to control criminal activities. Political negotiations with criminals cannot preclude illegal activities. In rather demoralizes law enforcement agencies responsible for maintaining law and order, and encourages criminal or armed groups to regroup by misusing legitimate political space, as well as provides opportunity to legitimize their unlawful activities.

In post-conflict period, new challenges to security and rule of law have appeared in the course of institutionalizing political changes and state transformation. State institutions, particularly law enforcement agencies such as the Nepal Police are confused and contradictory directives, absence of institutional and operational independence and inadequate logistics support. Increasing political interference and disruption of independent investigation of criminal activities institutionalizes the increasing "politicization of crime". Escalation of violence and hindering the path of law enforcement agencies can contribute to expansion of anarchism and lawlessness.

After the signing of the CPA and the Constituent Assembly election. Nepal has been facing tremendous challenges in terms of managing security and rule of law, maintenance of law and order and ensuring peace and stability. Armed and splinters groups have almost taken over the Tarai region accommodating criminals from the other side of border who were displaced due to proactive crackdown of Bhar provincial government and massive mobilization of the Border Security Force from the central government of India. In addition, increasing "politicization of crime." Escalation of violence and hindering the path of law enforcement agencies and lawlessness.

After the signing of the CPA and the Constituent Assembly election, Nepal has been facing tremendous challenges inters of managing security and rule of law, maintenance of law and order and ensuring peace and stability. Armed and splinters groups have almost taken over the Tarai region accommodating criminals from then other side of border who were displaced due to proactive crackdown of Bihar provincial government and massive mobilization of the Border Security Force from the central government of India. In addition, increasing communal discord provides armed groups the cloak to justify their illegal activities, further fanning insecurity and instability.

The government this introduced the Special Security Plan (SSP) for peace and security of ordinary civilians by bringing an end to impunity and why only then NGOs and carting individuals are seen in the forefront of the relief work?

In line with the official tendency of making light of the situation, Prime Minister Gilani has also said that cooperation between the centre and provinces would be enhanced, which remains a tall order. If a tragedy of horrendous proportions could not unite the leadership what else would? And it was a pity that he was talking about war-footing human rights protection. But despite its ambitious plan to control organized crimes and activities of criminal groups, the SSP struggles of achieve its goal due to unavailability of adequate human resources and logistics. To some extent, the SSP has heightened the morale of security personnel. It has led to reduction in number of strikes and roadblocks through their proactive role. At the same time. SSP has failed to reduce cross-border and organized crimes and illegal activities of armed groups. Security is essential for development, post-conflict peace-building and nation-building. It is equally important for the success of peace process and constitution-making, to ensure fundamental human rights of people and smooth transition, and to build the foundation for sustainable peace and lawful society. It provides assurance to international community that their aid and investment are safe, which has a direct bearing on national economy and development. I political l terms, security means good governance, accountability and responsiveness towards common people.

Security must concern all stake-holders, including civilians. Even though the state is primarily responsible for maintaining security and rule of law, ordinary people should strongly support the initiatives of the government and law enforcement agencies. Considering nature of crime, it is essential to strengthen Nepal Police, which is the only competent and authorized agency in terms of maintaining law and order and civilian security by providing maximum political support and adequate human resources and logistics.

Without proper institutional and individual capacities, serious crimes in post-conflict period cannot be handled properly, and security cannot be ensure. While formulating policies and directives regarding serious and organized crimes, issues related to institutional and operational independence must be seriously considered form long-term effectiveness and sustainability base on principles of fairness, accountability and responsiveness.

Ineffective security mechanisms and increasing threat to ordinary civilians means that the country's secutiry indicators hint at a "failed state". Therefore, the government and other stakeholders of society must demonstrate their willingness and initiate joint initiatives towards improving security and rule of law, and avoid political disturbances and possible violence. This joint effort will create conductive environment for the success of the constitution making peace-building and nation- building processes.

The joint family unit of to day is in the doldrums. Young people are very independent and resent interference of any kind while parents hold onto traditional values. Our lifestyles have changed drastically in the past few years and contact with the West has led to considerable distortion of the characteristics of the joint family. The Western system of education and social norms emphasizes individual rights and liberties, commends competition and stresses the need for privacy.

The kind of individualism that is in conflict with family solidarity has become the order of the day, leading our culture to imitate the nuclear family unit of the West. A sociologist described it as one that goes critical with the addition of a daughter-in-law and fission takes place. It is therefore always a single couple family.

The most uncompromising critics of the joint family are drawn from the educated strata of our society. They feel that it curbs creativity and the sprit of independence, inhibits aspirations for achievement and mobility.. Living in a house with an extending family m dampens the desire to move out of restricted circles and to explore and to innovate.

Urbanization has created greater mobility. As such, many people have been tempted to move away from the traditional families and start living in neighboring towns to earn their livelihood. Thus, the joint family has lost its viability under socio-economic strains and stress.

For a healthy happy life in the joint family system, proper coordination is necessary every step of the way. The love and togetherness that exists in some joint families is wonderful to see. The older generation derives immense satisfaction from the fact that they have their children's love and support. And young couples do not have to worry about their children while they go to work since the grandparents are thereto do the needful babysitting. Since expenses are shared, living for each family becomes cheaper.

The traditional family was community in itself. It functional on the basis of "On e for all and all form one" providing its member with their physical, cultural and economic needs apart from social security. It formed the training ground for joint responsibility and cooperation, and later to help face the wider world. It could also ameliorate the distress caused by unforeseen situation. Windows, the aged, the disabled and orphans were cared for. The joint family formed assort of social insurance against the odds. The nuclear family has not yet proved that it has the strength to meet the economic, moral and social challenges that we face. It has to recognize that enthusiasts of individual pattern of life can seldom achieve harmony. Starting a nuclear family is easy. But, with the passage of time, one realizes what a boon a joint family can be. The modern youth should realize that they too will have to pass through such situations when they become old. So, they should learn to adjust themselves and live on good terms availing of all the advantage of a joint family.

How the pervasive culture of corruption affects ordinary Nepalis on a day-to-day basis

At a time when the general perception of the people is that the legacy of Madhav Kumar Nepal's government is nothing more than increased corruption, a blogger has come up with an ingenious idea to initiate discussion on corruption: posing the question "Have you ever bribed anybody?" By the time of this writing a total of 91 postings have made. The discussions are in Nepali, and for those not having time and patience to go through individual idiosyncratic, anecdotal corruption experiences, I summarize a few points.

Readers have pointed out a number of government offices, departments and agencies where corruption is rampant including agencies issuing passports, marriage certificates, citizenship certificates character certifications, land revenue, cadastral survey custom points, airport, police judiciary, drinking water, telecommunication, banks... The list goes on and on. A respondent challenged the blogger. Can you name an organization where there is no corruption? The long list even includes private sector companies; a big steel company reportedly swindled people by promising free design service for any one using their on rods they produced.. In another case, a person bribed four staff members in Lalitpur District Court for four years. At the rate of Rs.100 every 15 days. During the hearing, the rate went up to Rs. 1,000- or the prosecution would be further delayed. There are also stories of heroes, though they are rare , fighting the system. One speaks of traveling from Simra to Birtamodh four times to get his passport made. Though he had to bear enormous costs in terms of time money and effort, he speaks with pride of not having to bribe anyone in the process. There are also heroes at the receiving end. A new recruit at the Bagmati Zonal Commissioners' Office during Panchayat days who dared not to take bribe was forced to quit his job after four months on fabricated charges. A bus owner narrated a story of being forced to ‘deposit ‘Rs 1.05 million for importing two new buses after he refused to pay Rs400,000 up-front in bribes. He still hasn't gotten his deposit back.

Many speak of their susceptibility, guilt, and helplessness due to urgency, impending costs and consequences of not paying bribes. One person speaks of still being "scared" after being "threatened" long ago. There are few who dare to name the corrupt officials; a large majority prefer to remain anonymous, possibly due to impending dangers., with indirect references of the offices and officials.

One respondent compares corruption with sex. Obviously, corruption is like sex.; it takes place between consenting adults, in privacy; in darkness; children rarely indulge in corruption. He poses a dilemma. "No one will believe in me if I say I have not have sex, if I say yes, I still have difficulty in explaining "One blogger challenges the person, "Please, do not just speak of others taking bribe money, please, feel frank of you taking bribes as well. "Another speaks of puzzling experience while getting his driving license in Jhapa. He joined the driving institute which guaranteed the driving license after a payment of Rs10,000 free for10 hours of driving. He failed the driving test miserably, but still managed to get the license.

Some people offered possible reasons behind the high level of corruption - low salary, impunity, political protection, illiteracy. The problem of corruption is so pervasive and ingrained in society that every illiterate, uneducated guy thinks that all educated, literate people are corrupt; without paying bribes they can not interact with them . One post laments, "What is the point in changing a few parts, when the whole system itself is corrupted? The rotten-mango theory does not work in Nepal. When the whole crate itself is rotten, the exercise of plucking out one or two good mangoes from the crate is futile.

Another blogger loses his patience. "What you people are describing is direct corruption-bribery that is directly visible to the naked eye. You have not seen the scale of indirect corruption like embezzlement of public funds, budgets, low quality construction works, state capture and organized crime going on in procurement, public tendering process and son on."

Another blogger points to the Nepali culture of bribing. He remarks, "Why blame public officials, it is us who prefer not to stand in the queue and want to get our job done quickly either by using source, force, nepotism or bribery." How many times have you been into a temple and not prayed the god to do something in your favor?" In a society that believes in bribing the gods, how can it refrain from bribing a mortal human? At the supply side, there is a competition for bribery and on the demand side there is self-reinforced nihilism-of I do not take bribe and stay honest, no one will believe me, if do not take a bribe someone else will. We do not complain about marginal bribes; they are a problem only when we have to pay out significant amounts.

The currency of bribery varies. In the police station, while securing an insurance claim, a person speaks of having to fill police vehicles' gas thanks. A man speaks having to fill police vehicles' gas tanks. A man speaks of his friend who was as caught ‘red handed' by the police and had to deposit his expensive mobile with the cops, only to get it back after paying Rs. 10,000 in hard cash. The currency of corruption could be sex as well.

Let me end with an interesting bit of irony in one of the mission reports brought out one March 12, 2007. Under invitation from one of the Nordic embassies in Nepal, an anti-corruption mission team visited Nepal to take stock on anti-corruption and integrity in "New Nepal". At the airport, one of the members of the mission was asked to pay' speed money' to receive faster service from the Immigration Office, which he flatly refused. Now, I wonder what the anti -corruption mission team members were thinking as they returned!

Historically, Nepal is a sacred place for hermits . In the golden period of Satyayug, people would escape to the mountainous landscape for meditations the region was full of peace and clam. After a decade of conflict, the meditation spree has returned to our country. All categories of people; old and young, ladies and gents, Hindus and Muslims, rich and poor, educated and illiterate are showing more and more interest in meditation. A good portion of society believes that only those people who are frustrated with their life and want to run from their reality or cover it up by going to meditation camps. People perceive the world from their own experience and level of thinking, so what they say can't always be proved or refuted, hence we must let them speak. But please don't discount the benefits of meditation.

Among various form of meditation , I have participated in a 10-day noble silence meditation camp conducted at Dharmasringa in Muhanpokhari, Kathmandu . During the initial four or five days., I felt as if I was a culprit being punished. Gradually when I started to realize the strength of ,meditation, I was filled with joy rather than pain in the finishing days.

Those 10 days I spent in the camp turned out to be a good life lesson . Besides other things, the stamina required to active the aim, the concentration necessary to overcome the bad thinking, the passion needed to pursue a bright future, and the discipline and positive attitude I developed towards all things are some valuable teachings I received from the meditation.

Meditation educates us about life ; it does not demand we abandon school, office or family and stay like a recluse in the jungle or a cave. During our daily lives, medication can be practiced, in our houses, or schools. An hour of family practicer is a good start, but a person after developing their craft can even do it in micro buses, classes, parking lots, or during intervals in cinema halls and football matches and while danging and eating as well. It sounds interesting that a person can do meditation while danging.. No need to sit in a formal and peaceful environment, a dedicated person can meditate anywhere.

Meditation is nothing more than concentration with a positive attitude. Discovering the tastes of food, following the footsteps of a dance, reading the tones of music and understanding the meaning of words are all part of meditation.

It can be learned at home. But to better understand it, it is worthwhile to participate in a formal mediation camp; if possible once every six months, but at least once, Meditation raises our level of attentiveness and can elevate your understanding , ability, creative aptitude, courage, and compassion towards others . It helps to extract and enlighten the true inner self to lead life in a better direction.

The import of big green vehicles for Kathmandu is only a part of the solution.

One of the consequences of rapid growth in urban population is a proportional rise in the number of vehicles, big and small, plying city roads. This leads to more traffic congestion and more air pollution. The twin problems can be especially acute in cities without a well developed public transportation system. To cut down on the number of vehicles on the road, the government is trying to discourage the use of small vehicles through high import duties while it supports cleaner and greener alternatives through import subsides.

Now the government, as a part of its new long-term urban transportation development initiative, plans to import up to 200 electricity powered green -buses in the next three years. Two separate bus lanes are to be built along the Tundikhel Ratnapark road section; new traffic signalsinstalledin13 heavy traffic areas, narrow roads widened, new footpath laid, and additional parking spaces created. It is hard to find fault with any of these efforts to ease congestion and clean up the environment. Along with these merits, there are just as many practical hurdles.

First, residents of major urban hubs like Kathmandu are yet to be sold on the idea of public transportation. Owning a small vehicle to ferry loved ones is part of the urban middle-class dream, as they climb up the economic ladder and increase their discretional income, it would be hard to convince them to cut down their carbon foot print by not partaking of this luxury. Also, replacing small private vehicles with big public ones does nothing to change people's instinctive disregard for traffic rules, which is at the heart of the valley's traffic problem.

But the initiative is sure to make some difference, Separate but lanes will ease the movement of traffic in other lanes and just the sight of big green buses could entice many would be passengers to take a ride in the buses instead of their smoke-billowing private vehicles.

At the same time, the authorities would do well to understand that importing spacious, environmentally friendly vehicles is only a part of the solution. For the problem is systemic.

At many places the traffic lights simply don't work. Nor do the traffic police standing nearby seem interested in compensating for the broken lights. It is also commonly believed that traffic police can be bribed to over look a traffic infraction-or to pass a vehicle emissions test. One the other hand, people's disregard for traffic rules is blatant and their environmental consciousness dismal . Pedestrians rarely bother to check the color of the light before crossing the road. Vehicle owners stop and park anywhere they like. They routinely escape their emission tests. Thus while the new government initiative has to be welcomed for its noble intent of clearing our roads and cleaning up our environment, its success is likely to be patchy.

A ban on plastic bags needs consumer support to be effective.

Discarded plastic beg are an urban nightmare. Cross over any bridge in Kathmandu and you can take in a bird's eye view of the impact of non-biodegradable plastic bags swamping the city's rivers. They are infamous for littering the streets and notorious for clogging drains-some-thing even more apparent during the monsoon. And the toxic plastics used to manufacture these indispensable sacks, especially the small black ones, have adverse health effects many people may be unaware of. So it makes perfect sense that Kathmandu follows Pokhara's example and ban plastic bags under 10 microns with plans to extend the ban to all plastic bags. But as much as this move would have environments in the capital cheering, the law's success may prove difficult in Pokhara, despite the current law, plastic bags under 10 microns are still being sold openly.

Plastic bags are not without their benefits:they are water resistant, light weight and most of all convenient. And their alternatives -jute, cloth, or paper -can be quite expensive in comparison to the low-cost polyethylene bags. For consumers, the immediate benefits of using plastic bags often out weigh the environmental costs, which is exactly why laws like this are so hard to put Into force. Almost a year and a half after New Delhi passed a law banning the use, sale or storage of plastic bags of any kind it is still struggling to enforce the regulation. Shops have come up with ways to circumvent the law of blatantly refuse to comply, often citing costly alternatives. In response, the government planned to make the punishment harsher (with some offenders charged fines between IRs 50,000to IRs 1000,000) along with increasing police raids to catch violators. But in a country struggling with impunity on a much larger scale, the resources and personnel to effectively enforce the scale, and use of plastic bags will not be easy to come by.

In order for this law to be effective, it must be accompanied by a change in consumer culture. Though it is hard for many of us to imagine life without plastic bags- which is clear in Pokhara where every member of the3000,000 population uses an averageof100 black plastic bags a year- the government will not be alone in its fight. Already there are business offering incentives to consumers for opting to reduce and reuse.

There is no doubt that a ban on plastic bags is crucial, but it will have to be met with a larger commitment on the part the government to enforce the rules until consumers are persuaded of the benefits of alternatives.

The new UN poverty index gives our policymakers some food or thought!

The findings of a new UN-backed study of world poverty throws a completely new light into poverty in the South Asian region. On the basis of the newly devised Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI), researchers at the Oxford Poverty and Human development Initiative (OPHI) at Oxford University conclude that there are more poor people in eight Indian states than theres are in the 26 poorest African countries. The MPI, which replaces the UN' s Human Poverty Index in use since 1997, goes beyond the traditional concept of poverty which places a disproportionate weight on income levels. It also takes into account the ease of accessibility to services (electricity, water and sanitation)as well as other health and income related indicators (quality of house holds air, education level, etc). According to its developers, MPI is an 'integrated' measure of poverty.

MPI findings throw up some interesting facts. Poverty at different places, it turns out, are fulled by different factors, even with in the same country. For instance, in the Indian state of Jharkhand the main cause of poverty were found to be asset deprivation, low air quality and poor quality of work where as in the state of Gujarat, nutrition ranked as the biggest contributor to poverty. In Bhutan, deprivation in electricity, education, room and income were the primary determinants of rural poverty. Although the research did not cover Nepal, its findings in the near abroad give Nepali policymakers plenty of food for thought.

Officially, the proportion of Nepalis living below the poverty line has been brought down to under 25 percent, from the level of 42 percent in 1996. But the poverty-line measure reflects no more than people's earning capacity. It fails to take in to account the accessibility to basic services like health, education and sanitation or the quality of their immediate environment. Nor does it reflect the growing income gap between the rich and the poor in Nepal. The latest study' s conclusion that half of the world's MPI poor people live in South Asia suggests that Nepal is home to a fair share of them. It is not hard to see that when the MPI is expanded to cover Nepal, the country's figures will make for a grim reading.

Continued political instability and increasing insecurity would be reflected in Nepal's score. So will the dismal delivery of essential services. At present, most of the country goes without electricity for nearly a third of the day. It is unable to meet the drinking water needs of more than half the population of the rapidly-expanding urban centers. And even after massive outbreaks of water -borne diseases, which claimed the lives of hundreds of people, sanitation services in Midwestern districts like Surkhet and Jajarkot are almost non-existent. In this situation, it would n' t at all be surprising if Nepal's overall MPI score would come out worse than some of the poorest Indian states.

(This editorial was published on The Kathmandu Post on July 15, 2010)

Disappearing acts

The increasing number of fake abductions is a worrying sign

There has been a spike in high- profile abductions in recent months, most notably of B.P.Koirala Cancer Hospital, Bharatpur Executive Director Dr. Bhaktaman Shrestha. According to the police, Shrestha was abducted and kept in captivity by a gang of professional criminals for19 days. Though he was eventually released, many questions about the case remain unanswered. In another high-profile abduction, Bishwonath Adhikari, Gajuri branch manager of Gramin Bikash Bank, was held by his abductors for 34 days before he was released, according to his family, on health grounds. The circumstances surrounding Adhikari's abduction and release remain murky. It is perhaps this failure of law enforcement agencies to come clean on abduction cases that prompts people to stage their own abductions for monetary benefits.

Of the 31 kidnappings reported with the police in Kathmandu valley, 17 were found to have been staged by the abducted persons themselves. And these are just the reported cases. Police fear the real number of fake abductions could be still higher. College students are staging kidnapping to extract money from their parents. Those under huge debts are doing so to escape their financial burdens. Then the police have come across some who wanted to be kidnapped just to gain the sympathy of their family and friends. .Whatever the reason, the cops are being forced to divert their precious little resources towards investigating staged crimes and the absence of clear laws to deal with these 'self-abductors' is adding to their difficulty.

The fact that more and more people are taking this easy route to make money (or to escape their debts) points towards a worrying trend. It is also indicative of the worsening culture of impunity in the country. People take to crimes when they believe they can get away without much hassle. Right now, most of those who stage their own abductions are tried under the Public Offense Act which means that even if they are caught, they are subjected to minor punishment. Understandably, most parents of college students nabbed on the charge of faking their own abductions choose not to press criminal charges against their children.

Of course, abductions faked or real, are only a part of the country's overall law and order problem. In the past one week alone, 10 cases of abductions, 37 cases of theft and 22 cases of looting were reported. The only way to control these crimes is through a strong crack down on criminal elements and harsh punishment for the perpetrators. But at present law enforcement bodies are struggling to act tough against criminals, many of whom enjoy political protection. The high level of political instability in the country hasn't helped their cause either .

Although the crime is catching up, the total number of fake abductions to still small More worrying is to witness even the otherwise law abiding citizens being induced into crimes.

(This editorial was published on The Kathmandu Post on July 14, 2010)

The way the population is growing, Melamchi will be obsolete before it is completed!

One is appalled at the long queues of empty vessels waiting to be filled with drinking water. These queues, some of which are over100 meters long have become a common sight in recent times. Some media by publishing pictures of the empty containers lined up waiting for water have highlighted the sorry plight of Kathmandu' s residents these days as far as drinking water is concerned. There is no guarantee that the drinking water situation will ease any time soon despite tall talk by those who lead the government and are directly responsible for meeting some of the basic needs of the people. The situation can improve only with the completion of the much-hyped Melamchi project which is expected to supply the much needed drinking water to the residents of the Valley.

Drinking water is one of the most basic of needs of the people, yet all through the years, despite rosy promises, the residents of the Valley have been denied adequate water supply. The drinking water agency that handled the water distribution for years has not been able to meet the people's demands for this most fundamental of their needs. To think that water was at one time freely available in the city with the autocratic regimes of those days constructing public water taps from where the people could fetch as much water as they wanted. To charge money for water was considered a "sin", and giving the thirsty a drink was considered a virtuous things to do.

Times have changed, so have our ways of thinking. What was virtue once has now become commercialized, and the legally constituted water supply agency in the capital has no qualms over charging money for not supplying any water. Water is made available once a week, once in five days or once in three days, depending where one lives. But in some areas in the city, water has not been coming out of the tap for months, yet the water supply agency makes the people pay for non-supply of water. Neither consumer groups nor civil society in the country have anything to say about that.

It is not as if water experts and engineers were unaware of the situation. Years ago, those who took active interest in the welfare of the people but stayed away from politics had warned that with the rapid increase in the population of the Kathmandu Valley, the time had come to come up with water supply projects that would meet the needs of the Valley, the time had come to come up with water supply projects that would meet the needs of the Valley. But thanks to vested interests among those who run the government, little attention was paid to these voices of reason. It is obviously not easy to meet the present water supply demands of over150,000 cubic meters of water every day 305 days a year. The population of the Kathmandu Valley is increasing at an alarming rate with the result that all possible water sources are drying up or will soon be drying up including shallow and deep underground water sources.

Most political leaders seem to be drawn to wards big foreign assisted water projects, if only because there is a lot of scope to"make" (legally?) money in such projects. The Melamchi project, which is expected to bring some 175,000 cubic meters of water to the Valley , could prove in adequate after 2012, that is, even before it is completed. (This is just like the international terminal building at the airport which opened in1990 but which was originally envisaged to become in adequate by 1990.The terminal building should have come into operation much before 1990 as the Melamchi drinking water project should have, but the conflict of interest between the donors and Nepal's rulers delayed completion.) The fact is that the water supply from Melamchi alone will not suffice for the Valley after two years, because of the rising population and unregulated manner in which houses and buildings are coming up in the Valley.

As one who pays for the in adequate water supply (thankfully we get piped water one in five or six days), we also have to pay monthly charges for the upkeep and maintenance of the sewerage system. The water supplied to us is contaminated and dirty and there is little doubt that sewage seeps into the worn out water supply pipes. This has happened in a number of places in the city areas. This leads one to wonder what is done with the sewerage system charges collected. With the kind of revenue generated by the sewerage charges, the concerned would have been expected to inspect the system form time to time and carry out necessary cleaning so as to ensure proper waste disposal and also that sewage does not seep into the drinking water supply pipes. But this would be expecting too much from our authorities who know how to collect taxes and fees but know little about the need to provide the required services to the people in return.

Residents In many localities have to take their own initiative and approach the ward office which in turn directs them to the sewerage cleaning unit in Jawalakhel. The cleaning is then done, but not for free as part of their duty. The personnel who clean the sewerage system usually have to be paid. Because of the all the fuss involved, cleaning of the sewerage system does not take place for months, if not years, inmost of the localities in the capital. No wonder the water supply in a number of places in the capital is contaminated and will remain so until the authorities make it a point to undertake periodic inspection of both the water supply and and the drainage systems. But it will be asking too much of our governing agencies to take preventive action when even political leaders deem it wise to resolve matter of crucial national importance only at the eleventh hour.

The drinking water supplied by the official agency though outdated water pipes is said to be unhygienic and unfit for drinking. A survey conducted in 2008 said that over 47 percent of the piped water supplied to households was unfit for drinking. The percentage by now must have increased. But we are yet to be told what the Kathmandu Water Supply Scheme or those   government agencies in charge of people 's health are doing about it. In addition, there has been a boom in the bottled water trade, but how safe is the water supplied in bottles? Lack of coordination among ministries as well as between the concerned agencies and the government is largely to blame for the present state of affairs to water supply and sewage disposal. And this is true not merely in these two areas but also encompasses a much larger area where better coordination would bring much needed relief to the people. But who cares about the people as long as power is the sole goal?

Recently, I received a wedding invitation card. It was from one of the most reputed families in the city. Moreover, the wedding ceremony was going to be held in one of the nicest five-star hotels in the country. I was wondering what gift I should give to the bride. Nevertheless, when I was nearly finished reading the invite,I also spotted a note: "Please, do not bring any gifts!" At first, I could not believe it, and thought surely it was a print mistake.

First, I wondered why they requested guests not to bring gifts. Then , I began to think of possible logical explanations. May be they wanted to uproot the "gift giving culture" or they had to go abroad right after their marriage. They even might have wanted cash instead of 'useless utensils' which can be trouble-some sometimes. However, I did not know the cause and was left undecided about what to do. Instead, I started deep introspection.

I am not a party animal. Still, I attend parties as much as possible. If am invited by the girl 's parents to their daughter's marriage ceremony, I rarely miss it. The crux is godawa (gifts or money) given to the bride on the day of her marriage. Although nothing a written,the invitees are expected to bring something in many Nepali societies. It is taboo if one attends the swoyemvar (nuptial knot tying ceremony) without any gift.

I have already attended hundreds of such auspicious ceremonies and gifted the guests of honor in accordance with my means. Frankly speaking I do not give the same gifts to all couples. For example, if the host is a villager and my kin, I have to give the bride a gagri-khad-karo (cooper pitcher and trough) and money. To other places, I take other utensils. If I'm busy, just offer some money inside an envelope. There are many occasions when I just gifted bouquets of flowers. In fever cases, I have even given saris.

I must confess this case was different than previous ones. I could not decide what to do. So I approached some of friends who claim they are smarter and more sociable than myself. Nonetheless, there I found divergence in their advice. I'm still not sure what to do, but if they really meant it, then that's praiseworthy because for the sake of gifts, people have forgotten the very sense of 'humanity' and money has done all the taking.

In the past, young people used to get married earlier. At the time of marriage,neither spouse would be independent. So to help them run their new-life, family and relatives used to give them object that would be useful in building a future together. The times have changed now.. At least in city centers, couples do not tie the not unless the are able to independently stand on their own two legs. So, if such newly wed couples request invitees don't bring gifts, perhaps it can influence society to abolish the dowry system too.

Because of Taukay Politics, our best and brightest can only dream of going to work in a plastic factory in Korea

A few days ago, I was on my way to work when all of a sudden, out of the window of the shuttle van, I saw what appeared to be thousands of young people lining up and around Thapathali, all the way towards the Darshrth Rangashala. The line was composed of young people in their twenties and thirties. In another country (India may be) these folks could be mistaken to be lining up for the exams for the Indian Institute of Technology. In America, I've seen young people like these lining up to enter a hall to see Orhan Pamuk talk at a literature festival.

But in Nepal, sadly hand devastatingly, our best and brightest were lining up not to enter any institution of higher learning or to listen to some Nobel Prize winning writer. Our best and brightest-who should be staffing our schools and hospitals, who should be running local councils and governments, who should be working in small industry-all these folks were hoping for the chance to go to Korea. There are 4000sposts open, and about 12,000 men an women line up each day to try their luck.

The look in their eyes-some of desperation and despair, some of cocky hope- made me the saddest I have felt yet in these last few years in Nepal. It seems incredible to me that an entire nation can be held captive by a democratic soap opera day after day while at the grass roots,thousands and thousands of young people can never achieve their true potential because the opportunities that should be available to them have been choked off at the top.

Without political change, it appears, the things people take for granted in other countries -job security, entrepreneurial opportunities, health care, education, freedom from fear-all of this seems like a fairy tale Europeans tell us about when they visit us on their three year diplomatic stints.

Nepal's politics, of course, is "Taukay politics, " Everything happens at the top. But the kind of democratic policies that should be happening at mid-level and at the bottom where young people size the instruments of democracy and start to govern themselves of local levels-all of this is missing. All donors are also quite happy to feed off Taukey Politics. After all, what can a diplomat posted for three to four years do other than shake a few hands of the most visible people? Imagine if you are a diplomat and you were given the choice between supporting yet another training for CA members, or take that money and train a handful of young people at the grass-roots to start their own business. Clearly you'd choose the former. It looks better on the resume. The irony of course, is that 50 young people who start their own business and are able to feed 500 people could possible make more difference in Nepal now than yet another training of the same Taukay folks.

I was intrigued to hear that Prachanda recently went to an astrologer and some water buffalo pooja to get and of the negative influences on his planets. I felt partially validated -a number of my friends think it's hilarious I believe in this stuff . See? I said,. Even revolutionary leaders believe in this kind of stuffs.

Well, if my astrologer is to be believed, then I have one thing in my future . He took a look at my chart and intoned: : "This means one and one thing only, " POLITICS".

I laughed disbelievingly. Surely I wasn't going to join this pack of jokers, "Guruji", I said, "I don't want to be a politician".

"Why not? He said. "Politics is the original and pure social work. Its only because people have corrupted it that nobody wants to join it".

"And besides, "I persisted. "How on earth would I join politics? I don't belong to any party. I am not a student leader. Why don't you introduce me to the political leaders and may be that will be my entry into politics." Apparently Guruji gets a lot of politicians coming to him every week, wanting to know how long they will be in power.

Joking aside, it appears to me that entering "politics". that domain of social change-is actually quite impossible for educated young people in Nepal. Why don't we have more qualified people in our political positions? Why are there no doctors running the Health Ministry? Why aren't people with international relations or political science degrees in the Foreign Ministry? My American friends always ask me accusingly why educated folks eschew participating or serving politics in Nepal Surely, they ask, people like you with degrees and work experience should be serving your government ? But sadly, despite talk of democracy, there is noway for qualified people to enter this sticky black beast of Nepali government other than through party or NGO politics. There is no lateral entry point.

Our best and brightest -those who studied hard and who are qualified to run local governments and local councils and who should be providing service to their fellow countrymen therefore can only dream of going to work in a plastic factory in Korea. They will build Hello Kitty bags, they will be separated from their marriage partners and families for years, and finally they will return to spend their old age in Nepal .Some do escape the migrant labor trap after they spend a few years in Doha or Malaysia. They return to start their own businesses- buy their own taxis, or run their own shops back in Nepal. But many of them spend decades doing the D and D - dirty and dangerous- work that other people in foreign countries don't want to do.

I met a recruiter from Jordan once who told me he'd stopped hiring Indians and Pakistanis because Nepalis were the best workers. . Anybody who's seen thousands of feet of a vertical bill terraced and sculpted and covered with green crops with bare hands knows that Nepalis are probably some of the most diligent and hardworking people on the planet.

How do we tap this diligence and make sure it stays where is needed? How do we take these folks out of Hello Kitty factories and put them in local councils and regional governments? How do we get rid of the Taukay Politics (did Madhav Kumar just see Manmohan Singh? Did Prachanda just see his astrologer? Who cares?) Shouldn't we instead be emphasizing . Did Ram Bahadur BK of the local councilor government just initiate the new business enterprise that will produce herbal medicine in Humla and fee 5000 people?

The missing doctor suddenly reappears throwing up more questions than answers

The family of Dr. Bhakta Man Shrestha must be congratulated for having received the doctor with his body intact. It is not yet certain if his mind is intact. It can be called a miracle if nothing has happened to him after a three-week -long stay in unknown wildness. For all the physical discomfort and pain that he endured blindfolded, he looked quite healthy. If he is to be believed, the abductors were not only nice and informative, but also very entertaining and instructive. They were trying to teach him political lessons on being a good person of credible reputation. They were. Looking for a famous man to make a credible launching of their new party.

If the story the doctor told is to be believed, the abductors were a new political party in the making, the so-called Hinduite Janata (People's) Party (HJP). This name does not exists in the political dictionary of Nepal. It is said to have branches in some 15-16 districts in Nepal. Where are they? Are they spread out in the Tarai districts? Are they registered? If they are registered, what are said to be their main political objectives? Who are their patrons? What following do they have? The main political party with a declared Hinduite agenda is the Rastriya Prajantra Party/Nepal headed by Kamal Thapa. But why would it give its support to a non-existent party when it is itself fighting for the restoration of the tag of Hindustate for Nepal?

The Bharaitya Jana Party (BJP) is said to have an agenda for the revival of Hindu statehood in Nepal. Recently, they held an international conference in Mumbai where our Hinduite leader Kamal Thapa made his conspicuous presence. In Nepal, Hinduism is connected to the institution of the monarchy and the BJP is supporting the revival of the monarchy by proxy by ordaining the revival of Hinduism. This connection seems to have some credence. The BJP has made public utterances regarding is support for the concept of Hindu state with proxy support for the restoration of the Hindu kingship in a predominantly Hindu state. The BJP had lent its support to some Hindu revival programmes in the bordering Tarai districts before Nepal declared itself a secular republic. Restoration of these two political values is, thus, a declared BJP agenda.

However, the BJP would preferably support an existing and relatively well established party like the RPP/Nepal rather than supporting a bunch of anonymous people in launching their platform. Moreover, the BJP's hand being involved in a terrorist type of abduction of an innocent person is a ridiculous charge. They are a conservative, orthodox, revivalist type of organization that does not believe in the theory of secularism. But they are a big party of a big country and they have the credibility of running a big state. Their involvement in a terrorist activity in a neighboring state would be self-defeating. There may be other elements of Hindu supporters in India who may try to influence the Hinduite concept in Nepal . But allegations of their support for a terrorist activity is again a ridiculous excuse to hide our own weakness.

There are some pro-monarchist and pro-Hindu kingdom elements in Nepal like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and people like Bhart Keshar singh who gave their best to same the position of the king even during Jana Andolan II. They are still endeavoring their best to sell their concept of a Hindu kingdom. Their connection with the ex-king Gyanendra can be a foregone conclusion because even he has been speaking lately of the distant possibility of a revival of the monarchy. But this line of reasoning is also incredible to be connected to the tragic event to the abduction of the doctor because these elements could choose more legitimate types of forums or plate forms to launch a new party. Gtabebdra must have realized by now that if he wants to come back to power, the religious track would be hopelessly fragile. There are other credible secular paths like opening a new party or patronizing an existing party like the RPP/N.

There are other aspects to the mystery. Was the doctor speaking under more daunting duress of further terror? Was he speaking the truth? Was he made to pay a heavy ransom? The Maoist party has been loudly dragged in as the perpetrator of the tragic -comic episode. The fact that senior leaders Baburam Bhattarai and Amik Sherchan had to be involved in the investigation parade shows that the party took the allegation very seriously. But they have not been completely able to wash their hands of it. Both leaders claimed that the doctor was safe and would come out soon. In fact, the doctor came out sooner than eight hours of the report from Serchan. How could they be certain if the abduction was carried out by a completely unknown element? If the abduction was done by the alleged HJP and the Maoists knew it, what was the connection?

The truth may come out soon , or never as in so many serious cases like the assassination of Madan Bhandari on the palace massacre . The doctor's safe return has given space for relief to everyone for the time being. But it has added several other dimensions of national concern. Then highest concern is that the security outfit is totally incapable. It can neither get to the bottom of crime nor provide credible security to the citizens. The fact that the police failed to tract the abduction route for there weeks indicates the most deplorable state of our national intelligence service . The country was assured that all the branches of the police were involved in the investigation of the episode, but their efforts were of no avail . Finally, the police claim that they had rescued the doctor form the abductors turned out to be false. There was no regret. How can we rely on the police service that lacks the barest sense of morality?

Serious crimes have committed in the capital city itself. There have been political murders under the very nose of the police. Some crimes have monetary motives. . Some crimes have recrimination the motive. But this had a peculiar motivation. The alleged abductor committed the crime to create waves by abducting a reputable but innocent CEO of a politically neutral health institution. Who will be safely in this country? The government does not feel embarrassed. The home ministry should have resigned not only out of embarrassment but also by way of assumption of moral responsibility. Action should have been taken against the concerned police officer for having made a false claim. But the government has bee4n turning a completely deaf ear to the embarrassing episode.

The Maoists have said that serious efforts will be made to find out if some party cadres had been involved in the case. Is it possible that the fake HJP was a drama sponsored by the Maoist? If it is proved that there was a Maoist hand in the episode., it will cost them a political fortune. They are already on the descending ladder in terms of moral image. All their plays to get back to power have backfired. The list of their failed commitments is piling up . If this episode was planning with the knowledge of the party leaders, its timing has been a superlative mistake. The party will have to produce evidence of the innocence to sustain its high image.

Comedy of the ridiculous

The leaders play acted so well that they kept the people on tenterhooks till the end

The high voltage drama enacted by the leaders of different political parties- particularly those of the three main parties that are said to be the be all and end- all in Nepali politics - as the death knell of the two-year -old Constituent Assembly approached by tension-filed minutes left many Nepali people dumbfounded. The high drama hid the fact that the CA that would have become non-existent after Friday midnight unless its tenure was extended has taken a heavy toll on the people's tax money, apart from their peace of mind.

A media report aired by a television news station said that over Rs. 13 billion have been spent on various activities of the CA and its members and office holders in the course of its two-year period. It was being reported that some Rs. 10 billion was given by donors, mostly by well meaning European countries, which do not take Nepal as a guinea pig as far as conflict and post-conflict management is concerned. Taking into consideration the fact that almost three-fourths of the known expenditure was contributed by the Europeans and other foreign donors, was it of any wonder that some European countries went to the prime minister telling him to ensure that certain topics including the concept of secularity must be included in the forthcoming constitution.

The Europeans, after all, are the most forward-looking countries, and their Shylock-like insistence on their pound of flesh for the Rs. 10 billion "donated" for the CA and its activities was only to be expected. And as long as this country keeps on accepting foreign funds either directly through official funds either directly through official channels or indirectly through INGOs those political leaders who count in Nepal have no right to complain of"foreign interference". Everyone knows that the hand that doles out donations and funds also pulls the strings directly or indirectly.

The last few days of the CA, before all but one political parties decided to amend the Interim Constitution and extend the CA's tenure by one year,were filled with unnecessary hype with each of the big three parties trying to extract the maximum advantage from the others. In hindsight, the lat two days of last week seemed to be so comically ridiculous that one wondered how anyone in his or her right mind ever thought that the main political parties, so used to getting so much free but legally valid perks, would allow the CA to die a natural death. The comedy enacted by our leaders prior to the extension of the CA's life would have fooled at but those who have faith in the present breed of leaders. But the pain they have inflicted on the innocent who still seem to have so much faith in them by so doing cannot be forgiven.

Many people literally kept a night-long vigil foregoing sleep m to see what would happen next. Would a state of emergency be imposed? What would happen next? These questions tormented many, and they were on pins and needles all day and night till the media broke the news of the agreement. The fact is whether the CA is extended by a year or 10 years, anew constitution cannot be promulgated until parties forge unity not in running the government in order to share the pie proportionally to the party' s representation in the CA but writing a new constitution. It is here that genuine attempts must be made to forge a consensus for the parties that could have differences or they agree to let the people decide directly through a series referendums which will prove be very expensive and divisive (refer to G.P. Koirala's argument on referendum on the monarchy). There is, therefore, no alternative to forging a consensus on the on the contents of the yest to be finalized constitution.

The three parties aptly reached a three-point agreement which includes the three parties adhering to their commitments reached since the New Delhi12-point understanding to the resignation of Madhav Kumar Nepal. The Maoists, who till the last moment were declaring that they would vote against the extension of the CA's tenure unless Madhav Kumar Nepal resigned, had to be content with the three point agreement - resignation can wait, but the CA's tenure that expires cannot. A Maoist leader told a gathering of the Maoist faithful at Tundikhel Open Air Theater that the Maoists had a cheque, meaning the three-point agreement and Madhav Kumar Nepal' s resignation, and that if the cheque bounced, the Maoists knew what to do.

But the Maoist leader seems to have forgotten that there are different kinds of cheques, and the one the Maoists speak of may bean account payee cheque which means it cannot be cashed like a bearer cheque: certain conditions have to be met. Thus the onus of the three-point agreement is on all the three parties to live and act by: The new equation initiated by the agreement should and must mean that no party should try to take advantage of the others two. If this happens, only then there appears to be a reasonable possibility of the constitution being written way ahead of the one year extension the country's political parties have given the CA.

And this is what the political parties and heir leaders should strive for. The statute being finished mush before one year is more than possible if contentions, arguments and debates are confined to constitutional matters such as form of government, state structure and method of sharing the wealth of the federated provinces. The parties who consider themselves to be representatives of the people need to truly reflect the people's sentiments and concentrate on the constitution and not on who runs the government and why and how, though the latter is also important if a government is not to become authoritarian and corrupt.

Looking back at the week that was, one cannot but the impressed by the acting put up by our political leaders. A comedy of the ridiculous was there for all those and experience. The leaders who do whatever they do for the people playacted so perfectly that they kept the people on tenterhooks till the last moment. If this isn't a comedy of the ridiculous, what is?

The people have had enough, the state must penalize the political culture of violence

If one were to look back at the six days of the indefinite strike staged by the UPN (Maoist) a pattern emerges. And that was pretty much reflected in the media coverage of the country-wide strike. The media reports by and large were categorical in concluding that the strike was peaceful as there were no violent clashes, injuries, death or vehicles torched.

Such a conclusive reportage on the part of the esteemed watch dog of the polity hence brings forth a pertinent proposition. What does peace actually mean to us? What is the truth and rationale behind the very concept and acceptance of peace of peaceful state? How does peace or voilance translate to the Nepali populace , psyche and society at large?

It is often accepted that the media is a minor of society If that were to be taken into consideration, Nepali society may well have redefined the very notion of peace. That could well go something like this: If no tyres are burnt, the protest should be deemed peaceful. If agitators don't hard bricks at riot police, and the latter don't baton charge or lob teargas shells at them, the whole show is peaceful.

If that is so, and which seemed to be the case of late, many media outlets rated the recent street showdown as peaceful when no brawls or skirmishes were reported. Evidently, the media was not alone is going along with the under-tone of such an interpretation. Was it helplessness or bewilderment, but even human rights defenders scored feebly incoming to the rescue of civilians trapped between the brunt of the banda and utter governmental apathy.

Except for certain formal sounding statements at some quarters, human rights organizations were moreover silent when it came to protecting and safeguarding the rights of the people at large. The general approach seemed to be: Nothing drastic or precarious has occurred. N other words, the developments were taken to be peaceful even while millions of Nepali citizens were deprived of their democratic rights. That, in fact, included violation of fundamental rights codified in the democratic ideals.

That was how things appeared to be to the to the least, unless peace and violence, for us, mean or has begun to mean something different than to he rest of the democratic world.

However, contrary to the general reporting of the strike being j peaceful, people were literally holed up in their homes. They were given two hours a day to buy daily essentials. Apart from the obstruction on free movement, businesses, work and normal life came to a standstill across the country. Children could not attend school, and the list goes on.

Unheard of before, domestic airlines had to cancel fights as passengers could not travel to the airport. Those is need of medical care too suffered because of the protest, loosely branded peaceful. Now it is estimated that the nation lost Rs.15 billion (US$ 200 million)during the six day shutdown.

So, what is peace? The dictionary defines peace as the normal, non-warring condition of a nation, group of nations, or the world; a state of mutual harmony between people or groups, especially in personal relations; the normal freedom from civil commotion and violence of a community; public order and security; cessation for freedom from any strife or dissension; freedom of the mind from annoyance, distraction, anxiety, an obsession. Ina similar vein, the dictionary description enlists peaceful as characterized by peace- free from war, strife, commotion, violence, or disorder; of, pertaining to, or characteristic of a state of time of peace; and peaceable -not argumentative, quarrelsome, or hostile.

Democratic doctrines the world over, notwithstanding the law of the land, swear by the tenets of democracy. They recognize the democratic rights of the people. They include human rights, right to movement, right to education, right to health, right to life, right to work, right to freedom and right to security.

That denotes that the people hold the right to live in freedom, free of threat and intimidation . Enjoy access to goods and services, and live a life in dignity. In any case, enjoyment of one's right should never be a justification to trample upon the rights of others. Democracy does not prescribe so. This, hence, rises a question. When the fundamental rights of the people are violated to no end, can bandas be termed peaceful?

Joban Galtung, a principal founder of the discipline of peace and conflict studies, has categorized peace into two folds; negative vs positive peace. He introduced the concept that peace may be more than just the absence of overt violent conflict (negative peace ), and includes a range of relationships up to a state where nations (or any grouping in conflict) might have collaborative and supportive relationships (positive peace).

The six-day -long show of strength, or may be weakness, and the overlapping environment evidently was never close to what Galtung regards as positive peace. Hence, unless we give into the detriments of bandas as a natural and legitimate form of political campaign, Nepali brethren have to do some soul searching.

For, when the country is held to ransom causing whopping economic losses, among others, how does the nation gain? When development processes and economic activities are paralyzed, how do the people benefit? Such a scenario in all senses and sensibilities does not contribute to lifting the living standard. Such precarious circumstances more-over lower aggravate the lives of the people at the lower rungs of the socio-economic ladders.

That denotes that the rhetoric of fighting for peace has to come to an end. Violence must be condemned once and for all. As seen of late, it is but people power that can bring such a meaningful change. For people can't simply beheld hostage. Social order can't simply be held hostage. Social order can't be disrupted. State institutions must hence penalize the political culture of bandas. As of now, die banda die.

There is room for compromise among parties on the new constitution

The negotiations between the political parties that have occurred for the past few months have made it seem that the difference between them are intractable. And it may continue to seem so in the near future, as the parties try to reach a package deal on outstanding peace process issues and on finding a prime minister acceptable to all parties. The last minute extension of the term of the Constituent Assembly (CA), however, offers the required space for the parties to address key long-term issues ing the nation, which in the current context, largely involves reaching consensus on a new constitution for the country. Maoist leader Baburam Bhattrai thus made a welcome move towards this end when he explained the contents of the constitution that the Maoist party has proposed . And it was clear from what he said that the differences between the parties, while significant, aren't so large as to make agreement on a new constitution possible.

There are three areas where there continue to be disagreement between the parties. First, over the form of government to be adopted. The Maoists want the establishment of a presidential system where the president will be directly elected and occupy the positions of both heads of state and government. This, they say, is necessary if Nepal is to avoid the instability caused by the parliamentary system of the post -1990 period. The Nepali Congress, on the other hand, wishes to continue with the parliamentary system, as it claims that a presidential system will lead to authoritarianism of any party that comes to power. Here, middle positions have been posited by sections of the UML, and those in the NC such as Narahari Acharya, who have identified forms of government that will ensure greater stability but mitigate the more authoritarian aspects of presidential rule. Serious consideration of such proposals will help facilitate an agreement between the parties.

Second, there may appear to be much disagreement on the nature of federalism. The NC and the UML state that there cannot be any kind of federalism where particular ethnicities have more rights over others. If the Maoist proposal for federalism is looked at carefully, however, it appears that they too wish to avoid a situation where members of non-dominant groups in each province will be second class citizens .Here too, there is ample room for compromise in a way that provide members of large groups in each province with certain rights ( linguistic, for example) that they have been historically denied while figuring out a way in which the rights of others will not be trampled upon.

Third, there has been much resistance to the Maoists proposal that members in judicial positions be selected by parliament. This, in the opinion of other parties will amount to an unacceptable breach of the principle of the separation of powers. Here, it is necessary for all parties to identify problems in Nepal's judiciary and come up with alternatives regarding how they can be solved. The Maoists should move away from the position currently hold, which is, indeed, contrary to the principles of democracy.

If attention is paid to these three factors, and the desire for compromise exists between the parties, there is no reason why Nepal shouldn't have a new constitution in a year's time.

The greatest threat of the status quo doesn't come from the Maoists!

Lenin is supposed to have said, "There is no subtler, no surer mens of overturning the existing basis of society than to debauch the currency".

His Bolshevik colleague, Yevgeni Preobrazhensky, came up with an even better gem of revolutionary Marxism, praising the banknote-printing press as"that machine gun of the Commissariat of Finance which poured fire into the rear of the bourgeois system".

It is s fun quote, redolent of the extremism and cleverness of the Russian revolutionaries, Preobrazhensky saw his enemies clearly and had no time for half measures. He is the leader most directly implicated in the murder of the tear and his family in 1918.

As Nepal faces a financial crisis, but can talk about nothing but politics, it's worth pondering.

Inflation here, of course, does not approach the hyperinflation Preobrazhensky admired so much. At around 13 percent(and rather more than that for many food products) it is significant, but less of a threat to the "bourgeoisie" then to the poor who must spend all of their money on food.

Certainly it is a cause of hardship and disaffection. And if the Nepali rupee is devalued against the Indian rupee, as has been rumored for some time and as the Rastra Bank governor recently suggested, then everything from India will be come more expensive.

But it is the banking and real estate sectors, not inflation, which are threatening an economic crisis in Nepal.

One of the main causes of the immediate crisis is that remittance growth has slowed. People who follow the sector say there are two main reasons for that:: more migrant workers tend to be younger and unmarried than in the past so they remit less, and the strength of the rupee has left them waiting for a more favorable exchange rate before sending their money home.

That has tightened the equation uncomfortably fr the banks.

Another problem is that with the government so dysfunctional, and little development spending taking place, public money is sitting in the Rastra Bank rather than entering the economy. The long delay is passing the budget made matters worse.

The growth in bank deposits has been outpaced by the growth in credit with the result that there has been a "liquidity crunch" for at least the last six months. Almost all of Nepal's banks have bad ratios of loans to deposits and, what's worse, many of those loans are in a real estate sector which has just witnessed a massive speculative bubble but has not yet suffered the comedown.

There. are not many useful statistics on the capital's land market as far as I know, presumably because of all the tax avoidance and money laundering involved. But anecdote and fable indicate that values rose by crazy multiples between the signing of the whole thing ground to a halt.

The CEO of one bank estimates that values rose by five -six times in2065 -66 alone. "It was gambling," he says, Competition among lenders in a sector that has grown from six or seven banks a decade ago to 28 today (with no matching increase in supervision capacity ) drove it all along.

Meanwhile some (unregulated) co-operatives have grown even bigger than some banks.

The shortage of bank notes at Dashain had a lasting impact on public confidence according to the same CEO- despite the high inflation and matching interest rates, people started saving at home. They also started buying more gold, more Indian rupees and taking more money abroad in a hurry, illegally if necessary.

There have been signs of acute stress on the system for months. Merchants in the Tarai find IC hard to come by and are forced to trade across the border using NC at unfavorable rates. Bank loans are practically unavailable and if you want to withdraw a few lakh from your account if takes them a week or more to give you the money. If you ask to close an account the bank will get down on its knees and beg.

The rumor mill has focused on one bank after another as candidates for collapse, and if one should go down how will the others fare? According to the nervous CEO, there is a strong possibility that the failure of one institution could trigger a run on other banks.

"Basically, the economy is really messed up, "he says. The end of the current financial year in a couple of weeks will be a time of reckoning, although false accounting will help keep some skeletons buried.

The Unity Life fiasco (a disaster for its mostly poor investors) is instructive. This blatant scam was going on for four years, despite warnings. Since it came to light some senior officials and ministers at the NRB and ministries of Home, Finance and Commerce have been accused of deliberately stalling the investigation.

Even with the best of intentions regulatory capacity is very low- the NRB, apparently, is not automated. The boffins there still analyze data manually, making it very unlikely they will ever come up with the right answers on time.

While the governorship of the NRB recently lay vacant there was no official authorized to sign new banknotes for months until the Cabinet belatedly allowed some one else to do it.

The balance of payments is in its worts state since the early '90s. I'm told that at the end of of Poush there was only enough foreign exchange for 17 days of imports, which helps explain why Nepali travelers used to be allowed US $2,000 for every foreign trip but now they can only get that twice a year.

That argues for a devaluation of the Nepali Rupee as suggested by the Governor but, whatever the best course in that respect, it seems doubtful whether the government has the wisdom or the strength to pursue it decisively.

Protracted uncertainty over the currency peg exacerbates the fight of capital which is harming the banks.

Of course, all of this might be different if domestic productivity had not been wrecked by decades of bad policy, endemic corruption, conflict, extortion, industrial relations form hell and the electricity crisis. That is another story.

The true workings of the economy are deeply obscure. May be everything will be more or less OK. But if my bank CEO friend is right, and"there is going to be a major crisis, there is no doubt about it, in the real estate sector," hen some people will lose a lot of money.

It is interesting to speculate that one of the bigger losers might me the Maoist Party. No doubt the poor will fare badly in any economic crisis. But if banking and real estate are the scenes of the greatest carnage then it is the lower middle class and up who look most badly exposed.

The Maoists have done plenty of damage to the economy. But the mainstream parties and the ruling class have been astonishingly inept stewards of an economic system which is largely geared to serve their own interests.

It is an irony that if the worst should happen in the economy, those interests will surely face a greater threat than any posed by a dreaded Maoist led government.

The image of" civil society" was put to use in a regrettable manner at the Basantapur rally

I, was enthralled by the developments of 2005 and2006- the massive citizens' assemblies across he capital, including Basantapur, where seas of the square's landmark temples. I delighted in firsthand accounts of the programmes featuring speeches, songs, poetry recitals and drama, uniting abroad swathe of the population in the critique of an authoritarian regime that had brought neither peace nor prosperity. Civil society, which came froward to lead a democratic movement when political parties were not able to do so, claimed to be"the voice of he people" bearing "people's agendas" and following "the people's philosophy". In 2005 and 2006 , there seemed little reason to doubt these claims.

Following the historic people's movement of April 2006, civil society was to be"dormant" for a good four years. At lest, it adjusted its approach and we were not to witness assemblies and program on the scale of those of 2005-6 till last week. The press coverage of last Friday's program in Basantapur, the "peace assembly", seemed to bring back those times. The artists were there, the seas of people were there. But rather than a cause for celebration. I found myself disturbed by the way the program unfolded. Two aspects, in particular, alarmed me, s a civil society enthusiast.

First, despite he proffered agenda of the assembly to "put pressure on political parties to forge a consensus", the rumors had already circulated within the public domain (electronic and face o face) that the assembly was "against the banda", During he program itself, similarly, alongside statements that political parties should come to a consensus within two days, noted artistes called upon the UCPN (Maoists) to" withdraw the strike, violence and protests". In these highly politicized times, this could easily be interpreted as a move against one single party, namely the UCPN (Maoist). Such an interpretation was further supported by developments later in the day. Indeed, the assembly of tens of thousands was then to turn into a "peace rally", during which less savory slogans were heard ("hang Prachanda", "death to YCL" ). This was, moreover, against an informal agreement concluded between the organizers of the assembly and the Maoist leaders the day prior to the rally, that the peace assembly would not march.

Unsurprisingly, as the peace rally ran into Maoist protest marches, confrontation ensued. What is disturbing here is not so much the politicization of civil society which occurred as soon as it pitched itself against a single party (though this may not have been intended by the peace assembly organizers)., acting as a political party or closeness with political parties could be a positive development for Nepal's political culture. The blurring of civil society and political society is not uncommon in post-conflict transition contexts and is not necessarily dangerous or harmful. What is disturbing, rather, is that instead of pitching people against the state, as we have come to expect of civil society worldwide, Friday's events pitched people against people. And rather than a counter weight to the state,"civil society" helped to protect the state by countering the Maoist bid to challenge and transform it . This seemed a violation of the very raizon d'eter of civil society and of the support that has been extended to civil societies globally by the international community.

A second, most disturbing development was the use of the image of "civil society" in this project of protecting the society" in this project of protecting the state. The term "civil society" has significant appeal still today worldwide . In Nepal, the protests of 2005 and2006 did much to increase its credibility.. The format of the program in Basantapur last Friday was clearly meant to evoke the civil society program against the autocratic regime of ex-king Gyanendra, in a bid to imbue it with legitimacy and power. In the assembly and the hours that followed, however, the image of "civil society" was put to use in a regrettable manner. There, statements were made to the effect that change comes after intellectuals and professionals come to the streets, as were suggestions that "the people" were those assembled in Basantapur. These were widely quoted and proved highly controversial, as was the representation of the hundreds of thousands of protesters on the streets as "merely Maoist cadres" who did not belong to the abstract entity "the people".

Articles in the press promptly high-lighted the very different class back-grounds of the "peace assembly" on the one hand and the protesters on the other. The privileged position of the middle classes in civil society has been noted in published studies in Nepal and elsewhere, and again, is not a problem in itself. In 2005 and 2006, these classes found common cause with the less privileged and could then reasonable be said to represent " the voice of the people" But here, this privileged group used its status and power in society, as well as the power of the image of "civil society", to delegitimize the agendas and grievances of other social classes. It turned against society itself , rather than the state.

In other words, last Friday, privileged groups in society used the label of civil society in support of a political project that can hardly be seen as falling within the role we have come to expect of"civil society". Drawing on the symbolic power of "civil society", they sought to defend, rather than challenge,the state. This latter manifestation of of civil society (as defender of the state ) is not at odds with theory: Indeed, civil society has also been conceived as the site where the state constructs its own hegemony (e.g. in Gramsci).

Others, such as noted Indian political scientist Neera Chandhoke, have pointed out that the space of civil society is highly divided and conflict -prone. But the question. is, is this the kind of civil society that we want in Nepal? Is it not a violation of the history of the citizens movement of recent years ? And what might be the consequences of last week's evens for civil society's future? My request is that the press, responsible civil society leaders and others be vigilant, so that the image of civil society is not misused and mobilized in support of initiatives that create rather than solve conflicts. For I fear that this might damage the very image and name of civil society and render is ability to gather support against authoritarianism in the future, nil.

The decision of community schools to go English medium is justified

In a bid of fight the dominance of private English medium schools, most community schools in Sindhupalchok decided to go English medium from this year. Their justification: Private schools are colonizing the Nepali education system; and if the community schools are to survive, they must raise themselves at par with their private rivals. This slipshod move of forcing students into the unknown territory of English language, without preparation and homework, is likely to have a pernicious effects on their performance. Private schools owners are cynical of this move. A private school owner confided to me, "All this is a strategy to take fees from the community school students. They well fail. You know how the teachers in those schools are:; they only have certificates, they have no knowledge. Those who do not know English are going to teach in English medium."

This malady of English is taking its toll in community schools across the country. Many schools in the Kathmandu Valley and elsewhere are trying to go English medium to ensure their survival among the private schools. While this could be taken as late wisdom of the community school, I want to pass a short analysis.

One of the ailments of community schools is poor English language proficiency. More than50 percent of the students who fail the SLC exams fail in English while their counterparts from private schools fare excellently in English . So the distinction between private school and community school graduates is as good as the distinction between natives and foreigners in terms of English language proficiency. And because community schools do not impart education in English medium, even low-income parents educate their children in private schools which are available across the country from the plains to the Himalaya. Of late, the trend of plucking children from government schools and placing them in private ones is rising, which has resulted insignificantly reducing the number of students in community schools. So, it seems, both the disease and the cure of community schools is proficiency in the English language.

Will community schools be able to impart education in English? It begs for some critical introspection. First, the teachers themselves have a very poor command of the English language. In terms of academic qualification., they may be holders of a bachelor's or Master's degree; in terms of experience, they may have served as headmasters for decades; but their English is hardly endurable. I remember the students of a community college in Sindhupalchok whom I taught two years ago in Bachelor of Education. They were mostly teachers in community schools of neighboring villages. But they could not tell "b" from"d" and "I" from "i", did not know the difference between a verb noun and an adjective, and did not know where to use small and capital letters. The late love of community schools to go English medium must take into account this reality too.

There is no legal restriction on changing the medium of instruction. The Education Act allows schools to adopt Nepali or English or both languages as the official medium of instruction. English was the medium of school education until the 1950s too. After the National Education Planning Commission recommended, through its report in1956, removing English citing its association with the production of clerical manpower rather than instilling vocational values in people, the Nepali language policy first took over. This was a rather political move of dissociating the education system from English influence because until the 1950s, Nepali educational practices were copied from the Indian education system which was modelled on the colonial eduction project.

And the new fervor of independence in India and democracy at home was set on redefining Nepali nationalism by trying to keep in unsullied by English influence. This anti-English language tendency got further cemented by the New Eduction System Plan 1971 orchestrated buy the Panchayat veteran king Mahendra. The plan officially recognized the Nepali language as the medium of instruction. And until the mid 1980s when king Birendrre packaged the educational ideology of the Panchayat system and encouraged private schools, Nepal did not have English Medium schools except for a few mission schools that had been in operation since the early 1950s.

Most of the bureaucrats, teachers and political leaders of today have received Panchayat -era monolingual education. So we have in the top positions men who are educated but unable to communicate their knowledge with the world outside Nepal. Because of lack of English language efficiency, Nepali prime ministers and ministers fail to negotiate and put forward the national agenda at international fronts. Even if hey do, they make a lot of mistakes and render their speeches almost incomprehensible. Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal addressed the 16^th SAARC summit held in Thimpu There were other heads of government too. All spoke excellent English, except Nepal. In fact, his English was most horrible. As he was reading his speech from a script, which had perhaps been drafted by his secretary, I got the impression that the speech writer should have transliterated every difficult to pronounce word in Nepali script. He pronounced a considerable number of words wrong, and made them sound like lexicons of an alien language.

I can remember a few. He pronounced context as contest as contest, and region as reason. He had great difficulty in pronouncing words like daunting, world, able government and consideration.. He could not manage stress, pauses and intonation. He pronounced a word like they were two words . The whole of his speech went in the typical fashion of his screeching Nepali accent with which he usually addresses mass gatherings at home. There was no touch of Englishness. As I was watching him on television, I was completely befuddled not understanding much of what he was saying . I can imagine the utter confusion on the part of the foreign delegates present there.

No offense intended to Madhav Kumar Nepal. In fact, most Nepali politicians speak as horribly as him, and thousands of Nepalese share his plight. If he had been educated in an English medium school, he would not have made a fool of himself and thereby Nepal. If he had been competent in English, perhaps he would have been able to see eye to eye with the other delegates and communicate his agenda confidently.. It is against this bitter reality that I think the decision of community schools to go English medium is necessary and right.

As I closely scrutinize the metropolitan life, I realize that we are becoming more and more mechanical these days. We have lost our soul, and our mind too has stopped thinking thus just becoming "mechanical". One might find it bitter, but you cannot do away with the reality. The following perpetual phenomenon happening everyday in the Capital should be enough o justify what I have just mentioned.

First, a large number of Kathmanduties live an individualistic life that one would be lucky if neighbors look as, smile, and say hello to him or her. Forget about the neighbors! Many friends of mine often get dumbfounded when they come to learn that I am quite close to my landlord. They comment saying that most of their landlords don't speak to them. The rare occasion when they do, it's when they go to give the monthly rent. Also many landlords expect the rent to be given on a fixed date of the month. If you delay by any circumstances, they might even give you a notice ordering you to vacate the abode shortly.

Second, I have repeatedly encountered this scene: An ambulance carrying a patient struggling to life and death walls on the street to let it go faster, but hardly any vehicle playing on the road gives a damn about the shrill siren; everyone thinks theirs is a valuable time. A big question my press on a sane mind as why people do not understand the emergency situation of an ambulance; why has the society become so indifferent?

Third there is this" I go-first" attitude commonly seen in Kathmandu roads. Poor pedestrians". Rarely does any vehicle give them a priority to cross the road. And during traffic jam, motor-bikers find the footpath as"new road' and they move speedily blowing horn, asking them to let go first.

Forth, many of the shopkeepers in market sell adulterated products,. In the recent past, one of the television channels had televised a report about the inedible stuff found in water jar and cold drinks. Likewise, many farmers use harmful chemicals on vegetables and sell them in the market. Mineral water is not a mineral water; stones are mixed up in rice and daal. Cooking oil is impure, petrol is adulterated. Hardly anything comes original.

Fifth, words like "Horn Please" are written at the back of most public vehicles, as if it is good thing to blow horns as loud as one can.. Everybody knows that unnecessary blowing of horns causes noise pollution which further hampers the hearing and mental health, but people don't seem to care.

And sadly, scattered garbage in the streets has already because a common thing in public psyche. What effect does it have on them, has anyone tried to study so far? Bagamati and other rivers are being converted into drainage and sewage. It stinks and it takes a lot of courage to cross the river without covering nose. But the public and the concerned authorities, it seems, have get used to it, as if the nose has stopped working that does not sense the reeking river anymore.

I woke up last morning with a few shrill voices and some rods banging on some doors around the neighborhood. An old man was on the middle of the crowd shivering like a cornered little helpless mouse, with a face filled with shame like a face filled with shame like that of a person who is about to get some ghastly public humiliation for some hideous crime. I was stunned to see such a large crowd gathered around my otherwise peaceful neighbor-hood. I wondered what had happened. When I looked closer, I recognized him as an old tailor who was apparently doing his work obediently in his little shop to make a living out of it. He has a small shop which can hardly accommodate three people altogether. Suddenly I heard this voice filled with swollen pride saying.."we are fighting for people's rights.. today is a bandh." I wondered what right is greater than the "right to life" and more over the right to dignity. And I still wonder.

As the protesters were leaving, they uttered that since they did not vandalize anything so the man should be tankful. I was amazed to see how a bunch of young boys can storm into an entirely alien neighborhood to impose such atrocities. Suddenly a woman from the house next door worriedly said that all of us should lock our doors properly. She wailed."We are not safe here anymore". At that precise moment. I saw a look on her face, the look was of terror, of vulnerability, and she looked stunned by what could have just happened in front of her peaceful home. There was this disturbing silence that followed even though there were many locals gathered around the little shop. Some children, however, with their sheer innocence went back to their games, but they had already learn a new game, a game where they take sticks and pretend to go on a rally like they just saw the adults doing , shouting their way off. Is this the way we want our children to grow up?

Then as I sank myself into my seat lazily, I opened the Internet to check the news; in one of the websites, the headline read that the nation-wide general strike called by this party entered into the third consecutive day on Tuesday , bringing normal life to a complete halt. The leaders of that party were glad to have executed the initial days of closure 'peacefully'. I am seeking for an answer to what kind of peace we are expecting. Is it a positive peace? Well, after reading heaps of literature on Johan Galtaung's positive peace theory, I am having this compulsive urge to make out influential leaders to read, read and read more before actually using the out-dated trial and error tactics. I wish they understood "peace cannot be imposed, it has to be built".

Locals will have to lead efforts to protect historic monuments of Nepal!

The government decision to again shut off Kathmandu Durbar Square to vehicular traffic signals renewed interests in preserving the nation's cultural heritage. But it is questionable whether the ban will remain in effect . Similarbansin2004and2008 were not upheld due a lack of cooperation from locals. This time around the government should be aware that for efforts like these to be successful, it is vital to involve the locals in taking up responsibility for protecting their own heritage.

Despite being pulled from the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) list of world heritage sites in danger in 2007, historical monuments in Kathmandu Valley remain under increasing pressure from a rising population and urban development, Changu Narayuan is said to be the most at risk, with illegals and dredging slowly weakening the foundation of this centuries- old temple. Although the budget of Rs.1.9 million approval for restoration works at Changu Narayan over a year ago is still waiting to be put to proper use, efforts to involve the local community in the project will hopefully prove fruitful in completion of the works before the return of the monsoon. The failure to protect this site risks the heritage status of other heritage sites, although almost all the world heritage sites in the Valley are already falling below the benchmarks set by UNESCO. Those not afforded protection by UNESCO as world heritage sites are at an even grater risk. For many unprotected monuments, the interests of private land owners or lack of capital for proper maintenance often prevail over the interests of cultural heritage, eventually giving way to "modern" concrete buildings that hold zero cultural value. The struggle to retain cultural identity in the face of encroaching urban development reiterates the need to find a balance between protecting historically valuable sites and adapting to a changing world.

Public participation in coordination with efforts from the government is important, and it is up to the government to formulate broad policies that enable local governments and communities to do the groundwork. But in order to garner the cooperation of the communities surrounding these ancient landmarks, they must first recognize the value in preserving their cultural identity. In cases like the vehicular ban in Kathmandu Durbar Square, the complaints of the locals whose houses and businesses flank the monument area are understandable. And in this regard, the need for education and awareness of the value of preserving these ancient cultural artifacts has yet to be addressed.

No doubt, there is a need for greater conservation sensitivity and for projects already proposed or underway, a unified definition of conservation. Many community attempts to preserve cultural moments result in large scale restoration or, as in the case of the Bhagawati Badal temple in Naxal, complete reconstruction, actually pose greater threats to the original fabric these efforts to implement conservation projects that are both culturally sensitive and in line with established standards of heritage preservation.

The current brinksmanship may have devastating consequences

with the deadline for the constitution drafting process approaching, it is natural that all parties should seek to bring pressure to bear on each other with the objective of gaining the upper hand. The Maoist intention, it appears is to replace current governing coalition at all costs. Sections of the CPN-UML, those in government in particular, are bent on ensuring that they continue at the helm of the state. And the Nepali Congress too, presumably reacting to the Maoists 's statement that they will not allow the deadline for the promulgation of the constitution to be extended unless the latter are allowed to lead government, has stated that in that case fresh elections should be held. This is meant to counter the threat from the Maoists, who could be put on the defensive if the Constituent Assembly (CA) is dissolved and fresh elections put forward.

With all the differing voices, it is unclear what the exact strategy of each party is -if they have one - and it is difficult to predict what lies ahead. What can be said with some confidence, however, is that we are entering a month that is to be most critical to the future of the peace process. And the extreme brinksmanship played by all sides is by no means reassuring. So far, it appears that all the parties intend to broadly abide by the peace agreements of 2005 and 2006. But if they are to blindly continue on the path they have taken so far, the country may soon face a situation where renewed conflict becomes the only alternative.

The most disturbing of all the recent events has been the massive nationwide mobilization of people by the Maoists and their training. The objective, according to Maoists, is a "people's revolt". While the leadership has informed the cadre that this is a decisive movement for the capture of the state, it has been telling the media and other political parties that they will deploy their cadres onto the streets of Kathmandu peacefully. The objective, they claim, is only to pressure the other political forces into accepting a Maoist-led government. While this may true, it is worrisome that thousands of young people across the country are being trained in the use of various weapons and in martial arts. With such a militant crowd on the streets of Kathmandu, violence -either by themselves or through provocation-is always a distinct possibility. The consequences thereof may prove even more difficult to contain.

While one cannot fault the Maoists for holding street protests, they should stop training cadres in the use of violence and instead need to reassure the other parties that they have to intention of attempting to seize state power by force. This is in their own interest too. A likely consequence of the Maoists' recklessness is that the other political forces will be antagonized an fall into the arms of the extreme right, which will only be too happy to take on the Maoists militarily.

Nepali taxpayers are footing the cost of the CA, and they want their money's worth

In the history of modern Nepal, a democratic Constitution Assembly (CA) has been a long desired with since 1950. Nearly two years ago, during the CA election, the aspirations of fellow denizens were flying high and they reached a climax when the first session of the CA held on May28, 2008 declared Nepal a republican state.

As of now, nearing the final weeks of the two-year tenure of the CA, there are many questions about the use and abuse of the CA by none other than the contemporary political parties who are failing to deliver the goods - the constitution Ironically, every week there use to be notices saying that CA business meeting had been postponed due to lack of an agenda. Such irresponsible and incompetent actions of the CA members are inexcusable. The people's anger is justified when anyone tries to comprehend the cost and benefit of the CA as it approaches the formal end of its mandate.

First, let's us look at the cost of the CA that includes direct and indirect costs. The direct cost begin from the election of the CA members. According to the Election Commission, the total costs for direct and indirect elections reached about US$ 42 million. But now much each political party spent per candidate is always murky which also implies that our political party spent per candidate is always murky which also implies that our political party system is not only opaque but also not accountable to the people. Nevertheless, the monthly expenditure of the CA is nearly RS$ 1 million out of which two-thirds go for the salaries of the CA member enjoys the national per capita income of nearly 50 persons during the two-year term. Other direct costs funnelled through bilateral or multilateral agencies are yet to be known.

The direct costs associated with the CA members may not be so significant in comparison with the Rs. 290 billion budget for the fiscal year of 2009 /10. But it is the indirect costs associated with the CA that counts a lot. Since the major parties spend much time on power equations and calculation, a majority of the people are filled with frustration and displeasure. Further , the government itself is lagging behind to spend all the budget titles on development work , and the costs of missed development activities have spurred in the past two years.

From the very beginning of the formation of the present government, socio-political speculation about its future was very much inconsistent. The same psychology was working once the Maoists formed their government after the CA election. In both causes, the development budget was not spent as planned. Only money changing hands in the city centers does not induce real economic growth. Monetary and fiscal policies are not only pointed in opposite directions they are also very short-sighted, and the parties seen very much uninterested in such crucial aspects of economic growth.

Local and foreign investors are reluctant to invest money as the Maoists and allied communist forces are self-projecting economic crusaders. So it can be inferred that the current economic downturn is a function of the failure of both the CA and the present government. Thanks go to the remittance from the Nepali labor force abroad and the flow of money from donors that temporarily prevents the boat form sinking.

The situation of loss of economic opportunities could worsen in the future if the CA fails to deliver the constitution on time and aims to renew its tenure for any period on its own. That will be additional time for not investing in the country as the state of confusion will be extended. Indirect costs could soar beyond any body's imagination if the country witnesses either a half-baked or an ethnicity-based constitution or both.

On the benefit side, except for the declaration of a republic , people can hardly recall any significant contribution made by the CA. That too may be jeopardized if the CA fails to complement it through a constitution. Henceforth, the CA members need to go through a meta-cognition - rethinking about their thinking so that a federal democratic republican constitution can be accomplished by May 31.

Now, if the CA becomes unsuccessful, then who is to be blamed? Nearly two-thirds of the members of the CA are of the leftist ideology. Historically, they used to blame the Nepali Congress party that the 1950, 1979 and 1990 movements were a deception of that they were incomplete. The leftists are always in a state of confusion between idealism and realism. Their choice between plural versus cruel is a complete deception on the people's aspiration. Isn't it a failure of the leftists in Nepal?

Nearly two years after the CA election, people realize that the current political leaders are simply a bunch of rent seekers and love to play the zero-sum game in order to secure a berth at any level. The parties are suffering from lack of skill to manage politics and are guided by very populists themes of controlling politics. It is pathetic not to hear their voices for writing the constitution. Their failure to comprehend the risk of not having a constitution on time is deplorable. They can't say they don't have any alternative for their incompetence.

As the police is unable to curb crimes, criminals are getting audacious

The law and order situation of Kathmandu valley is deteriorating by the day. The month-to-month analysis of crimes around the country shows a 19.98 percent spike-with 24 percent of all crimes taking place in the Valley. This is in contrast to the government claim of an improvement in overall security situation of the Valley following the implementation of the Special Security Plan last year. The gravity of the matter was brought home to Valley denizens in the early hours of Saturday when robbers broke into the house of Deputy Inspector General of Police Bishwa Raj Shahi and fled with cash and valuables worth around Rs 300,000. What was remarkable about the heist was that the robbers managed to break into Shahi's house managed, 12/7, by four guards.

No less remarkable was Shahi's silent compliance with the robbers' demands. Even other family members, it seems, were reluctant to inform police about the incident. Perhaps Shahi's unwillingness to show any kind of resistance against the robbers could be seen as a reflection of low police morale. Following the formation of Madhav Kumar Nepal led government, there have been reports of widespread discontent among high-ranking police officials with the go-it-alone working style of Home Minister Bhim Rawal. Nepotism is rife and the government has made no progress in in controlling corruption in Nepal Police. Senior police officials also grumble at not being allowed to work freely in the highly politicized atmosphere.

This is not the first instance of robbery at there residence of a senior police officer. On March 20, a group of robbers barged into the house of Senior Superintendent of Police Jaya Bahadur Chand and made off with cash and belongings worth Rs.1.2 million. As one official investigating the Saturday heist put it: the message of the robbers is loud and clear-no one is safe. Criminals in the valley are getting more and more audacious. Media entrepreneur Jamin Shah was gunned down in broad daylight at Lazimpat, one of the most secure areas in the Valley. Saturday's incident took place at Buddhanilkantha, which is considered another highly secure area with many VVIP living in the vicinity. By descending on the house of an important security official, the criminals seem to be openly challenging the state to nab and punish them - if it can. The police, unsurprisingly, has put up a boldface and vowed to get the culprits within 48 hours from the time of robbery.

Even if the culprits behind the theft are put behind bars., the bigger problems with the law and order situation will remain. Epitomising that trend is the proliferation of small arms, crimes related to small arms are increasing at an alarming rate of 10 percent per month. The level of political protection criminals enjoy, thus making it easier for them to procure arms and other logistics, only made matters worse. What transpired at Shah's residence on Saturday was a mere symptom of a much bigger malaise.

Existing laws have not been enough to protect Nepali women abroad

The 2007 Foreign Employment Act banned gender-based discrimination against women who want to work abroad. It eased restrictions that barred women from seeking foreign employment and adopted special measures to secure women's rights activists, backed by United Nations Development Fund for Women, pushed through the legislation, but the Act's implementation has proven tricky. When cases of widespread abuse of Nepali women in Gulf countries started to come to light, one after another, the government banned women from migrating to high-risk destinations like Lebanon. But thanks to legal loopholes and alternate (albeit illegal) routes through India, many Nepali women continue to seek work as domestic helpers in Gulf countries. As estimated 20,000 Nepali women now work in Lebanon; another 12,000 are making their living in Israel, another popular destination for Nepali women.

Recently, in a much-publicized case, a Nepali women who had been raped while working as a domestic helper for a Lebanese family was provided US$15,000 in legal settlement from the family. But the cases which come to light are only the tip of the iceberg of the sufferings Women Migrant Workers (WMW's) endure. As most of them have no legal documents to account for their presence in host countries, they face immense hurdles in bringing the cases of abuse of light and in prosecuting the culprits.

In 2009, an alarming increase in the suicide rate among Nepali women workers in Lebanon prompted the Nepali government to stop the migration of women to the Gulf state. But the decision came more as a reaction to the mounting cry for action rather than as an outcome of a principled and well-thought out stand.

The issue of WMW's has been contentious since the passing of the 2007 Act. While the Act had plenty of backers, at least at the start, the voice of skeptics got louder as reports of physical and psychological abuses of WMW's started to trickle in. Some have called for an outright ban on WMW's from Nepal. But others, including a big chunk of women's rights activists, maintain that such a ban impinges on women's right to choose their own course in life. Seeking better protective measures for women migrants is the way forward, they maintain. These include improving domestic laws, bilateral agreements between the source and host countries regarding the rights and safety of workers as well as recourse to various international conventions on migrant rights.

One of the biggest reasons for the disenchantment of women who take up difficult jobs abroad is their unrealistic expectations of the benefits that accrue from their constant toil. The high rate of suicide among Nepali women in Lebanon is attributed, in no small part, to the lofty promises of unscrupulous middle men involved in the illegal transfer of women from Nepal. If nothing else, the continued (and rather public) wrangling of the two sides to the WMW debate should makes prospective job seekers a little more circumspect about their rosy futures abroad.

(This editorial was published on The Kathmandu Post on April5,2010)

It is said that a nation will be like heaven if its people are happy with the governance. For good governance, political leaders with certain principles, actions and competence have a major role to play. Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela and Martin Luther King are a few examples of good leaders known for having such traits. In Nepal, King Prithivi Narayan Shah, Ganesh Man Singh, and B.P. Koirala showcased their talents of giving that kind of leadership to the country.

A few weeks ago at a speaking program, a Nepali intellectual who held distinguished positions in the UN highlighted five golden rules which individuals should follow in their lives to become successful leaders. Find a silver lining in every dark cloud, take a longer term view of life, do the unexpected, always go beyond the call of duty, and never forget the place of your origin. I agree with him because the aforementioned leaders followed these rules to a good extent, and as a result, people now remember them as successful leaders.

Meanwhile, I recalled excepts of the speeches our current political leaders reiterate almost everyday through different media. For a while, their alluring words to establish 'consensus' and 'reforms' in the nation made me content. But the reality soon disappointed me. In fact, I took my free time to search for the connection between their words and works so far.

Leaders are better known as great speakers who can motivate people to take better steps in life. Though a few of them succeeded in keeping their word, the majority did no more than render false hopes to the weak and poor. These political leaders who provoke blame-games and often hold themselves above the rule of law are not capable of attracting a large crowd when they speak because the general public is already aware that they are often the most apt to lie.

Everyone has his/her own distinct personality and potential. So I can't simply criticize our political leaders for upholding this status quo. I must question the public as well because they are the ones who brought much leaders to power.

Therefore, whether to create 'Bandhusthan states' where only one racial,ethnic or economic group rules, or to create 'Rainbow states' instead where all live with fraternity is up to the people themselves, as mentioned by the same speaker in the program.

Similarly, it would indeed be a positive change if our political leaders started converting their words into meaningful works and learning form those legends whose names I mentioned earlier.

Let's hope once again that our policy makers will unite to restore peace, progress and prosperity in the country. A beautiful quotation fits here- 'Watch your thought, they become words; watch your words, they become actions; watch your actions, they become habits and watch your habits, they signify your character and image'.

GPK showed that it was possible for politicians to see the bigger picture and work towards it!

Girija Prasad Koirala passed away at high noon on Saturday. We feel sad for his family; but more for the people of this country, for he was not an ordinary citizen. He has been the most prominent politician of our country for the last 20 years: a man who achieved a lot for the people of this country, but certainly had the opportunity to achieve much more. He played a major role in bringing down the Panchayat system and the autocratic rule of King Gyanendra. He played a central role in getting the Maoists to abandon their decade-long armed conflict and join mainstream politics.

B.P was the most important Koirala when we were young. His name was spoken with a we and in hushed tones during the Panchayat era when we were in high school. Most of us heard of GPK for the first time when we were in school or colleges during the Jana Andolan of 1980. Steadily, his stature and reputation grew in Nepali society. Those were the days of growing political awareness and dissent against the autocratic Panchayat rule. With the end of Panchayat rule and introduction of multi-party democracy, GPK became prime minister of Nepal for the first time in 1991. I distinctly remember the euphoria of the Nepal people: the hopes of a quick transformation into a free, democratic and egalitarian society and taken very rapid strides towards complete socioeconomic: transformation of the country. Those were very important and critical years of early democracy in Nepal and held tremendous promises for positive changes. Those changes in ever began. Democracy in Nepal was nascent, and its leaders inexperienced: the position and power which had been entrusted to them by the Nepali people became too intoxicating for them to handle.

It was at this period of our history, when there were tremendous opportunities for positive changes that we chose to go in the wrong direction. The corruption of the Panchayat era became institutionalized during those early days of democracy. So, sadly, did nepotism, Visionary long-term plans to bring about socio-economic transformation did not materialize. "With great power comes great responsibility." In our case, the people with great power acted very irresponsible.

We have heard from my early days to the present times that Nepal has tremendous potential in the areas of hydro-power, tourism agriculture and herbs. Now, with China and India fast emerging as global economic powers, they say, we also have a fantastic opportunity for trade by virtue of our geography. It both pains and angers me to know that these stories have remained mere stories, and that we have taken no steps towards realizing these potentials in the last 40 years. We have certainly lost valuable times.

GPK went on to become the prime minister of Nepal four more times, thereby creating history; but the overall situation of this country has gone form bad to worse. The process of constitution writing is completely muddled, the police take credit for arranging press conferences of school children bunking school and attending discos instead of order situation in our country, and the general population of our country is mired in poverty and despair.

It took GPK a long time to realize his mistakes and the last seven-eight years were spent in redeeming his past actions. This has seen the rise of GPK as a mature politician: aware and concerned about the welfare of the nation at large and acting accordingly. He thus played a major role in ending the autocratic rule of King Gyanandra and the armed struggle of the Maoists and bringing the latter to mainstream politics. Towards the end of his life, he played the role of a great facilitator by trying to bring about all the parties to help frame the constitution of a new Nepal, but he has left us before he could complete this extremely important task. His last words to Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal were, "Please work in uniting for the welfare of this country and move ahead by accommodating all sides. "

He leaves behind a legacy of hope: that we can change for the better; that it is possible for politicians to see the bigger picture and work towards it despite close people shrouding one\'s better judgment with petty things. He has shown that a politician can take positive steps by trying to transform himself into a statesman.

Nobody will value today's politicians tomorrow. But if a statesman were to emerge, leading this country towards socio-economic transformation that we so desperately need? That is a different story. I dream big things for this country. I have always been a dreamer. I also know that dreams can be realized if we work towards them. All that we need is good, visionary, political leadership! We need leaders who can see the bigger picture, inspire people to give their best performance, give hope to the hopeless citizens of this country, risk all that they have as politicians and be willing to transform themselves into statesmen. Then, Mr Politician, just watch how people from all walks of life will follow you to crate a New Nepal. The people of this country are just waiting for you!

Death of former Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, popularly know as Girija babu, has shocked the nation. Death is a bitter reality that no power, religion, scientific endeavor or pill can prevent. It is a harsh and fundamental truth that each one of us must face it someday.

I remember a piece of wisdom my grandfather passed on to me before he died. He told me to recite this mantra daily. " I am going to die someday. But I am not sad about it today. If I am sad today of dying someday, then how am I supposed to live and do something today?"

I don't know if this mantra really works. I suppose only a few of my learned readers my accept this philosophical convention. But it really does inspire and encourage me to live life to the fullest without being worried about death.

One invariable fact about life is that it will come to an end. But, it is not the destination that counts, rather the process by which one reaches the destination. If one fully lives their life on a day-to-day basis, one is bound to live a happier,healthier life. Despite this knowledge, many fear death. Imagine a scenario where somebody is standing in front of you, pointing a revolver towards your face. In such a scenario, one is bound to fear death. But fearing r death for no present reason is not wise.

Before going any further on death, one has to understand the magnitude of fear, including the pain and suffering that the fear of death can cause. After reading several religious scriptures, I have come to the conclusion that there are a log of interesting ideas about death. For example, in the Bible, the 'coming back' of Jesus Christ is mentioned. Similarly, some Muslim scholars believe in the "coming back"of the Prophet Mohammad. Hindus also believe in the concept of chaurasi jamma. My childish mind doubts this though, without any proper reason to give. I believe that, take it or leave it, everyone has to die one day, and that is the only truth of this so-called, 'human life'.

Life is not like a game of cricket where in one match if you are clean bold, you can come up fresh in the very next match. To me, life is about living in the present moment and feeling happy and thankful for being alive. It is about cherishing the memories of the past, creating new ideas and innovations in the present, learning from peers, and loving everything that has been placed front of us.

Sadly, our Girija babu is no longer with us, but his legacy and contributions to Nepali politics and the country will always be remembered forever.

The Nepal Army should cooperate with civilian authorities on Bardiya killings

Over the years, Nepal Army (NA) has been charged with numerous rights violations. The latest in this series is the allegation of the killing of three innocents inside the Bardiya National Park on March 10. A field report issued by the Informal Service Center (INSEC) and Advocacy Forum, two human rights groups, on Tuesday claims that the Army, in collaboration with forest guards, "shot dead" three members of a family- Amrita B.K. Devisara B.K. Devisara's 12-years -old daughter Chandra Kala-after taking them under control. According to the victims' families, the three had gone into the forest to forage for wood. On the other hand, Defence Minister Bidhaya Bhanadari, speaking before the parliamentary committee on women and children on Wednesday, said NA's preliminary investigations had revealed the three killed were 'poachers'.

The report makes for a gristly read. It suggests the women and the girl were probably raped as their bloody undergarments were found scattered around the killing site; the girl's father, according to the report, heard his daughter scream in pain. It is hard to see how minister Bhandari or anyone else can defend NA's disproportionate use of force(in opening fire on three unarmed females, even if they had been poachers).

NA has been down this road in Bardiya before. The number of allegations of 'disappearances' against security forces deployed in Bardiya was one of the highest in the country throughout the period of the insurgency. In the 12-month period between November 2001 and January 2003 alone, UN rights watchdog OHCHR -Nepal had received information on over 200 cases of enforced disappearance by the security forces.

These grim statistics point at the Army's reluctance to take action against those involved in rights violations, even against those who have been found guilty in the court of law. For instance, the Army has declined to hand over to police Maj Niranjan Basnet-who had been found guilty by the Kavre District Court for the disappearance and killing of Maina Sunuwar, a minor taken into custody by NA in Panchkhal, Kavre in 2004. In yet another case, rights monitors in the country had expressed grave concern at the promotion of Maj. Gen. Toran Jung Bahadur Singh, implicated in disappearance of 49 detainees from NA's Bhairavnath Battalion in 2003-04, to Chief of the General Staff, the second-in command of Nepal Army.

As not a single NA personnel has been brought to book thus far, there is enough reason to doubt that an impartial investigation can be carried out on the Bardiya killings without the Army's help. But the Army's dismal record on human rights allegations leveled against it. The best way to do so will be to agree to an investigation of the Bardiya killings, as well as the unresolved cases of disappearances, by independent civilian authorities. Rights bodies have been critical of the Army's reluctance to cooperate with such civilian investigative bodies in the past. NA' s willingness (or lack thereof) to help the nine-member parliamentary with-committee formed to look into the Bardiya shootings will thus be an important measure of the degree of its evolution into a democratic outfit that believes in the rule of law.

(This editorial was published on The Kathmandu Post on 18March10)

What a transformation these past few years have wrought on the nature of the Nepali people

If Kathmandu is a slum where the privileged live in their gated cocoons, the moffusil has become a jungle raj. I had a glimpse of it while traveling by road from Kathmandu to Biratnagar. I have always loved a bus ride in Nepal. I smell the river and the forest,watch and speak with people, and sample the local cultures even at some risk of the has falling off into the Trishuli. So, again, I boarded the bus and headed down South despite the rumor of a banda in three of the Tarai districts. As we descended down the Naubise decline, the bus slowed down and came to a halt. We thought out fear had come true sooner than we had anticipated. But it was nothing more than a jam. Some passengers got down from the bus, saying. "Let's help them clear the mess." They went out and came back, and we hurtled along.

The road looked fine and safe, and we passed Krishna Bheer without knowing where it was. Past Narayanghat, the rumor regained steam when the bus slowed down again and halted. The event turned out to bean incident of a perceived accident. The police sub-inspector had stopped all the buses of a company to find out who had dropped a passenger at a particular place some tn miles back. After nothing the drivers' names and mobile numbers, he let us go. But the rumor gained more ground as we reached the Madhesei belt. In one place where the bus made an unscheduled stop, we feared that we would now be held up for the entire day at gun point. But it turned out to be nothing more than a flat tire. By the time we reached Biratnagar, real and imagined evens had delayed our arrival by several hours. We reached only by seven thirty. We went to bed with the rumour of a possible strike the nest morning due the killing of a driver in Jhapa. The next morning things were normal, I got a few official things done during the day and headed for Dharan to spend time with my family in the evening.

The next morning when we left to return to Biratnagar, the rumour became a reality when no vehicle would take us. There was no bus, no microbus, no private vehicle for hire. We asked three wheelers, their fare to Itahari was beyond what we were ready to pay. At one point we thought of walking the distance but soon we dropped the idea because an against- the- grain trek from the foothills to the border town, especially given our loaded bags, would cost our bodies more than we could afford. We noticed a red-plate SUV and the driver, a long retired Gurkha veteran of the British Army, showed sympathy in his broken English but told us that his was a private vehicle, strictly for personal use.

We then ran into a blue-uniformed police officer, who was keeping busy trying to regulate the banda traffic. When asked about the cause of the banda, he said. "The rumor is that a driver has been killed somewhere in Jhapa. Other than that, we know nothing."

"How can we go to Biratnagar now?" I asked him ."What can I do, Sir?" he said, "We are small people".

Leaving the small man to fend for himself, our hunt for a vehicle began a new. About quarter of a mile walk down the road toward Itahari, we found a Marutivan heading South. We ran to the driver and begged him. He quoted a fare; we gave in. But he warned that he would take us up to Itfhari any how but beyond that would depend on how the situation unfolds there. The man then drove his van like a man running for his life- fast, looking hawkishly left and right as though he were using the hard-earned run-and-hide skills of his guerrilla days. In Ithari, he went thorough his maze of side streets, and when he emerged on the main road and was about to take a side street again, he spotted a bus heading for Biratnagar from the East. He swing to the cross roads and headed for Birtnagar. The banda was only a rumor after all. The next morning, I had to leave for my village, about 18 miles North-East, and my wife was visiting family in Siliguri, but we woke up with the rumor that the Morang district chief of Youth Force had been shot and there would be a banda. It was a double strike against travelers, as the murdered driver's story, too had by now bagged the headlines.

What a transformation these past few years have wrought on the nature of the Nepali people ! Just because the driver asked the members of the wedding party to come down from the roof of the bus to sit inside or forgot to pick up each of the weeding party members, they beat him to death, leaving his family without a breadwinner! What are the sources of this beastly rage?

On the road, we saw the number of ambulances multiply, but we refused to be patients. A family member got in touch with the local middleman and a whole bunch of women in the family boarded the vehicle on the Indian side of the border and left for Siliguri. I returned to find my way to my village. On the Rangeli-Birtnagar route, even the motorbikes had been banned. After debating whether it was better to stay back or leave anyhow, I went hunting for a rickshaw. Walking was out of the question because I had luggage. The only consolation in the whole business of the banda was that the rickshaw men were having a field day and making hay because the sun was shining brightly. A rickshaw man agreed to take me to Rangeli for a price, and we commenced on a three-hour ride.

In the past couple of decades, I had always used a motor-driven vehicle to get from the district town to my village. So this slow bumpy ride was a welcome change. It afforded me the opportunity to reacquaint myself with the locales had long been familiar within my child-hood's slow walk or bullock cart, ride to Biratnagar. On a bullock cart, it was a multi-day, hazardous trundle to the famed town, navigating not only robbers and carnivores but also sandy rivers and mud holes where the wheels would get stuck and harried bullocks needed robust drivers' shoulders to get the cart out on the other side. On foot, however, it was a different proposition altogether. Well before sunrise my father and I would set out on our trek back to the village and, the fast walker that he was with his long legs, I had to break into a run to catch up with him. After a full day's trek, we would reach the village in the evening.

So, the rickshaw ride, although bumpy on a smoothly paved road turned out to be a buck-to-the past experience. I could recognize not only each village despite the fast-paced transformation modernization had wrought on he landscape but also the names of Rajbanshis and Muslims on both sides of the road whom I had visited with my parents. North from Rangeli, the road was graved but the path was smooth. A van reserved fir a wedding took me home by evening.

The journey from Kathmandu to my village showed the present -day reality of Nepal for travelers. Is there hope? I frequently asked myself. I had to seek an answer in Nepali people's good work and endurance that I also saw on the road, which I leave for next week.

The people want a new constitution, but the parties are obsessed with grabbing power

It's season of thunderstorms. Against a backdrop of azure spring skies, the Himalayan foothills wait for the Pre-monsoon showers. And thunderstorms periodically rock the skies, at times wreaking havoc of sorts. As Indo-Nepal thus continue broad-daylight shootings-and politicos turn violent, issuing fresh warnings of revolt (read violence) - thunder and storms can felt on the ground too.

Despite widespread condemnation of the murders of media entrepreneurs Jamim Shah, Arun Singhaniya in separate shootouts recently, the government has failed to hunt down the criminals. So the state of insecurity remains. Longing for peace and security, Nepali grapple to get over the ghosts of the decade-long Maoist insurgency. People want to move forward. Yet the leaders don't help much.

"Thunder"

Maoist supremo Pushpa Kamal Dahal 'Prachanda' has warned that his party would lead what decisive people's revolt" if the nation does not get the new constitution on May 28. A few weeks ago, though, he was ready for another scenario. Then, he said, "The sky won't fall even if we can't ready the new constitution by May 28." On Tuesday, he remarked, "It can still happen within the time line. "Well,the ex rebel supreme commander keeps changing his remarks.

But we have no choice but to take our constitution -and peace-building processes quite seriously. All the more so because the parties responsible for that process don't seem to be doing their work sincerely. People from the Himalaya to the plains may be looking forward to a great constitution but the parties seem focused elsewhere: on grabbing power.

Nobody seems to care about the statute. The Maoists, who want their kind of constitution, want to topple the Madhav Kumar Nepal government; but Nepal and his ministers want to hold on to it. So the trouble is this: With less than 80 days left to issue the constitution of the federal republic of Nepal, there are serious doubts that the Constituent Assembly (CA) would be the big day. The constitution-making calendar was up for its 10^th amendment Tuesday.

Flirting with Armies

The parties to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), the them Seven-Party Alliance and the Maoists (SPAM), have not been able to settle their differences on key issues. Chief among them are the federal structure, sharing of power and mode of governance. Equally important, nothing has been done to integrate or rehabilitate the 19,000 plus Maoist ex-combatants.

Right now, the two sides remain divided on how many of the 19,000 ex-combatants are to be integrated in to the national Army or the police force, and how many of them are to be rehabilitated into other state organs or society. Arguing that the rebels have a little over 3,400 weapons stored, government ministers say they are ready to integrate 3,000 into the security forces.

But the Maoists don't seem ready for anything less than 15,000. As the heated debate continued this past week, the parties couldn't even talk about how to go about it-- thanks to the Maoists boycott. The much-hyped High Level Political Mechanism (HLPM), comprising top leaders from the three big parties, was expected to break the ice and take the peace process forward. But since the prime minister didn't quite like the HLPM, it rain into controversy from day one. With veteran leader G.P. Koirala seriously ill and bed-ridden, the HLPM remains in limbo,too.

Perhaps trying to add some dynamism to the state of nothingness, Prchanda on Monday tried to woo the Nepal Army, his ex-enemy, Addressing a Women's Day gathering, he argued, "If conspiracies are hatched to derail this process, the Nepal Army-which didn't even support former king Gyanendra-would support the Maoists party and not the Nepali Congress or the CPN-UML". Soon, ruling party leaders will react to that. There will be counter reactions form the Maoists. The oratory contest will continue.

"Betrayal"

Having signed the12-point understanding in New Delhi in November 2005, the leaders of SPAM bragged how easily and swiftly their road map had turned violence into peace in Nepal. As the Indians observed then, things moved at a fast-forward peace. Six months later, a joint mass movement forced the then king Gyanendra to how before the people.

Four years later, the parties have nothing much to show the world except peace agreements "confined to paper", the 601-member jumbo CA and ex-combatants enjoying perks. The word word is that unless the ex-rebel army is integrated, law and order situation improved and the new constitution readied, the peace process will continue to remain in limbo. As that process remains on the brink today, a majority of Nepalis feel betrayed; they feel cheated.

Having won the support of millions of Nepalis during the 2006 April mass movement, isn't it SPAM's responsibility to deliver on their promises-of anew democratic constitution, of a new united national army and of a much stronger and prosperous"New Nepal"? If yes, wht's stopping them from working to that effect? Why can't they rise above petty partisan interests and work towards consensus building and nation-building?

People overwhelmingly poured out onto the streets during the April 2006 movement because they wanted peace. People threw their weight behind SPAM then because they wanted stability and a vibrant democracy. This spring, as the May 29 deadline draws nearer, the masses will surely look back and ask themselves. What have we achieved? Is this what we wanted? Is this what we voted for? The Nepali people deserve much, much better.

This Article published on The Kathmandu Post

The public security crisis is but a symptom of the ineffectuality and paralysis of the government

The home minister's job, under prevailing circumstances, seems doomed to failure. The first two individuals who held the position after the 2006 Jana Andolan -- Krishna Prasad Sitaula and Bam Dev Gautam- were both vilified, either for the intellectuality of the police administration or for use of indiscriminate, brute force. And following the two recent high-profile assassinations, the current Home Minister Bhim Rawal too has been hounded with demands for his resignation. He is held responsible for the excessive politicisation of the police force, of taking decisions on recruitment, transfers and promotions solely on the basis of loyalty to his party, the CPN-UML, regional preference (He comes from the relatively backward Far West), shoving aside competent and experienced personnel, centralizing all power in his hands, and thus causing a breakdown in the chain of command and general morale of the state security forces.

It is natural, of course, that the nation's top functionary for the maintenance of public security be blamed for lapses. And Rawal may indeed be guilty of all that he has been charged of. But to locate the source of the current security crisis solely in the actions( or inaction) of a single individual, without taking into account the broader political context and the responsibilities of the other ministries, would be to let off the government and the entire political class too lightly.

The root cause of the failure of curtail the violences, extortion and murder committed by both purportedly political and blatantly criminal groups operating in the Tarai is the ineffectuality and lack of direction of the current governing coalition. Formed through accidental circumstances, consumed by fear that the Maoists have become too powerful and the various political interests that have emerged over the past few years unmanageable it is afflicted by paralysis. Its commitment to a more inclusive state with a radical devolution of power is limited to rhetoric; in fact it desires nothing more than a return to what in memory are the halcyon days of the 1990s when the power of its major constituent parties was undisputed. Since its interventions to reverse history have been futile, it stands-helplessly, shakily-on political ground that is swiftly shifting under its feet.

There is refusal to understand that the solutions to the security crisis-as with all other political crises facing Nepal today-are long term and require fundamental changes to the entire apparatus of the state. The much-touted Special Security Plan has as its basis the belief that problems if security can be solved through the crudest application of brute and indiscriminate force. The understanding is so unsubtle that there have been no attempts to distinguish between groups with an actual political agenda and those that are solely criminal. And the government's refusal to see the distinction of the two has actually brought the political and criminal groups closer. As a recent report on torture and extra-judicial killings in the Tarai by Advocacy Forum reveals, faced with a crisis of existence and ignored by the state, armed groups with a political agenda have been patronising groups that are purely criminal. The latter are allowed to operate freely as long as they give a cut of their extortion profits to the former.

The previous two governments at lest had an idea that improving the security situation would have to involve political engagement with groups claiming to represent the Madhesi population. By attempting to draw these groups into the political mainstream, it was recognized, criminal gangs could be isolated and so the action taken against them would enjoy broad societal and political support . The current government appears to think that such political negotiation is no longer necessary, as all Madhesi groups have diminished in political importance. But what is unrecognized is that armed groups still have connections with locally and national only influential political leaders, that it is through these connections that they ensure they remain unpunished and it is these connections that gives then power to further patronize groups that are wholly criminal. Political engagement thus still remains essential: the major parties in power need the Madhesi parties with links to the armed groups on their side in order to isolate and punish those engaged in extortion and murder.

But of course, the parties in power have more important things to think about. Previous ministers of peace - Ram Chandra Poudel and Janardhan Sharma 'Prabhakar' -may have had time to reach out to these groups and attempt to defang them, but the energies of the person currently holding the position, Rakam Chemjong, is wholly consumed in his mission to weaken the Maoists and their PLA. So he is furiously engaged in a pointless public war with UNMNIN, accusing it of being biased in favour of the Maoists and demanding that it reveal all details regarding combatants in cantonments.

This is but one example of how narrow the government's outlook is, how its constituent parties are concerned with nothing but fighting the steady decline in their support bases. And here too the strategies they have adopted are characterized by extreme myopia. In the Tarai, for example, they could have gained greater credibility by moving towards taking the Madhesi parties into confidence to draft legislation that ensures greater inclusion in state bodies. This would help raise morale in the Tarai and, in the long term, lead to an improvement in the security situation there. This was what, as will be remembered, the Maoists sought to do through their attempts to pass an Inclusion Ordinance. But that lapsed without ratification by parliament and no word has been heard about it since. Instead, as the Advocacy Forum report states, the Nepali Congress and the UML have sought greater influence in the Tarai by competing with Madhesi parties in intervening "with police to get members of armed groups accused of serious crimes, including rape, released from police, custody apparently in return for the if future loyalty."

Expectations of what the current government could accomplish were low even when it assumed power in May 2009. It is now time to stay that it has failed; that it is so deeply sunk in to a mire largely of its own making, that extrication from it is impossible.

So far so good

Nepali women have so much going for them, but challenges remain!!

This day marks the centenary of International Women's Day, a day women from around the world celebrate their womanhood. As in the past years, achievements in the field of women empowerment will be highlighted, while short falls assessed for further improvement. Much has been achieved in the last decade or so. Even in a traditionally patriarchal society like Nepal, women's issues are gaining in prominence, especially after the election of the Constituent Assembly (CA) in 2008, which now includes 197 women. With female literacy rising and with improvements in health care services for women, they are starting to make their presence felt in every sector of Nepali society.

The Interim Constitution, 2007 provisioned for 33 percent women candidates in the CA polls , thus ushering an unprecedented number of women into positions of influence, which has proven crucial towards empowering Nepali women. Both public and private sector employers, for heir part, are taking in more female candidates from among the applicants. This change has largely come about thanks to the tireless effort of women rights activists.

As more educated women enter workforce and are capable of influencing policy making, economic independence of women has grown, the fertility rate gone down.. This int urn has resulted in better childcare and greater overall happiness for the family. There have been other positive developments: women's right to private property has been secured, the provision of citizenship on matrilineal basis has been enacted, divorce procedures simplified, making it easier for women to get out of difficult wedlock. Social trends are changing in favor of women too: in a recent survey of Nepali workforce, most men were found to be helping women with household chores

There is a perception in Nepal that activists talk up women rights on occasions like the Women's Day but put the issue on the back burner for the rest of the year. The seminars and meetings on women 's rights held in posh hotels in urban centers are taken as examples of unnecessary show-off that do little to empower thousands of rural women struggling with back breaking, thankless jobs.

The need to go beyond conference halls and engage with the real issues facing Nepali women at the grassroots level cannot be over emphasized. While a lot has been achieved, there are also enormous challenges ahead, especially in securing financial independence of rural women. Lack of ownership of fixed property like land and house make them financially dependent women. Cruel practices like Chhaupadi, where menstruating women are forced to live in huts built outside the house, continues in Mid and Far Western Nepal.

Thus, as they mark the 100^th International Women's Day to celebrate their "economic, political and social" achievements, Nepali women can rightly be proud of their achievements in terms of leveling the playing field with men. But with women's literacy hovering around 35 percent, far too many are still deprived of the light of education and a chance at economic independence. There is much celebrate this Women's Day, and yet so much more remains to be done.

(This editorial was published on The Kathmandu Post on 8March10)

But first we need to go from parrot learning to creative learning!!!!!

Although Nepal is one of the poorest countries in the world, few people, it seems, are interested in finding the root causes of poverty.. Instead , they are content to blame political instability for everything that goes wrong here. But political instability for everything that goes wrong here. But political instability mostly is a result of economic mismanagement. Even though Nepal is blessed with unmatched natural beauty (which we're all proud of), it lacks two major components which would facilitate economic growth: natural resources and accessibility.

If you look at all the developed or middle-income countries, they are either blessed with natural resources or have large harbors that facilitate trade. The Middle Eastern countries, Canada and Australia all have abundant resources which they have prudently used for economic gain. On the other hand, countries like the Netherlands, Japan and South Korea, historically have used their access to the sea to trade across the world for economic gain.

One can counter this argument by citing examples of healthy nations such as Austria and Switzerland, which are both mountainous, landlocked and without the comfort of natural resources, but remember that these nations border some of the wealthiest parts of France, Germany and Italy. These countries have joint free trade agreements. Recent research by the World Bank showed that 16 of the 31 poorest countries are land-locked. The remaining 15 not poor landlocked countries are all located in the European Union, with the exception of Botswana.

For Nepal, the dream of economic prosperity seems to be far-fetched given the lack of natural resources and over-reliance on one country (India) in terms of trade .Add to that the below par eduction system, lack of infrastructure, lack of visionary leadership and brain drain to developed countries, and you are forced to conclude that Nepal will re amain to be one of the poorest countries in the world for some time to come (both intellectually as well as financially). If Nepal fails to make some desperately needed changes in its policy, the dire economic climate will breed rebellion among the population, which will have a negative effect on the country's political stability. Nepal is in a negative feedback loop,meaning the country is going backwards in terms of economic development continuously.

Is there then any hope for an economic cure for Nepal? Yes. Despite all these factors that are dragging Nepal backwards economically, there are a few things which we(the people) can do to dramatically change the economic outlook for Nepal.,As the country lacks natural resources and a see trade route, it should focus on developing human resources. Nepal needs to revamp its current education model, which focuses mostly on parrot learning than creative learning. We can copy the South Korean model of education (considered to be one of the best in the world), which has delivered economic miracles to South Korea. In addition to that, the government must put priority on developing the physical infrastructure thin Nepal, with a strong focus on communication and transportation to facilitate our services industries.

The Nepal government must also focus on high value-added goods such as IT services and financial services. These industries do not require sea access to trade. A global survey among multinational corporations indicated that firms mostly look at the availability of talent when they look for a place to start their business. With a highly educated and solid base of high-potential students, Nepal could attract multinationals like IBM and Microsoft. Due to the favorable tax climate, Nepal could attract hedge funds and international banks. But it can only do that if it can develop its human resources. Who knows, one day we might see Pokhara becoming like Zürich (financial firms), or Kathmandu becoming like Bangalore (IT industry). Nepal is blessed with fair weather and a majestic landscape to live in. With lots of immensely talented people to guide the way, we may be able to lead Nepal into a new era. An era of prosperity, and not only from an environmental point of view, but also from a cultural and financial point of view.

Even with good educational policies, emphasizing innovation, focusing on IT services and harvesting on financial services, it will still take at least two decades before we can see signs of progress. This means that the Nepal government and the Nepali people need to be patient and be visionary. If we want to navigate out of Nepal's current economic malaise, we must develop the required infrastructure to do so. Towards that goal, it needs to benefit from the wage of globalisation, look outwards into the world instead of inwards looking just at Nepal. By focusing on service industries which do not need sea access to trade, and by simultaneously developing the country's intellectual base, we could revolutionalise our future.

The increase in divorces has thrown up new challenges for Nepali society.

Marriages, proverbially, are made in heaven. But the Hindu tradition of arranged marriage routinely comes under fire from feminists and, increasingly, legal theorists form forcing men and women into an 'unnatural' relationship. Yet it's not arranged marriages that are breaking apart in Nepal, and most pronouncedly in Kathmandu Valley. In 2009, of a shade over 1,000 people who filed for divorce at the Kathmandu District Court (KDC) - 90 percent of them women in the age group 20-35-most had tied the knot with their 'beloved'.

Though no concrete statistics are available to desegregate the data further into finer age groups, the age of women filing for divorce is undoubtedly going down. There are big differences of opinion on why this might be the case. According to some legal experts, as much as 90 percent of all divorce cases field with the KDC are 'fake'. In the last few years, the trend of seeking dependent visas to various Western countries on the basis of fake marriage certificates has shot up among young students. Most of them file for divorce no sooner that the visa procedures are completed.

On the other hand,the sociologists, while acknowledging that fake divorces might indeed account for a significant portion, attribute the overall increase in divorce rte to the vastly improved conditions for single women in Nepali society. They are more educated than at any other time in the country's history and hence fr less dependent on their husbands. The reason for youth divorce, meanwhile, is believed to be reluctance of well-educated and financially secure women to stay in difficult wedlock.

Divorce laws have been considerably relaxed too. The 11^th amendment of the Civil Code 1963 (Muluki Ain 2020 ) allows the married to file for divorce on the grounds of emotional and physical torture, even immediately after the marriage. Earlier, the husband and wife would have had to lived separately for at least three years to begin legal proceedings.

Whatever the underlying causes, the increase in divorces has thrown up new challenges for Nepali society. The children of single parents, for instance, have to adjust to the unique circumstances they find themselves in, which, without proper training, can be tricky on young minds. And granted: compared to earlier times, it is easier for single women to get around in Nepali society, but much of the stigma attached to single women and single motherhood remains,

Of course, easy divorce procedures have helped unhappy couples tremendously. While in the past couples had to endure years of trauma and hardships before they could break their unhappy union, they can now do it a lot sooner and way more easily. Greater assertiveness of women too is welcome in society that has for far long logged their voice.

The high divorce rate among young lovebirds too is indicative of the ease with which they can air their disagreements and discontent. Some may find it hard to witness the 'marriages made in heaven' crumble under narrow self-interests. Then again, they are unlikely to have had to put up with an infuriating spouse, day in and day out.

This editorial was published on The Kathmandu Pos

The climate debate has exposed the entangled link between press, politics and science

The Nepali cabinet meeting at Everest base camp in December last year may have helped to highlight the effects of climate change in the Himalaya in the run-up to the Copenhagen summit, but the revelation of a serious omission in the projection by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has set in motion a debate that it likely to undermine the very basis of climate claim in the region. Facts on the ground north standing, such high profile "crying wolf" about the intensity of the process is likely to weaken even realistic claims about the region. add to that Indian Environment Minister Jayaram Ramesh's hard line against melting glaciers in the Himalaya or cutting carbon emissions by India.

It is understandable that India, like China, does not want to commit itself to a target that would jeopardies its own growth, but it is myopia of Himalayan proportions not to take into account a cost-benefit analysis of the long-term environmental impact. There is clearly a divide even among developing countries. Those that are rapidly developing and industrialism do not want to give up their "right" to burn more fossil fuels on their path to prosperity. Those who are downright poor and have no greater prospects for an industrial revolution and at the worst receiving end of climate change are clamoring for action. But who is listening besides, of course, the lip service and unbinding commitments?

A glance at the geopolitics of negotiating international environmental negotiations on climate change at the Copenhagen Summit draws attention to the tricky issues of intentional political economy -- different North South priorities and responsibilities, as well as different levels of susceptibility to climate change. Poorer countries are much more vulnerable than richer countries; logically they want prosperous countries to cushion the effects for them. But the overriding assumption at the Copenhagen Summit was that science as an international enterprise is a neutral process aloof from political and social underpinnings of the environment it operates within. But the work of Golinski and others indicate that even the very "hardest" strain of science is not free form social relations.

Prof. David Demeritt of King's College London, in a journal article in 2001 entitled "The Construction of Global Warming and the Politics of Science", said. "T"o insist, therefore, that science is also political, in the broadest sense of that word, is not to say that science is only political and thereby collapse entirely the distinction between the two. It is to recognize how problematic this distinctions. The social relations that science involves necessarily influence both the character of scientific understandings upstream and the particular political outcomes that my result from them downstream in legislation or administrative law rulings."

The extent of ideological closure on issues on both sides of the climate change divide (anthropogenic/natural or happening/hoax) in the global North, and between the countries in the North and the South, is now becoming more apparent. The IPCC's cavalier sourcing of WWF's erroneously published report Himalayan glaciers combined with the email scandal from the University of East Anglia has emboldened the critics so much so that the British minister responsible for climate was forced to declare war against the climate change septics. It almost sound like some politicians need climate change to be happening to grind their own axe.

Is this unrevealing simply a human error or is it more human than researchers would like to admit? What does this tell us about the gung-ho-climate change believers (including East Anglia scientists who have shied away from being transparent about the process by which they drew their conclusions) or the gung-ho septics? Can we say for sure that their work is entirely apolitical, and that they are not driven by some ideological considerations? For example, the belief that the climate is changing , hence it must be proven by any means. Or it is a left-liberal conspiracy, and that all the facts are cooked. And how does the media fare, where a contest for the hearts and minds of the public is raging?

The answer to these questions is not easily forthcoming. But the debate on climate change has highlighted how entangled the relationship is between the press, politics and science; and how different perceptions are formed from the same facts. Different inter rotations of scientific facts have either belittle or exaggerated the science behind environmental degradation; both extremes are risky because it foments either complacency or panic among the public and he policy makers. Politicians and interest groups have hijacked the scientific agenda. For better or worse, the scientific claims have now become part of the international political and corporate agenda, and public attention is not necessarily drawn by new scientific findings and urgency base on facts, but rather shaped by political action, industry lobbying or extreme weather patterns.

In Germany, where the green industry is booming, the media stands accused of exaggerating the climate change claim. In the U.S' the challenge to scientific claims of global warming due to human activity benefits certain industries. The fossil fuel industry provides substantial financial assistance to is "political allies" and a small number of dissenting scientists to dispute the claims of the larger scientific community. The reliance of politicians and political parties on the financial contributions of the fossil fuel industry in large part (because of their good earnings) to win re-election makes even well-meaning politicians susceptible to the pressure and lure.

Politicians provide a powerful voice to those whose profits depend on continued emission of carbon green subsides and funding for alternative energy. It becomes a media event when a politician remarks on a "controversial" topic. In addition, dissident scientists in league with the fossil fuel industry, or NGOs and lobbyists spreading the climate change message and their respective public relations machinery provide a drama that a media bound by journalistic norms gives equal space to the two sides and sensationalizes it.

At a certain level, it seems fair to give equal weight to both parties in a dispute. But the problem is that this competition is not about mundane things like groceries, and presenting science as a purely ideological contest is neither fair nor balanced. But even the alternative of supporting one claim or the other is equally fraught with problems. After all, there seems to be a bit of politics built into all aspects of climate change.

From Ktahmandu Post

This is Nepal and just about anything can happen here". I could not help over-hearing a senior citizen in a public bus venting out her ire at the system, when something she had not expected had happened. As the bus was moving midst the busy road in Kathmandu, it was suddenly made to come to a halt. It took people no time to figure out tht yet another strike had been called in that particular area. The fst and busy lifeof people in Kathmandu is accustomed to such abrupt halts, andwith time we seemed to have found our own ways to deal with it.
 

Thdre were times when the news about strikes shocked us, took us to the extremes of our emotions-magnified fear, grief or even happiness, for that matter. Today, thins have changed; there are only a few things that hold the power toshock us. Now, strikes have suddenly become the order of the day. Hurling stones, burning tires, ambulances carrying the dead and the wounded through the angry mobs is considered normal. At several times, life simply comes to a halt, offices do don't schools are shut down, markets are closed, and the list just goes on.

But what does actually happen during these difficult times? Does life cese to respond? No. People find ways to deal with it and this is what is called 'social response'. In the beginning, when we were not so much accustomed to strikes, like most of us now living in this part of the world do, we were confused and angry at strikes and chakka jams. Yes, some of us might have, contraily, got relief, as this meant a much needed break to those of us who badly needed a time to relax from the ever growing tiring schedules.

Now, we have found new ways to deral with the problems. For example, whenever the strikes are called these days,people have beome conscious enough to stock up the necessary items before-hand, and the markets have found ways to cash in and keep themselvs safe from the despair of loss. People who can't go to offices work through internet, and now tht the electricity has been another major issue of concern, they have come up with extensive use of inverters and generators. The sales persons say the sale of laptops has incerased drastically and captured a good market.

I wrote that article when I was stuck inside a public bus (which found itself stuck in a sudden strike) worrying how I would make it to the office in time. This was my small way of responding to the situation, and finding something worth while in an otherwise messed up time! We can't just wait to let life be snatched away from us, which is not what human nature is supposed toentail. We have to fight back and find ways to seek meanings to our existence and not juist let it slip through our fingers, even in a difficult time.

Here are a few things Nepali authorities need to look into if Nepal's tourism is to flourish!!

On most sunny day, a spectacular Himalayan panorama greets airborne travellers as their aircraft decends into the Kathmandu Valley. Bird's-eye views of green hills, terraced fields, villages and towns look near perfect from the sky. It's a nature-lover's Shangri-La. Things don't appear as facinating on the ground, though. The buses transferring passengers from the aircraft to the terminal look all right. But inside the terminal, the toilets don't flush, luggage carts don't work and officials don't simile much. Free tourism brochures and maps help. But the mobs of taxi drivers shouting at you don't help much. That's not pleasant.

All around, things are quite out of order. And that's the first impression arriving travellers are getting about Nepal. Nasty experiences are what they are taking away. Even then, welcome songs are taking away. Even then, welcome songs are being sung, beauties and glam dolls are being roped in, new posters are being putup, and grandiose plans are being drawn up to roll out the red carpet for one million foreign vistors in 2011, the Tourism Year.

In contrast, nothing, absolutely nothing, is being done to systematise or upgrade the airports, highways, roads, pavements major tourist districts and, most importantly, basic amenities and facilities. Not only for foreign visitors, that kind of basic living infrastrucure makes everybody's life easier and better.

Hoopla

But with less than a year to go for the much-hyped Tourism Year, where's the will and the wherewithal to change things for the better? What's being done to attract one million arrivals and the millions of locals who are finding it difficult to live in their own country? Where's the red carpet, in the first place? Nothing of that sort exists today, thanks to the cultudre of complacency. Add to that anarchy, a recent phenomenon. Enter the city, Traffic bottlenecks show no signs of easing. Traffic rules don't seem to exist. Even if they do, they are seldom enforced or followed. More often than not, streets and major junctions remain litte red with heaps of garbage, much to the chagrin of the town dwerllers.

Spitting is quite common. As is jaywalking and other rowdy behaviour. In the tourist district of Thamel, near a big heap of garbage, street children take turns sniffing glue or dendrite, or smoking a cigarette. As dusk falls, members of the city's LGBTI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex) community, also called third-gender folks, flock Tridevi Marga, the gateway to Thamel.

Well dressed and decorated, the teshrolingis chitchat with passers-by. Occasionally, they have also been found to be harassing people. On a recent evening, one of them spat into a passing car- probablyan indication that community has grown much more empowered and organised yet undisciplined.

That may be the reason why the LGBTIS are frowned upon by many, and chased away and harassed by the cops. Bad news for those contemplating developing Nepal as a tourism destination for international LGBTIs.

Unregulated

But the cops can't (or don't?) do much. Especially when local passers-by, often in an inebriated state, start peeing at the wall right outsidethe SAARC headquarters, or the Tridevi temples. Or when a new generation of motorcycle-bornearmed robbers attack the local money changer. Or whn a taxi driver blocks the way. The police men don't to much even when pimps or drug peddlers prowl the streets looking for clients, except, occasionally, raiding illegally run brohels. Thanks to the noisy motorcycles and taxis that race uncontrol-lably, the alleyways of Thamel are a nightmare for pedestrains. Like it or not, Lakeside in Pokhara and Sauraha in Chitwan are going the same way.

If something is not forthcoming, the treking trails in the Annapurna, Langtang and Everest regions could meet the same fate; their "far-from-the-madding-crowd" Shangri La image might get spoilt. Tourism does bring in much needed foreign exchange and helps the impoverished economy. But it left uncontrolled and unregulated, it could alsos poil the country's nature and culture. Worse, it could spoil the country's image.

Having peaked in1998 during VisitNepal Yedar when 500,000 arrivals were recorded, Nepal's tourism industry has struggled to grow in the subsequent years- but with fluctuating success.
Thanks to the decade-long conflict, the industry suffered a series of blows post-2001 state of emergency. Three years after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2006, the industry is still struggling to bounce back.

Mega Show

Right now, the stage is pretty much set for Tourism Year 2011. Officials are working hard to prepare a calendar of events, publicise them and launch the mega campaign to welcome one million tourists. Plans are afoot to accommodte some of them in private houses incase the existing hotels and lodges don't suffice.

The slogan -Together for Tourism- is catchy. But the ground reality bites. Things need to change in 2011. Nepal needs sustainable and eco-friendly tourism. Local communities and stake-holders are the biggest change makers. They are the real guardians of Nepal's natural and cultural heritage. To begin with, would like to propose a radical change inthese areas:

* Improve policing, ensure safety andsecurity.

* Control labour unrest, better train staff, guides.

* Ban litering , sort out the garbaage problem for ever.

* Build public toilets in towns and along highways.

* Punish those spitting or urinating in public.

* Ban motorcycles in heritge areas.

* Ban unnecessary honking.

* Regulate night culture, bars.

* Promote cycling and walking culture.

* Plant lots of trees, develop riverside parks.

*Go for public-private partnership or community leadership.

Everyone must be aware of the chaos in the traffic system of our country, to be specific, of Kathmandu. With the increasing number of vehicles due to growng population in the city, Kathmandu streets are mostly very crowded. It's not, howerver, only the growing number of vehicles that are problems; the problems are becaue of the mentality and unruly behaviours of the drivers andpasengers who do not fellow the system properly.

Recently, I was travelling in a gas-wala tempo. The tempo was about to reach New Baneshwor when suddently an old lady did the customary act to stop the vehicle- by giving a gentle knock on the tempo's hood. It was a rush hour so, a good number of traffic police were active in the street . Hence, the driver became a saint and informed the lad that he would stop the vehicle only in the designted area rather than where the passenger had wanted him to. Surprisingly, upon the driver's refusal, the lady shouted at the driver and demanded him to immediately stop the tempo. But, the dreiver did dnot. And she could get down only after five minutes with complaints that the driver didn't let her get off on her "stop" and brought her "this far". The 50 meter of overdrive was too much for the lady.

This is a common scene in Kathmandu's public transportatiion system. I have seen people swering hard on drivers for not stopping where they wanted to get down. Whose faultis this? Passengers claim that, even drivers are to be blamed because they break the rule by stopping wherever they find passengers. And, for their part, passengers create their own stops according to their convenience. In most cases,traffic cops merely remain as onlookers, may bebecause, they lack enough auhtority and command over the rule breakers. To me, it is a collective fault of the passengers, drivers and the traffic police because none of them seem to be performing their duties.

Not following the lane discipline is another major problem in the traffic system. A few years ago, there used to be plastic dividers in the streets in keep vehicles in their respective lanes. When the vehicles carelerly started knocking them down, the traffic police replaced it with something hard to be knocked down- the cement dividers. But unfortunately, the reflectors attached in those dividers are not quite visible at night. As a result, many accidents are reported.

Our country is currently facing several problems, it's not easy to be optimistic at this deprssing times. But we can still hope for a better change in our society. But that desired change cannot be brought about by merely talking about big issues. First, we need to improve on on our way of behaviour and conduct. We need to follow the system. Following the rule of law may trouble us a little in the beginning, butit will for sure be in everybody's benefit, in the long run.

Citizens should act responsibility when the governemnt is not able to deliver!!

Is the Nepali state on the verge of collapse ? Within the last decade, we have had 10 defferent heads of state. The political leaders of our politically unstable nation have been unable to address the needs of our society. Our state is crumbling, but that doesn't mean our society has to be weak too. We are a inherently optimistic people; we have the ability to shape our own destiny.

Historically, we have not had the opportunity to difine our own political destiny. Now, when we finally have the opportunity, we expecst the government to fix all the problems. Old habits ae hard to brak; our political leaders have proved that they are ineffective in addressing our concerns. They are more adept at playing the balame game. Howerver, the people want statemen to fix our problems; we blame them, but offer no solution.

Also, let us realise that government is not god. Political leaders cannot do everything for us. Citizens make the government ina democratic society and hence we should hold ourselves accountable at times when the government is not able to deliver. Citizens create society and the society cultivates the leaders. We lack promising leaders - I suspect mainly because the Nepali society focuses more on tribal needs. There is lack of robust nationalism. Political parties steem more intrested in creating factions than in uniting the nation. We as citizens of Nepal need to understand the reality and start acting rationally to build our nation.

It will be a genteel understatement tosay that government is not important. It is. However, we cannot have functional, accountable, transparent and responsible government without informed, dependable and hardworking citizenry. We must cultivate the sense of citizenship. One way to act would be to create a sense of private citizenship, empower oneself in order to contirbute to our own lives and nation rather than waiting for the government to do so.

As the second century Roman Philosopher-emperor Marcuts Aurelius points out in his Meditations, one must become "rational soul". By this he means that we should have affection for our neighbours, truthfulness and humility. He believes human beings are made to help others. Nothing is good except what leads to fairness, and self-control, and courage and free will, he says. Nothing is bad except what achieves the opposite. As Nepali we should work for ourselves and for our nation, rather than merely protesting against each other as political parties do.

Democracy is our destiny but today, it is urgent for us to determine the path of our country. Nepali government remains weak because of unskilled leaders. Howerver, our society can still become strong, stable and achieve relative success. We can start by learning from our neighbours. India has a relatively weak government but the society is strong.

There is a maxim in India: When government sleeps, economy doubles. Even Bihar, India's poorest, most lawless, and underdeveloped state recently achieved a very high growth rate in 2008-2009. If the Bihar government is to be believed, the state's growth rate of 11.4 percent is higher than India's industrially developed states. One of the factors for Bihar's progress is attributed to a swelling organised private sector. If Bihar can develop then why cannot private citizens of Nepal take intelligent risks despite the problems and take Nepal our of the abyss?

Human capital is the most important wealth of any country, Nepal being no exception. Again, to go back to anIndian example, it is worth remembeing Indian citizens' response inthe aftermath of the 2005 tsunami. In the past, one would have expected the goernment to do everything, but in this case within two weeks Indians had privately domated US $80 million to the relief effort.

It is about time Nepali private sector flexed its muscles too. More private and nonprofit groups need to get involved in health care and eduation sectors, which are converntionally the responsibilities of the state. In India more than 25 percent of schools and 80 percent of the health system are controlled by the private sector. There is no reason Nepali private bility upon itself.

The private sector here could ultimately contribute fora stable democracy. Democracy can be noisy but eventually it allows individuals to empower themselves economically and politically. Despite the mountain of rhetoric about helping the people, our government has done little for us.They havemade too few investments in human beings- in our health and education, and the money budgeted has rarely been well spent.

More responsibility goes to the future of nation-they youth. It would be prudent for youth like me to become more involved in pragmatic practices to turn the Nepali dreams into reality. As youth, we must own the challenge. Historian Arnold J. Toynbeeonce wrote "Growth takes place whenever a challenge evokes a successful response that, in turn, evokes a further and different challenge". It's they outh who will inherit the nation. We should react resolutely inorder to address the nation's challenge. The desire to have a peaceful and prosperous nation is not sufficient in itself. It also requires pursuance of well coordinated, comprehensive course of action with perseverance.

I am acutely aware that I sound idealistic when I ask citizens to build their own nation. However, the history humanity teaches us that passion persuades. Hence, if youare passionate about our country and can persuade our fellow friends and family members to start working hard and countribute to our own nation- even through samll endeavours like following traffic rules, not engagingin corruption and leading an environmentally friendly lifestyle-- the country is bound to see better days in the future.

If we are accountable we will have the power to hold our leaders accountable. Hence, as a fellow Nepali, I urge you to spread the word of citizenship and save our courntry.

Temples are suposed to be the abodes of gods. But is that reason enough to allow these semi-godly places of worship autonomous status? What is the definition of a temple or any place of worship? Are they the eal abodes of god? If not, why give a distinct identity to the place of worship with different nomen-clatures? And why do mortal menfight to control the places they should be worshipping? Does god live in a watertight compartment, a mute spectator of the clashes between different groups of follwers? These and other tricky questions regarding temples call for proper answers.

I feel this enternal religiuous struggle of mankind for supremacy over other faith has been going on since the age of the self-proclaimed prophets and avatars who made thousands and thousands of flowers. Even after the vanishing acstof these prophets and avatars, these blind devotees spread their respective faiths. In other words, it was act of totally mistaken notions, which people don't like to forsake and follow a policy of universal brotherhood to keep peace and harmoney instead.

In this confusing scenario, new temples are being build day in day out on private and government lands, which are ferlessly encroached upon by unscrupulous and thoroughly corrupt hypocrities. Hindu temples ought never be built on the foundtion of stolen property. It is estimated that several hundreds acres of land have been encroached upon by thousands of temples built in Nepal and elsewhere as well. Despite the policy of secularism followed by the political parties, no government has been able to stop the mushrooming of these temples or to demolish those which have been built on encroached land.

Another surprising factor is that such temples are not exclusive place of worship but multi-purpose- as a place of worship and as a residene of pujaaaris or the founders of the temples. So they serve dual propose of the so-called godly men. By living in a temple theyh are spared of all the hassles of life-i.e paying of tax, filing of proper returns, audit of their huge offering in cash and kind.

So a temple becomes a "suraksha chakra" kind of fortification for them. On a conservative estimate serveral thousands crore rupees are lying locked insuch temples. Some financial experts even conclude that if such huge wealth is taken over by the government's fiscal deficit can be completely wiped out in one go. Rather, there will be surplus funds available and also cash starved projects.

But, sorry to say, our government has absolutely no policy for the reulation of these temples. The government should immediately come out with strong policies to control and halt such ilegal activities, sooner rather than later. And to uproot this problem, we should have a proper system of auditing and registration of temples much as Christians have a system for auditing their churches.

Nepal's delegation to Copenhagen was larger than China's, but the results were small!

As the global community is celebrating 2010 as the International Year of Biodiversity (IYB) with focus on conservationand sustainable use of biodiversity, Nepal can look forward to reaping rich benefits form equitable utilisation of its genetic reasources. Nepal is one of the few countries which are enviably rich in gentic resources but financially consntrained. For instance, it is a habitat for a number of rare insects. But Nepal has failed to harness its biodiversity potential.

In the opinion of UN Secretary- Geneal Ban Ki-moon, "Biodiversity is life." Inthis message to IYB, he called upon "every country and each citizen of our planet to join together in a global alliance to protect life on earth. Biodiversity is our life," Nepal should be serious about pursuing its national intersts by actively negotiating at UN-sponsored meetings to take advantage of its abundant biodiversity. Opportunities need to be seized by the countries having potentialities, and 2010 is going to be crucial in terms of advancing negotiations, leading, hopefully, to an agreement with legally-binding targets for reducing biodiversity loss.

The international community utilised the UN-sponsored Rio Conference in 1992 to come up with two valuable documents, one on the environment and the other on biodiversity. The UNFCCC (UN Framework Convention on Climate Change) was then hailed thefirst ofits kind of highlight the urgency of protcting the environment, even though it lacked targets for reducing emissions. The same conference was able to agree on the Convention on -Biological Diversity, which was signed by 193 countires. Also known as the CBD, this is an interntional treaty for conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity and equitable sharing of the benefits from utilisation of genetic resources. More importantly, it seeks to address all threats to biodiversity and ecosystem services, including climate change.

Nepal failed miserably to attract the international community's attention towards its meltiong Himalayan glaciers at the recently-concluded Copenhagen Summit. The Nepali delegations's numerical strength was unprecedented, and even surpassed that of China which usually sends large delegations to internationalmeetins. However, interms of out-put, Nepal's performance was poor. Why the Nepali negotiators through the Group of 77, the bloc of developing countires, is a question that puzzles observers in Nepal.

Learning lessonsfrom the past, Nepal should plan in advance and prepare its agenda for future UN meetings on blodiversity issues. Effective coordination with Nepal's Permanent Mission to UN is inevitable, the mission delegates need to be provided timely and valuable inputs from the stake holders and the line ministries.

The interlink between climate change and biodiversity cannot be understimated. Had this not been the case, the world community would not have hastened to sign the CBD along with UNFCCC in1992.

For biodiversity conservation, no obligatory protocol has yet been signed to reduce biodiversity loss. Ten years after signing of CBD, the international community made some pledges to reduce biodiversity loss through the Johannesburg Biodiversity Summit to 2002. The seientific assessments suggest that contries have failed to meet their plegedge. Emphasising theurgencyof conserving biodiveristy, a high ranking official of the IUCN (International Union for Conservation of Nature) has aptly stated."We are joining an extinction crisis. The loss of this beautiful and complex natural diversity that underpins all life on the planet is a serious threat to human kind now and in the future."

The economics of biodiversity is studied in detail by UN-initiated studies. One such study revals that loss of biodiversity through deforestation cost the slobal economy US$ 2.5 trillion annually. Fortunately, the pace of deforesatation is decelerating, and accelerating, in Nepal. Since the UN also pushes initiatives like REDD (Reducing Emissions through Deforestation and Degradation of Forests) in its fight against climate change, it behoves Nepal toplay anactive roleat the follow-up negotiations to the Copenhagen Summit. Hopefully, there will be an agreement on a treaty on climate change by the end of this year, as the world leaders pledged last December.

Before any future negotiations, Nepali delegates should be given a wake-up call so that they pursue the country's national interests. They should be ableto impress on other national delegatins to agree to our proposals in the form of suitable paragraphs in the relevant UN documents. A golden opportunity is beffore us as the global community seems committed during this International Year of Biodiversity to direct all efforts towards finalising a protocol, with the emphasis on equitable utilisation of genetic resources of cash-strapped but biodiversity-rich countries, Nepal fits into this category nicely.

It is urgent to reaffirm our commitment to democracy if we are to get out of this mess!

People's sovereignty, which ensued from the democratic movement of 2006, gave rise to a long-stifled expression of hopes, aspirations and expectations from all quarters of Nepali society, especially the monorities, ethnic and regional groups and the marginalised. Meeting this multitude of social and economic wants has indeed been a challenging task. There are no quick fixes; there are no magic wands. Our political leaders have to act together and exercise vision in addressing these pressures at crucial moment.

Where we stand today

The state of affairs today offers a totally contrasting picture to the euphoria then. Democratic principles, the anchor of the 12-point agreement made between the then seven-party alliance (SPA) and the Maoists, and the Constituent Assembly appear to have been sidelines. Increasing mistrustand poor cooperation among the political parties loom large; doubts about thepeace process raise scepticim as to whether the constitution will be written on time. Frustration with the political parties and dis-illusionment with the future run rife. Various facstors are tearing up the national fabric, posing dangers of disintegration-sharp divisionsinpolitical ideologyandprimacy of ethnic and regiona linterests over national identityand pride. Economic growth is at a standstill. Labour unrest has discouraged new investment and undermined Nepal's comparative advantage: low labour cost.

What has gone wrong so soon? Where is the unity of purpose the political leaders demonstrated in the 12-points PA-Maoist agreement and the People's Movement? Why are the politial parties to divided? Have the parties detracted from democratic values and means? Are they still accountable to the people? During this time, the CPN-UML, the Nepali Confress and other smaller but important parties have been palalysed by intraparty rifts; but democratic values still appear central to their agenda. The Maoist positions have, however, been virtually a kaleidoscope, raising quetions about their democratic credentials.

Maoist commitment to democracy?

Maoist actions have betrayed the commitments to multiparty domocracy made to the public. The emergence of the Young Communist League, the youth wing of the Maoists party, into a feard organisation has undermained the rule of law. The CA proceedings had been until recently obstructed and by passed for months to address "civilian supremacy" from the streets! The present government, elected by the legislature with a majoriy ovte has been termed "illegitimate"!

The Maoists have unilaterally declared federal states, a decision entrusteddto the CA. Undermining the judiciary and attacks against journalists and the freedom of thepress remain unabated; instnces of forced occupation and redistribution of individual private property are still common; collecstion of forced"donations" is un abated. Attacks onlocal and national politicians from rival parties limit their political turf. There is even open talkof capture of state power from the streets. All these actions indicate abetryal of political understanding and the people's trust. There is even open talk of capture of state power from the streets. All these actions indicatea betrayal of political understanding and the people's trust. Has democracy only been unsed as a strategy to establish to talitarian rule? Whither democratic principles!

Quo vadis?

This is of the essence gidven that the country is fast getting polarised and detracted from the goals set out for New Nepal. The only recourse towards resolution of these myriad issues, conflicts and contradictions is sto reaffirm our strong commitment to democratic principles and practices. The basic tenet of democracy-will of the majority-needs to prevail. This is imperative for the nation to revert from a failing state and emerge, once again, united and with a common purpose.

However, this is easier said than done. The state of affairs today reflects that the Nepali people and the political parties are still struggling with a true appreciation and understanding of the significance of democratic principles and institutions in conflict resolution and state rebuilding. Among others, the following suggestions may be crucial determinants to the out-come:

- A governent inclusive of the Maoists which acts together to devise a checks and balances mechanism to ensure that no party compromises or deviates form the basic democratic tenets in word or action and to write the constitution on time.

- To disband the PLA at the earliest by the Maoists to show affirmation to deomocratic principles, bold compromises and cooperation. Also, an understanding andsupportiverole by the government is essential to assist any genuine Maoist intentions. Treent proposal to accept a limited number of PLA members into the security forces is a positive step, but but caution needs tobe exercised to ensure that this is done through an objective selection process and in a manner which does not compromise the existing national security interests. Similarly, the YCL alsoneesto be transformed into a youth orgnisation working for the Maoist party's democratic evolution and appeal.

- Immediate revival and strengthening of the existing democratic institutions, especially grass-roots level organisations such as village and district level committees, through elections. The will of the silent majority for from the centres of power needs to be experssed, heard and acted upon through a democratic mechanism.

- A non-partisan national level"watchdog" organisation of civil society to monitor,discuss and make public the adherene (or lack thereof) to democratic faith andpractices by the political parties. This will go a longway to generating awareness among thepeople besides promoting accoutability and transparency.

- The government needs to launch more effective awareness campaigns to generate a better understanding of the true significance of democracy and its functioning, as sine qua non if "the will of the majority" is to have meaning.

In brief, only strict adherence to democracy can procvide us the most efficient and just machanism for the expression, discussion and resolution of different aspirations, expectations and frustrations of the people. This is the best way out of the country's conundrum to day viva democracy!

There 's got to be better ways to get one's message across

There is less than a year to for the start of Nepal Tourism Year 2011. The  government hopes to bring in over a million tourists in the year. But the goal will be hard to achieve if the current trend of bandas and strikes  continues into next year. In the first nine  days of 2010, there were 22 bandas called by groups around the country.  No place has been hit harder than Tapljung district, which has been brought to a stand still by UCPN (Maoists) for over two weeks now, demanding that their murdered cadres be declared martyrs and families compensated. When the government didn't lissten, the Maoists also closed down the neighbouring Panchathar. On  Sunday, Janamorcha Nepal, another left outfit, had called for Kathmandu valley banda to protest against federalism.

Political parties of all stripes have been responsible for brining the country to a grinding halt time and again. Non-political organisations  are hopping abroad the banda band-wagon too. Nepal Medical Association (NMA) recently called for the closure of all hospitals in the country to get their point across to the government.  With the calendar suffused with bandas, perhaps Nepali industries have been hit the hardest day of closure). Add to it the hardships of common Nepalis. Their commutes are severely restricted during bandas. In many cases, people have  been left standard  in the middle of nowhere when they learned  of a local banda while on high-way. Pregnant ladies  and seriously ill patients cannot get timely medical help. In recent times, protestors have not even spared the ambulances.

Nepal's unique socio-political andeconomic situation makes it liable for exploitation by various interest groups. In  the Tarai, there are political parties that represent the interests of common Madhesis,but  there ae even more criminal outfits looking to fish in the muddy waters. Likewise, in many hilly areas criminal groups have  sprang up in the grab of political parties.  If the mainstream  political parties are not much bothered about going for bandas, these outfits are evenless scrupulous about inconveniencing people to get to their ends. Bandas might serve the interests of a particular group in the short run, but it susrely doesn't help the country's cause in any way. In a democratic society,  there ought to be more peaceful and less disruptive ways to get one's message across. That every other group, political or otherwise, is resorting to disruptive  measures like banda for the same purpose is both a sign of the rampant impunity in the country as well as of our tendency not to listen to even genuine grieveances unitl the push of the grieving comes to a shove.

Source:- KTM Post

I was travelling in a micorbus filled with women who, by their accents seemed to be from the Western region. Suddenly, one of them, who had been looking out of the window, exclaimed, "Everyone in Kathmandu seems to be running. They  seem to have that impatient look in their faces and are always in a hurry!"  I followed her gaze and felt the same. Everyone lookedso busy. On  the streets, out onthe sidewallks, in the shops and eventhose eating in the resturants- theairof 'urgency' hung upon every-thing people were doing. Perhaps this can be attributed to the effecst of urbanisation, the modern lifestyleor even the need to be the strongest contender-the belief that if you are not one of forerunners in whatever you do, you deny yourself a meaningful existence.

To keep up with the world is very important. But do we always need to be in such  a hurry?  Kathmandu has the highest rate of rate of road accidents in Nepal, nuch of which is the result of our attitude to rush everything;  we forget  to look where the  zebra crossings are, the drivers are so impatient that they forget to follow the traffic lights.  

Similarly, we never seem to enjoy to the fullest the food we are eating. are you content with  our eating habits or is it also like every other thing in our life that is done in haste? 

"Let's just empty the plate, fill our stomachs andget backto the race" seems to be the prevailing thought. The office we rush to eveyday-does that place and our continous work give us contenment? As with life, do  we actually live theexperienceor is it just another race on an endless track  with many contenders? Ithink, in our hurry, we have over-looked thej oys of living.

We have all got to do what we have got to do, but indoingsowe hav etogive ourselves the luxury of living a bit. If we did that a lot of traffic, accidents would not occur, the joyof livingevery little moment of our lives would not be abandoned and the food would defineitely tast m uch better. Life is about the moments that we look back to and share a smile upon.  

Perhaps that is the reason why sometimes, in the midst of all the pressures of a modern existence and its cut-throat  competitiveness, some of us wonder about taking some time out and giving our tried,  hurried selves a much needed break. Well, how about giving  yourself just that?

Kathmandu is losing its ancient face

Kathmandu Valley has always had a mystic aura about it. Foreign visitiors flock to bear witness to over 1,700 ancient monuments dotting its every nook and cranny . Chief among the ancients mounasteries, courtyards, stupas, wells, spouts and lakes. But modernism has caught up with the City of Temples, and city of its unparalleled beauty. The law forbids construciton of new infrastructure in close proximity to the monuments of historical imporance. Likewise, it is illegal to build houses which eclipse the nearby historical monuments in hight. But both the provisions arebeing flouted with impunity, sometiems even by government boides.

No surprise then that people routinely stumble upon ancient stumbles while digging up foundations for their new abodes in Kathmandu. Recently, one land-owner dug up an ancient spout at Naxal. Archaeologists have expressed alarm at the rapid urbanisation of Kathmandu that is encroaching upon the places of historical imporant. There are policies to conserve old monuments of Kathmandu Valley. But their effectiveness of questionable. The Ancient Monument Act defines monuments over a century old as heritage of archaeological imporance , which the goverments is obliged to protect. Strangely, the Building and Heritage Department of Kathmandu Metropolitan City (KMC) entrusted with looking after ancient heritage doesn't even know the exact number of monuments in Kathmandu.

Recently, KMC made public its concern at the sky-rocketing land prices and the increase in volume of reale state trading, the two trends, according to conservationists, directly respobsible for the loss of Kathmandu's ancient face. The problem arises wshen lands set aside for historical monuments are traded underhand and in time developed for commercial purposes. As a result, houses outside the Ring Road are increasing by 15 percent a year. The areas inside are already chockablock, every little space used up for construction purpose.

Going by the current trend, it will be sometime yet before the real estate buubble bursts, putting a stop to this housing bonanza.

Meanwhile, the old floks of Kathmandu watch these developments with desperation. Along with their old customs and traditions, the old look of their city is going too. And it is not just they who are worried. Kathmandu is in the list of World Heritage Sites, which in the words the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), have "outstanding universal value." "In July 2007 UNESCO had removed Kathmandu from is dreaded list of endangered heritage sites' citing an improvemernt in conservation and management of ancient monuments. One and a half years on UNESCO's trust seems hard to justify.

Source:- The KTM Post

I am a Nepali ! Yes, I am !  I'm not a Bahun, Tamang, Newar, Dalit orany other 'Jati';   I'm just a simple Nepali !

It's been well over six months since my arrival in Kathmandu and one thing that has been annoying me is the separation of people in the name of race, cast and creed. What are we going to achieve fighting? Does it even matter what race we come from? As  a human being, every person is a precious gift of the almighty,irrespective of his race, colour or caste. 

When I went abroad, one thing that people would ask me is, 'which country are you from?" not 'which race do you belong to?' Even when we meet Nepalis abroad, the jubilatin of meeting a fellow citizenis such that we don't care which race the other person belongs to. I carry a 'Nepali' passport, not a 'Bahun' passport.

In the past one and a half year, I have been noticing this strange politics based on races in Nepal. Every week they (read: our politicial parties) announce a particular area of Nepal as a state for a certain race. Sometimes, they say Kathmandu is a 'Newa Rajya' and sometimes it's a 'Bahun Rajya'. I don't get it-- why divide sates along "races"? Who are these 'educated' and 'wise'  leaders  to divide our nation on the basis of race, colour and creed? Every day, I turn on the news and am dismayed by interracial disharmony and distrust on display.  

It's wonderful that Nepal has so many raes, and it's important to conserve them all. Howerver, we must all realise that we are Nepalis first. Internationallly, we are known for our nationality, not ourrace' our bravery, not our dogmas. When we say we are Nepalis we represent every race, language and religion of this country.

I have friends from different races--Newars, Tamang, Bahuns and many more. We don't care what the other person's race is. We  actually enjoy each other's company because we get to celebrate diverse festivals, cultures and customs. That is the fun of having such diversity. We must take advantage of our racial diversity not firght overit. Different types and colours of flowers ina garden make theplace enghanting and full of vigour. Nepali is such a garden and we - different races--are beautiful flowers.

I  wish Nepal can retain its status of a unified nation. I wish our country can be reunited as Pritiivi Narayan Shah did 240 years ago. I wish we can call ourselves 'Nepalis' without feeling ashamed of our nationality. I wish there will bea day when every Nepali lives proudly, saying 'Ma Nepali' and ' Mero Nepal' ('I m Nepai and 'My Nepal').

Raising children in Kathmandu is a tough job, but we can do more to better their lives

To step into parenthood in a city like Kathmndu is a daunting task. The exhilaration one gets by the very news of the wife conceiving precipitates in no time with the very first experiene of visiting a gynaecologist. Choosing the best of the lot is a real fuss even for quacks, if not for doctors. Success stories emanate not from the real success rate but from world of month in the medical world. The longer the time one waits for the appointment scheduled, the better is the doctor; a weird but a workable stndard that is pretty common to guage the popuarity of a medico!

By the time one passes nine hilarious months, the couple will certainly think enough is enough; no more "volunteering' to contribute to the evolution cycle of human beings ! Records show that a major number of delivery cases handled in private nursing homes end up the caesarean way, whereas it may not be too uncommon if a public hospital runs out of oxygen at the time of delivery. Many more moments of indecisivenes follow one after another by the time the baby reaches school -going age.

Bygone are the days when it was easier for parents to choose a school for their children. If they were lucky, they would get a placement in one of very few convent schools they had that time. If you could afford it, better try out a privte school out of not many of them. If not, better send them to a nearby public school. Howerver, the situation is no more a simple. Schools are mushrooming everyday with names that resemble the popular institutions from all over the world. Even a two-bedroom residential building with merely 1500 sq ft right in the middle of a residential area can get ' retrofitted' into a 'good' schoold to start with.

At it grows, it knocks down its boundary walls and expands to a few more surrounding residential buildings. Safety, security, hygiene, teaching methodology and other infrastructure become immaterial for a schoold to be good. Once again the word of month works. One listens to a friend or a relative say something good about a school , then jumps in to get the child admitted there convincing at least a few more ao follow the trail. Yet another weird but often used yardstick to gauge a school is the fee structure. The more expensive the school, the more reputed it is.

The number of books prescried, the number of uniforms used per week and the numbr of Saturdays,the children are mde toattend classes become vital in ascertaining the quality of a school. Wish we learn to evaluatetheinput aschool givesfor the overall development of a child right from social behavious to creaativeness rather than packing in bookish information into delicate brain cells. wonder ifremembering thenamesof the75 districs of Nepal or the names of a gricultural products grown in Sarlahi will ever benefit a forth garder. All it counts inany individual's life is to what exent one would be able to sue the knowledge gained to address tge problems in life.

Being able to choose a good school alone does not relieve the parents of Kathmandu. After a good nine hours of study at school alone does not relieve the parents of Kathmandu. After a good nine hours of study at school plus at least two more hours of home assignment every day, a child deserves a good break on Saturda. But what do you do? Rent a DVD, have a packet of self-popping pop cornand spend the day where 11 out of 12 months in a year are pleasant enoughfor out-door activities?

The city corners and cross roads are crowded with all types of eateries. Italian, Japanese, Chinese, Indian, Mexican.. you name it, it is there at least in some part of the city. The menu, the drink, the decor, thecrowd lookpicture perfect for all teenagers and grownups! When the pate comes down to the choice of kids, there hardly a few choice of kids, there are hardly a few which can be tried out. The concept of multiplex has finally strted, good for us! We can book the tickets in advance, avoid long quenes and watch a movie of our choice in a conditioned environent. Again, when it comes down to the choice of a kid, it will be hardly there which will not be rated. The same is the case when we think about parks, libraries, fun places or malls. There is hardly a place where we can take our children for an outing other than the natural stetches we find around our valley.

Our society has not endured the concept of children right yet though we get enraged by the news of child abuse in schools. We ignore the very fact that there are very few households above middle class level where no minors will be doing our household chores, no matter, we try to justify the act by saying that the life they ae spending is much humane compared to what they would be living if they were back in their homes. The shadow of child labourin our carpet industry era will haunts us . Howerver, with the growing level of education among the city dwellers,there is a growing trend that we care for our kids more than we care for ourselves. We dare to spend hundreds of dollars each month for their school alone where the per capital income is less than a thousand dollars.
 

We shps a round to pick imported stuffs for our kids though that needs cutting down the number of cigarettes we smoke every day. The spark tht we see in their eyes for sure brins inimmense pleasure that cannot be bough teven inthe best of the malls we have. Don't you think our kids deserve more than what they are getting? Let us put our thoughts and efforst together to further improve the life and future of our kids, no matter whatever way it is possible. Lobbying for a good public school system, volunteeing in addressing child labour issues, contributing to reshaping and maintaining our public open spaces, teaming up to open a children's library, investing indeveloping children's parks and outlets.. the list goes on. The fact is, believe me, there is much more we can do for our children if we want to!!

A flag is basically a rectangulr piece of fabric of distinctive design that is used as an emblem for the country. It can be of a square shpe as well. But even a square shape as well. But even a square is a rectangle with equal sides and same number of right angles at the corners. Nepali flag has totlly different shape and is denined in the constitution as "two triangles joined a little". As we do not see which traingle partly overlaps the other it is better to call the shape a union of two flames of fire represented by the main colour of the flag.

Our flag has five sides and is basically a pentagon with five angle at the corners. The idea of '5' takes us to the Pythagorean world (540 B.C) where numbers were considered to rule the universe.

The '5' was interpreted to mean a union (marriage) of the first even number '2'(feminine) and the first odd number'3' (masculine). The number '1' had a different identity as it was regarded as the source of all numbers. Between the threee prime number 2,3, and 5 we get a unique relation namely 2+ 3 = 5. A prime numer canbe divided only by two numbers either '1' or by 'itself' . On no occasion should it be divisible on instances exceeding two. Check of '4' qualities as aprime number. It can be divided by '1' and also by '4' no problem there, but it can also be divided by '2' which disqualifies it as a prime number.

Symbolically speaking the two triangles is said to stand for the union of Aryan and the Mongolian cultures. In contrast to other flags ours has additional corner making it a unique five-cornered one. On the aspects of measuring corner angles other flags have no more than four right angles while ours adds up to four plus two right angles.

A flag's corners ma or may not be in one to one correspondence with the letters in the name of the country. Coincidentally, it is so in our case. There is one more geometrical point that needs mentioning-- our flag has "Concave" profile while all other rectangular flags have convex profile. Itis taken to be 'Convex' if no single interior angle is greater than two right angles and 'Concave' if at least one interior angle is grater than two right angles as happens in our flag at the point where two trangles meet.

Lastly, the interjecting (reminding the postulate' a yam between two boulders') angle seems to ask every one of us to find out for one self the answer to the question. Who am I?, politically as well as spiritually. This is, in this scribe's opinion, the true meaning of the flag.

The rights of Nepali migrant workers must be protected both at home and abroad

Labour migration in Nepal has been ahistorical phenomenon sincetime immemorial. Migration to neighbouring India has a longstanding history, and movement to the Gulf commened about 20 years ago. Due to poverty, unemployment, declining natural resources and displacement by natural disasters and war (e.g., the Maoist insurgency), labour out-migration has become an increasingly significant and major livelihood strategy in Nepal. The remittances sent home by the labour migrants contribute 20 percent to the GDP. Most importantly, the money sent backrach the poorest of the poor directly. A recent Human Development Report of UNDP has also noted that remittances have played a key role in improving Nepal's Human Development Index(HDI) even during the insurgency.

Despite being apillar of Nepal's economy, the migrants have to endure much humiliation and face lots of hurdles and difficulties both at home and abroad. At home, the labour migration process itself is a bvig headache and source of irritation, thanks to a number of fraudulent cases perpetrated by manpower agents. Potential migrants have to wait for almost a year just to fly out evey after having paid the said amount, which is often very hight and has been borrowed from the village landlords or money-lenders at a high rate of interest.

"I just want to fly. I would at least have the experience of flying, "a migrant worker, frustrated and fed up by the time consuming pre-departure process, said with angst. Similarly, migrant workers are not given adequate or actual pre-departure information about the nature of the job, the salary and benefits they would be receiving, the money transation procedure and the customs, culture, law and so forth of the host country.

Upon reaching the employment destination, the workers may face a series of troubles right from the clash of expectations versus the rerality. Their physical and mental health worsens due to poor living conditions, filthy prison-like camps and the pressure to repay the loan at home. Needless to mention that there is a high health and safety risk at the  workplace. On the other hand, there is no or limited health facility at work; and treatment at desired hospitals at one's own expenseis very pricey, often unaffordable.

Likewise, migrant workers become "bonded labour" in most cases, as their passport is held by the employer, which is countrary to the country's own labour legislation. If the workers are found to be involvedinany kind of objectionable act, they are immediately deported to their home countries without being given a single chance to defend themselves. Moreover, some workers are paid much less than they have been promised by agents in Nepal; and they do not return home for years because they have nothing to bring back except their memories of pain, despair and tears. Women face more problems than men in the Gulf due to their illegal or unofficial out-megration, which makes it difficult for then to seek help from the Nepali authorities in times of trouble.

The heroes of the Nepali economy deserve better treatment and respect, at least in their country if not in the host countries. To make the labour migration process easier, the government should give it a are-look and make it safer and more economic. The governmentshould also work to impart vocational training programmes so that Nepali migrant workers will no longer be treated as slaves to build monuments as Ghaith Abdul-Ahad has written in an article entitled "We need slaves to build monuments" published in The Guardianof Oct 8, 2008.

On the international front, the Nepal government can send a good message by signing and ratifying the UN Migrant Wokers Convention, which may pave the way for the protection of migrant workes' rights abroad. The Nepal government's recent decision to post labour attaches in four countries with heavy Nepali populations is a prisewothy act. More such labour attaches should immediately be appointed to other countriesas mentioned in the Foreign Employment Act 2064 which requires that a labour attache be appointed in countries having moe than 5,000 Nepali migrants.

Also, there is a need and opportunity for Non-Resident Nepali Associations to work together with Nepali Associations to work together with Nepali embassies and other organizations as they have vowed at their recently held global conference in Kathmandu. It is appreciative that the Nepali media inrecent times has been giving agood amount of attention to foreign eployment issues. However, there is still room for I/NGOs to work on labour migration issues that may include raising awareness about foreign employment, skill development and remittancemanagement through entdrepreneurship development to ensure sustainable livelihoods for the families of rural migrants. Lastly, the government, civil society and other concerned authorities must work hand in hand to make labour migration more effective and safeguard the workers' rights in and outside the country. 

You cancel our debts and we will implement climate change adaptation.

We all know that climate change is caused by green-house gases emitted mostly by the industries of the rich countries. Its impact is and will be a critical issue for countries like Nepal. The disparity between the rich countries' monopolization of the technology and development they have achieved, marginalization of the poor from the same and unjust distribution of power and natural resources have led countries like Nepal to become even poorer. Lack of basic development has made our livelihoods difficult, but, in return, the world has been saved (for the time being) from reching beyondacriticalstge of disaster because of our almost carbon-neutral existence. But what do we get in return from the rich countries? Domination? Discrimination? And debt? In the name of charity!

The World Bank's summary sheet in 2006 states that Nepal was US$ 3.4 billion in foreign debt, with US$ 362 million owed to bilateral donors. Some of these are soft loans with concessionary terms. Some are hard loans from bilateral donors (the European commission, Norway, the U.S.A and Japan).

Debt servicing

Nepal paid debts amounting to Rs.2.4 billion in the fiscal year 2007/8 and Rs.3.14 billionin the fiscal year2008.9. According to the Ministry of budget to the Ministry of Finance budget annexes for 2009/10, Nepal expects to pay Rs. 3.2 billion, eqivalent to 9 percent of total government expenditure, in debtpayents to bilateral donors inthe fiscal yar 2009/10 along. That's a lot of money!

Debt swap can be just compenstion for the poor but carbon-neutral people of Nepal. Nepal and our bilateral creditors including the donor countries, the Wrold Bank and othter institutions must find debt swaps not only a useful mechanism but a fair response to the global injustices and greenhouse gases emitted by the rich countries causing such a scale of calamities in the world.

A debt swap is an agreement between a developing nation in debt and one or more of its creditors. In a debt and one or more of its creditors. In a debt swap, the creditor agrees to write off an agreed amount of debt in return for the promise of some action, for example, climate change adaptation. There are two main kinds of dept swaps- commercial dept swaps and bilateral dept swaps. Bilateral dept swaps are aranged between two governments that have a bilateral aid agreement, for example, Norway and Nepal.

Debt swaps were originally promoted by the WEF for conservaton- Debt for Nature Swaps - in Bolivia, Cost Rica, the, the Philippines, Ecuador and Cameroon. The U.S.A hae written off a lot of debt in Central America under the Tropical Forest Conservation Act. The largest debt swap for nature was signedlast year between the governmens of Madagascar and France for US$ 20 million which will support biodiversity in Madagascar.

Debt swaps are also strating to appear now for health. The Global Funds Debtz Helath Initiative is a debt swap. Gernany has written off a debt of US$ 72.6 miullion to Indonesia oncondition that the government of Indonesia contributes half of that amount (US$ 36.3 million) to the Global Fund for use in Indonesia. Aus.AID is also arranging a debt swap in Indonesia.

The Ministry of Finance (The Debt Manaement Unit - DMU - in the Foreign Aid and Coordination Division ) should calculate up-to-date debt figures for Nepal from different countries, the World Bankandother institutions. The government should propose climate change, poverty reduction, environment, educaton-and inclusion-related programmes to different bilateral donors, the World Bank and other institutions for debt swaps, especially the amount Nepal owes in hard loans that need to be repaid to each of the ain bilateral donors.

I believe this si something htat the bilateral donors also want to see happen to Nepal. I suggest that the government of Nepal, bilateral that the government of Nepal, bilateral donors, the World Bank andother institutions and civil society of Nepal take collective action deciding where the dept swap money should be used and how in coordination with other funded activities; such as the World Bank planned investiment in climate change adaptation. Given the World Bank's interest in funding adaptation, the dept swap focus for Nepal should be on adaptation too-perhaps agriculture, clean energy, deforestation/protected ares, poverty reduction, tourism sector development , conservtion, reforestation can besome of the adaptation focuses sectors.

Perhaps we should also start with those bilateral donors fora potential debtswap to which Nepal is paying interest on hard loans. In fact, I encourage Norway to volunteer to start this noble cause, dept swap to Nepal for climate change, as NORAD has a track record inclimate change- its Climate and Forest Initiative. Norway is also keen on wind farms and produces an electric vehicle which the Norwegian ambasador in Nepal imported and uses to get around in Kathmandu on a daily basis. Such technology transfer and buildng Nepal's technological capacity for climate adaptation can be one of Norway's conditions for debt swap to Nepal, and Norway can help Nepal greatly in this matter.

Debt swaps are a win-win sitution for both Nepal and its bilateral creditors. For Nepal, the incentives are:

Reducing the debt level;

Reducing the debt services payments;

Receiving a discount on the convertible amount (e.g. if the bilateral donor cancels US$ 10 millionin debt, the Nepal government agrees to put US$ 5 million- or forgo revenue - over x number of years into biodiversity);

Receiving up front cancellationof debt;

Increasing domestic investment in climate change mitigation/adapttion;

Paying in local currency;

Signalling strong political commitment to climate change mitigation, adaptation, conservation, poverty alleviation, reforestation, health, eduction and so on.

For the bilateral crditor, the incentives are:

Domonstrating commitment to global climate change;

Meeting its foreign aid commitents;

Recovering and donating a claim that might otherwise not be recouped.

I call on both the government of Nepal and bilteral creditors to give serious consideration to this matter and help Nepal to overcome our debts but with concrete benefits to poor Nepalis.

Waste management has always been a daunting task for Kathmanduites. However, with the right knowledge, waste management is easy. Power can be produced from organic waste and compost fertilizers extracted. The recycable material can be turned into new things. There is also good alternate use for garbage, the main fodder for biogas plant.

Biogas plants are environmentally safe. With the World Banksubsidising them, rural folks are getting more and more interested inbuilding biogs plant in their backyards. There are over 2000,000 biogas plants, in Nepal; just 10 percent of them registered with the World Bank.

The main raw material for biogas is dung, but human waste can also be used. Also, there is another way to derive clean energy from human waste that is being implemented in Latin America and Spain. Biodigesters - especially designed organic enzymes and bacteria - are used to break down waste water and turn it into an alternative energy sources such as gas. During the fermenttion process, the bio-digesters ae unleshed on human effluent and as they break it down they produceabiogas, amixtue of methane and carbon dioxide, which can thenbe piped into homes for use in heating or cooking.The beauty is that nothing, literally, goes to waste. The mud left over from bio-digesting process can be used as fertiliser and the remaining water, now cleaned of ohnoxious elemets, emptied back into rivers.

Organic waste segregated from non-organic waste generates both compost and electricity. Likewise, non-organic waste can be used for electricity generation before dumping it at the landfill site. However, the residents themselvs must tke the first step to manage waste. The householdsmust segregate organic waste, non-organic waste and regyclable material. In developed cities different types of waste is collected in different containers.

Not only the cities and towns, but Nepali villages also are growing dirtier in absence of proper waste management. The main culprit, no doubt, is plastic that comes inall forms like bags, foils, wrappers, etc. Some hae lerned to manageplastic and ruber by lighting them up, which is certainly hazardous. Villageuse glass and tin containers to store things. As for organic waste, if it is edible they give it to animals, otherwise dump it in a pit for later use as compost.

Interestingly, biogas plants are all rage in villages, which apart from providing cooking fuel also produce quality manure. Insome towns, people have built large biogas plants that consume organic waste from town dwellers, with the produced energy used by certain businesses like slaughter houses. Uncanny idea - of joining human waste tank to biogas plant inorder to generate power and manage waste-is growing popular too. Hopefully city denizens will also learn to mange their own waste.

Travellers' Tales

Nepal's tourism has made a remarkable comeback and is raring to break new gournd
 

Tourism took of in Nepal inthe 1950s propelled by the publicity brought by the first ascent of Everest by Tenzing Sherms and Edmud Hillary. The industry started spereading and deepening in the decades that followed. In 1990, democracy was restored in Nepal and it opened up new vistas for tourism as the nation embraced a liberal economic policy and encouraged privatization in broad economic spheres. Simultancously,the world started shrinking due to miraculour developments inscience and technology and wider connectivity around the globle. Capitalism flourished in Central and East Asia, and a new middle class started emerging even inthe so-called Third World. As a result, tourism became a world phenomenon.

Beginning as a mountaineering and adventure destination in the 1950s, Nepal gradually started to be known around the world in the 1960s as a mystical destination asitbecamea transit point for hippies travelling overland from Europe to India and Southeast Asia. The decade of the 1970s became a landmark in the new era of Nepal's tourism industry as it saw the first ever tourism industry as it saw the first ever tourism master plan and establishemnent of the Tourism Departments the government's regulating body. Numerous mountain peaks were conquered and new trekking trails were explored. Multitudes of Nepal's natural and cultural heritage sites were identified and four of them got listed as UNESCO World Heritage Sites. The achievements of the 1970s mellowed in the 1980s and Nepal appeared on the world tourism map as one of the important destinations in South Asia. New infastructure was established, new entrepreneurship started developing and the private sector took the lead inmarketing and promoting Nepal inthe global tourism market. Tourism then became a source of income for many including rural people.

The restoration of democracy in 1990 brought new ripples in the tourism industry as well. And established enterprises and newcomers saw their future in tourism and they looked for new possibilities. Their expectations were partially buttressed by the government through privatization and a liberalization policy. Thus tourism started standing on its own feet. Then the government decided to set up and autonomous national tourism organization under public-private partnership through the Nepal Tourism Board Act 1996 by replacing the Department of Tourism with the Nepl Tourism Board (NTB) which was estabished in 1998. This new institution bred many dreams. In the same year, the government introduced a new campaign called Visit Nepal Year 1998 which aimed at stirring all the three players in the industry-government bodies, private entrepreneurs and the general public. Whether the campaign was a success or not can be a matter of debate, but it brought a new wave to the industry and the public alike interms of awareness, investment and tourist arrivals the following year which numbered 5000,000 tourists, the highest number unitl then.

The beginning of new millennium disappointed the travel trade industry of Nepal as the nation plunged into an internal political conflict while terrorist attacks started the world. Its effects surfaced as the yer 2002 witnessed a sharp decline in trourist arrivals. However, the newly established organization that carried the hope and spirit of the private sector endeavoured to keep the industry from getting derailed by launching another campaign known as Destination Nepal Campaign could not justify its success in the number of arrivals, it tended to below away the ash over the red coalsof the energy of the stakeholders. This campaign, despite its lower magnitude than the previous one, brought the sprawling products within a new fold and intended to go deeper into many unidentified products within a new fold and indended to go deeper into many unidentified product areas and sensitize the public.

The NTB now realized the trend of trourist arrivals was not encouraging and no new gimmicks were launched to the world. On top of that, Nepal's tourism icons were not properly branded. It then took the initiative to reposition the image of the countryin the international tourism markets. Thus came a new tourism brand "Naturally Nepal Once. Is Not Enough "in 2006 which repackaged all the products of Nepal under three broad themes: Weekend Breaks, Lifetime Experience and Ultimate Adventure with other subbeardings.This new packaging was expected to attract new different kinds of tourists in accordance with their interests and prolong the duration of their stay in Nepal.

Immediately after the brand was launched, another campaign known as Viist Pokhara Year 2007 was started. This campaign showed diferent characteristics as it was the first campaign which focused on a region a way from the capital. The campaign came on the heels of the Comprehensive Peace accord signedby the then government and the rebels in 2006 whichgave the industry a sigh of relief and hope for the resilience of tourism activities Consequently, 2007 witnessed an all-time high tourist arrival fighre of 526, 705. As the peace process advanced, Nepal started regaining the lost image of a safe and secure country. That ws further endorsed by the historic Consitituent Assembly electionswhich put an end to the two-and-a-half-century-long monarchy and declared Nepal a feddral democratic republic. These events gave a good image to Nepal at international forms and markets . Un fortunately, the world economic crisis dampened our spirits to a large extent.

Tourism is an industry which requires rejuvenation and vibrancy. Every single unpleasant incidents gives a negative messge which is immediately cashed upon by rival destinations. In the new political context, the government, the NTB and the private sector agreed to launch a campaign called Nepal Tourism Year 2011 (NTY 2011). The capaign primarily focuses on three things; going to the world market with a new spark, reenergizing tourism entre p reneurship andencouragingnationalas wellas international investment, and reaching out to every nook and corner of the nation to generate greater awareness about tourism. The target has been set at one million tourist arrivals.

This campaign faces both domestic and international challenges as the nation has yet to do a lot to bring the peace process to a logical conclusion, a stable government has still not seen on the horizon, the people's frustrations have risen to the brim, unemployment has soared to the sky while the world is reeling under an economic crisis, terrorist acstivities are heard elsewhere and different epidemics are spreading outside the country. Taking upon the situationand setting right the ailing industry is as interesting as it is difficult. Interesting because we hav learned to survive amid difficulties and keep our industry going. We sow now and reap after some time, and remain aler about what is going on within and without the nation. NTY 2011 enjoys the distinction of coming in the post-conflict era in anticipation of improvement in the global economic crisis andmarks the dawn of the second decade of the new milennium. What we need to make it a success is consciousness, companionship and commitment.

Nepal needs a real farmers' movement which will also be its beggest health movement!

The only way Nepal can improve the health of the majority is by ensuring their access to quality food together with the provision of clean water and comprehensive public halth care. Access to quality food can be ensured only by promoting a system of production that is ecologically sustainable, a system of distribution that is socially just and a set of public interventions that are designed with the twin values of justice and sustainability in mind. This means respect for the majority small holders, and preserving and enhancing soil quality and biodiversity. This also means creating institutions of knowledge which have a central role for practincing farmers and theose closely alied with them. Quick fixes in the form of commercialization of agriculture or a high-chemical system might benefit a few business houses, some agricultureal scientists or a select few cash crop farmers, but it will not improve the conditions of the majority of farming families in Nepal that are over-whelingly small holders. Moving to a saner food future is not an easy task, however.

In their book-Food Wars: The Global Battle for Mouths, Minds and Markets, Tim Lang and Michael Heasman have idenfitied three paradigms of food as they relate to health. They call them productionist, life sciences integrated and ecology integrated paradigms. In much of Europe and North America, the productionist pardigm dominated from the early 19th century till not long ago. This paradigm was base on the model of deficiency: that the problem of health was lack of adequate quaniity, and the role of the food production system was to speed up production of a few crops.The emergence of chemical science further provided a boost to this. Agriculturl producstion was thought to be similar to the emerging factory-based industrial system. It was believed that addition of a few chemical elements had the potential of prodcing limitless amounts of food.

This paradigm was transferred to the Third World through the agricultural development progrmmes initiated in the aftermath of the Second World War. In Nepal, the United States Agency for International Development began to introduce this papradigm by setting up institutions such as the Rampur Agricltural Campus, bringing in agricultural volunteers, training lots of agricultural experts in the U.S and Indian universities and supplying hybird seeds, among other things. It also helped design massive radio programmes on modern agriculture that reached all over the country. The green revolution in India in the early 1960s created further conditions for is expansion in Nepal as mass produced chemical fertilizers and pesticides together with hybird seeds began to flow across the border. The Nepal government's policy to supply cheap fresh food to the growing urban areas provided the needed boost for the pockets of intensive production of fresh vegetables in areas near growing urban centres.

But this paradigm has left in its trail degradedsoil and growing desertification, dwindling diversity, stressed farning populations and growing pessimism rearding the viability of the agricultural production system itself. The promise of a hunger-free future looksever more distant. Over half of the people in Nepal do not eat adequate food, and those who eat enoughseen to be eting food that is making them obese. To borrow from Raj Patel's famous book Stuffed and Starved while the overwhelming majority are starved, a sizble section of the economically powerful is over stuffed. But the promise of the productionist paradigm has not died out completely. We can see it inthe promises of politicians and claims of agricultural experts. In fact, through the indoctrination done in the last six decades of development, this paradign has assumed the status of unquestioned truth.

The life sciences integrated paradigm focuses on a set of bio-technologies to produce and process a few lucrtive food products for the market. Its technology is highly concentrated in a very small number of bio-tech companies located mostly in the rich countries with some operations in place like India and China. For example, according to a survey carried out in 1999 by a research wing of the Eurpean Union, 83 percent of the total funds spent on biotechology was limited to only eight countries. This paradigm is a response of large bio-tech-nology and agro-industrial corporations to the growing realization that the productioniest paradigm is running its course. It is also a response to the problems posed by declinning soilfertility, erosionof biodiversity and increasing health consciousness in North America. Europe and among a small section of the middle class in the developing countries.

It is also pushed by the increasing desire of big bio-tech agricultural and food corporations to take control of the food economy throughout the world. This growing control of giant corporations in the trade and production of goods led to the shocking price rises throughtout the world in the last two years. Among the growing urban populations and the poor and lower middle classes among them, this further deepened of production, this is yet to spread in Nepal: although there are some biotech corporations trying to promote lucarative cash crops such as herbs in some parts of the country.

The ecology integrated paradigm emphasizes the potential of a productive food system that nurtures the soil, enhances access to quality food for all. At the core of this pardign is respect for the health of both the soil and the people. In North America and Europe, there is growing consciousness towards this paradigm. The larest ever transition from the productionist paradigm to this one happened, however, in Cuba. Most of the food in Cuba is now produced through a small-holder, sustainable system. In Nepal, this paradigm is promoted as organic farming, permaculture and biodynamic agricultue. This is a mixture of the traditional system of farming and modern knowledge about the working of natural systems and not against it. The conditions in Nepal are ripe for the expansation of this paradigm. The agricultural production system is still small-holder dominated. The cimatic and geographical diversity has the potential of enhancing highly diverse producstion systems. But promotion of this paradigm requires incresed power of the farmers in public priority setting in agriculture.

The main reason the failed productionist paradigm is still dominant is that those,who promote it have little realstake in the health of th esoil or the peoople. They derive their income from agriculture decvelopment projects or selling chemical inputs, and not through producing real things. How many of our agriculutral experts actually derive their livelihoods from farming? How many of our agricultural experts actually derive their livelihoods from farming? How many of our politicians practice and know about farming? They might ride piggyback on their cadreswhile celebrating the rice planting season, but their knowledge about frming and the ecology is very limited.

Nepal, in fact, is in need of a real farmiers' movement. And if that happens, it will also be Nepal's begest health movement. In Nepal. there is no way the health of the majority can be improved without ensuring access to quality food for those who go hungry every day. Therefore, a transition from the productionist to the ecology integrated paradigm isa cruciallink for health interventions.

The constitution better be finished on time, or else!!

Little more than six months remain for the consitution to be finished, but there are few signs that this will be possible. This has been cause for increasing worry among various political leaders involved in the process, and some of them in the Constituent Assembly's (CA) National Interest Prservation Committee have now aired this view in public. This committee was the first to submit concept paper in May. And what memebrs of this committee stated at a meeting held on Wednesday is what many other law-makers too must be feeling: that it will be extremely difficult of them to maintain their litimacy in the public eye if they do not complete the task given to them on time. A Maoist law-maker, Bal krishna Dhungel, admitted tellingly, "When I travel on a public bus, I feel ashamed and scared the people might vent their ire at us for our inability to expedite the constiution drafting process."
 

Members of the CA face a particularly difficult situation becaue of a clause in the Inerim Constituion that seems to state that the constituion drafting process can be extended only if a state of emergency is imposed. Awareness of this difficult led Sadbhavana lawmaker Sarita Giri to state some time ago that the Interim Constitution should be amended. But this will not go down well with the public, and the politial class is unwilling to ake such a move.

Yet, even politicians most committed to drafting the constituion on time standby helplessly. For writing the constitution is not simply a technical task that can be under taken by the CA in isolation from broader political happenings. In order for the process to move forward, there needs to be consensus among the major political parties. At the current juncture, this has to focus on raching a compromise on the issue of civilian supremacy and one efforts to brbing the Maoists back into government.

The silver lining is that the three major parties - the Maoists, the Nepali Congress and te UML -have decided to form a taskforce that will make serious efforts to resolve the differences between them. In addition to this, the parties would do well if they used the taskforece or formed another one to support discussions in the CA. One reasons why discussions over the most complex issues regarding federalims and state restructuring, for instance-have - stalled is bacause the senior leaders of the parties are not involved in the discussions and their weight to the relevant CA committees, reaching a compromise on these issues will be much easier once the immediate political issues get resolved. The country's topmost leaders would thus be doing a major service to the nationif they decided to get involved in such constitutional issues, in addition to the immediate political ones.

The chaotic reaction to the latest epidemic is a result of everyone going their own way

Nepal has been trying different development models ever since it entered the modern era. Different development paradigms have been implemented including the small framer's model, IRDPs and the planned development method (five-year plan approach). Each development model had its own advantges and disadvantages; however, the previous two models did not yield the proper result and were later discontinued. The results of the five-yearplan are also not very encouraging, although it has been continued till today. All the approaches mentioned above are government approaches and there are many others practiced by donors, non-governmental organizations and even embassies onthei own, which would perhaps not have been possible in other countries where there is a stable and strong government.

Unfortunately, no approach or method or structure has successfully worked in this country. In fact, even today, we are still on the quest for that. Analyssts say that the government plans have not yielded the desired results simply because the promised programme was never implemented in the field and resources never trickled down to the poorest of the poor. Donor-driven progrmmes have been fading out on the ground due to their supply-driven nature which n ever consisdered the need of the people.There are, however, some programes which have shown promising progrmmes which have shown promising prospects like the Proverty Alleviation Fund (PAF) where the most disadvantaged and vulenerable people have direct access to resources, and the programme is designedto fulfil their deman based on their own need and participation at all levels of the progamme. Demand based on their own need and participation at all levels of the programme. Demand for such types of programmes is high, but they are small in number.

It is really unfortunate that evenin the 21st century, where the world can be captured withaa click of the mouse, simple and treatable diseases like diarrhoea and dysentery have claimed the lives of many people across the country. The casualties occurred mostly in places that were physically very remote and economically very poor. It has been seen that people have been affected by the disease because of lack of basic sanitation and health know-how, apart form contaminated water and food deficit. These are the places were most of the national and international development organizations are working and the irony is that people are dying because they do not know that they have to wash their hands after going to the latrine and before eathing.

There are no toilets at all inmany places, and basic sanitation has not been maintained. As said earlier, there are many organizations with big brand names working there with high sounding phrases and jargons of development. During sucha humanitarian crisis, where wre all the local organizations and political party cadres who come out in no time to demonstrate and fight with each other for petty reasons? They responded only after the matter had worsened and the epidemic had taken its full toll. Everybody thought that it was not their responsibility, and as usual, nobody responded in tiem. In our country, everybody has their specific mandate as if it has been bestowed by the almighty, and there is noquestion of moving evn an inch from that. With this tragic incident, it is now evident that all the approaches, whether from the government ornon-governmental organizations, have failed miserably to deliver. There is no excuse for anybody, though the gravity of accountbility might be different with the Ministry of Health being at the forefront.

It is also note worthy to mention that even after the arrival of the necessary medicines, human resources and equipment, there was complete chaos. No systematic distribution and management could be done, which clearly indicates that there is a complete absence of coordination and linkage among the different development agencies and civil society although voluminous reports are seen on their office shelves about coordination and harmonization. This incident must be taken as a lesson for the future. We nowneedan integratedtype of approach of development to mitigate such tragic mishaps. Non -governmental organizations(most of them enter their respective areas through group formation), irrespective of their welfre approah or development approach, must include the basic components of health and sanitation in their social mobilization. The maturity of the group also must be evaluated interms of their attitude and behaviour towards basic health and sanitation.

Some resources must be used to build toilets, sanitary pits and waste collecting bins, and most importantly, for the the treatment of water andfood against contamination and pollution. This misght not be possible for many organizations with diffreent mandates. However, if it is not possible ontheir part, they must coordinate with other agencies for the purpose, and the programme must go and it should be made mandatory. The awareness programme must go side by side with the development of different aspect of health and sanitaion like do's and don'ts during pregnancy and lactation and after infecion has occurerd. A rapid action team must be constituted with the CDO as the head to mobilize and channelise necessary resources and manpower inthe district. He should have full authority to mobilize all the resources and manpower and take appropriate measures. All the resources must go through that team to ensure that they are not misused and reachthe targeted areas.

It is also important to gather informatiion about the occurrence of diseases, pests nd infections in the past so that the necessary measures can be taken intime. With the lesson learnt from this epidemic, it is imperative for non -governmental a organizations to be fiexible both in terms of their progrmmes and finances.They must be in a position to assist the government both physically and financially during such crises irrespective of their mandate. It is really unfortunate that during these grave circumstances, the game of exchanging accusations and counter-accustions is often seen among differeent agencies rather than an immediate and efective response.

One cannot imagine what would happen if there was an outbreak ofswine flu, which has created havoc in our immediate neighbour and already crossed the border, when curable disease like diarrhoea and dysentery have taken soany lives due to this blame game. Other than blaming each other, it is important to make collective efforst to mitigate such maladies. After all, everybody's goal is the same, and that is to save the precious lives of our countrymen. But having said that, we all have been how our Health Ministry and the department primarily responsible for this have handled the situation. Those who are responsible for this must be brought to justice future reference.

With one-upmanship being the order of the day, potential investors are aptiy dazed

It seems that the new government is all set to outdo the previous one in the water resources sector, especially hydropower development. First, there was the promise of generating 25,000 MW in 20 years. Then the Ministry of Water Resources was split into the Ministry of Irrigation and the Ministry of Energy, the latter being a body solely dedicated to hydorpower development. The ink hadn't dried on the paper since the commitment to generte 10,000 M.W in 10 years was made, and here we go- there's a newer and more ambitions plan but with no concrete groundwork and planning to support it. When the pledge made by the previous government was being criticized by experts as an overly ambisitious and far-fetched dream, the one who came up with this slogan of 12,500 MW in 10 years (dubbed 25,000 MW in 20 years) should have least thought twice about what it was saying.

After the restortion of democracy, it was the National Water Resources Strategy (NWRS) followed by the National Water Plan (NWP) that provideed a concrete stragety and action plan for efficient and effective use of our country's water resources. After spending millions of dollars and almost a decade of study by probably thebest brins inthis secot, the strgety offered a roadmap to evelopment in the water resources setor for social and economic progress of the nation. The NWRS/NWP had categorized hydropower development, among others, into three subcategories:

Short-term goal: Genertion of 700 MW of hydroelectricity by 2007. Medium-term goal: Genertion of 2,035 MW of hydroelectricity by 2017. Long-term goal: Generation of 4,000 MW of hydroelectricity by 2027. It must be noted, howerver, that these goals were notjust raw commitments. The NWP provided a detailed action plan along with project portfolios for meetingeachof thegoals within the stipulated time-frame. By 2008, there came a new 10-year commitment from th Maoist-led government. When the NWP had not been disowned, i.e, its mandate was still active, making a new commitment without meeting the goals set forth by the previous strategywas by far a misplaced step. The new government is one move ahead in making the same error that the previous government made.

It must be noted that though the leaders may change,and with them their commitments, there are some who remain the same -the experts. Be it the experts who drafted the action plan for 10,000 MW, and the would-be committee that would probably draft the 25,000 MW plan; the people who work on it are the same and so are the suggestions put forth by them. So it would have been wise to follow in the footsteps of the previous government and continue the development work where they had left off insted of shelving everything that came before and start from scratch.

The previous government should have stuck to the NWP, and so should this coalition government. It would be deserving of applause if that 4,000 MW goal set by the NWP was met in say five years before announcement of the 10,000 MW in 10 years or anything like that. Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal has said that he was inspired by the way Muhammad Mahathir developed Malaysia and would follow the same model here. The secret, according to Mahathir himself, is that when he needed to make any decision, he always consulted with his panel of experts and acted accordingly. So if we are relly inspired by the model of Mahathir and wish to follow suit, the experts must be consulted on every matter, and their advice must be headed.

Moreover, there is an indispensable aspect to Nepal's hyddropower development-India. It has been realized that active participation of public /private enterprise is essential for the development of hydropower inNepal, andI need not elaborate anything on that. During his Aug. 18-22 visit to India, Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal expressed commitment to generate 25,000 MW in 20 years and sought the active participation of India's private and public sectorsin investment on this front(Joint Press Statement,Aricle 29). Such commitments made by a head of governmnt is a national commitment. So, when seen from the Indian view-point, the national stance on the issue should be the same. It should not be 10,000 MW then, 25,000 MW nowand ay be 30,000 MW later.

It would have provided anassurnce to potential investors if the prime minister had expressed his support to the previous commitent and pledged to continue on the trail that has been laid. For instance, during the last power summit, we went to great pains to convince investors about our commitment and enthusiasm to meet the 10- year goal. During a televised intreview, Indian State Minsiter for Energy and Commerce Jairam, Ramesh expressed his solidarity, enthusiam, and anticipation for achieving this goal. Now when the next power summit will be held, how are we going to convince potential investiors that this goal too will not be shelved by the next government in favour of its own agenda?

The issue of national development must be a common agenda for all parties. The political ideologies may differ, but when it comes to the issue of development., there must be one view point of the entire political fraternity. For example, ina relay race, the cannot be continued without passing the baton to the next player, similar is the case with national development: There can be no progress unless the successor takes on the national commitments made by the predecessor.

Lastly, I would like to quote John F. Kennedy whosaid, "One who solves the problem of wter is worth two Novel prizes; one for peace and one for science."It's been over three decades since Kennedy expressed his view over the gravity of the problem related to water. Howerver, it seems that our leaders still consider it child's play. The problems related to water are multidimensional -- economic, social and political. Even the immedite cause of World War II was related to water -- the issue of access to the Polish Shipping Corridor.

In our case, the problems range from economic (finding investors) and social (rehabilitting project-affected families) to political (ties withneighbouring countries, especially India). So it would be wise if our leaders understood the gravity of the issues surrounding the proper use of our water resources before blurting out new slogans time and again. Since the restoration of democracy, the pae ofdevelopmenjt hasbeenbasically sluggish. There have been too many commitments, but the number of commitments that have been met can be counted on the fingers of the hand. As farashydropower development is concerned, progress has been almost stagent. So, if we are to reach somewhere, progress must be made, even if it is slow. When development issues are in question, our motto should be"Go slow but go always". For now, we've all talked the talk. So may be, it 's now time to walk the walk.

The country is moving to the direction of writing a new constitution. The political paties are determined to make a new Nepal with their commitment for abolishing the existing discrimination on the basis caste, language, social and economic status. Basically, the process of making a new Nepal will start after the new constitution is made. The people of all sectors believe that the new constitution will end the discrimination in our society. However, the senior citizens of the country have still not been assured their rights and their preservation. There is still confusion as to what will be the provision for the rights and welfare of senior citizens in the new constitution.

It will be good once the representative organizations andi ndividuals on behalf of the senior citizens participated in the process of writing the constituion. If such a provision is managed, the the complaints and expectation of senior citizens would be addressed in a true sense. The senior citizens feel strongly that if they are also involved in the constitution writing task, the facility, preservation, and dignity expected by them would be granted appropriately.

The assurance of the senior citizen's social secutiry is the first necessity in the new constitution.The concept of our joint family running since the beginning of the society has been degrading gradually. Our family and social structure haunted by the materialistic thought is in the process of destruction. The joint family is going to be replaced with nuclear family. Due to the changing family structure, the senior citizens in the family are feeling insecure. Asthe parentsandgrnd-parentsin the family are assurmed as different members of the family, the aged people in the family are feeding themselves out of place and insecure.

On the other hand, there is nolegal providionforobliging the children who have taken the property as the co-share from the parents for the compulsory care-taking of the parents. It is a legitimate demand raised by the senior citizens that as there is a legal provision for the right of the children on the property earned by the parents, similar legal provision is needed for obliging the children to take care of their parents. Once this provision gets room in the new constitution, any one, whoever,enjoys the co-share of the paternal property is obliged to take care of the aged parents. Therefore, a constitutional provision is needed to be made for ensuring adequate care and nursing of parents or anyone else from whom they have claim over the property.

Certainly, the country has given an opportutinity to listen to the voice of the people of all the sectors, at present. The commissions and organizations havealso been installed to support all; women, children, yougths, disabied, deaf etc. Yet, there is no place for listening to the voice of the senior citizens. The voice demanding the formation of senior citizens commission has been raised from the aged people frequently.

Only when the exeprts of the constitution could express their sensitivity to this expectation of the senior citizens, it will certainly be a great achievement and proper respect for our secnior citizens. At least, a separate desk is needed immediately, under the women, children and social welfare ministry for pouring out the pains and complaints of the sernior citizens.

Doubtlessly, it will be great support for the country's development if we could regularly use their experience, knowledge, skill and education. It is urgently need to coordinate the inter-generation relationship in order to respect the senior citizens as well as to utilize their knowledge. At present, ev en in the western countries, they are talking about the meriets and advantages of the joint family. If we apply this fact morally and with more determination, senior citizen's homes would not be needed. It doesn't men that senior-citizen's homes shouldn't be installed, but it is not appropriate for the parents going to the senior-citizen's home if the children are prosperous.

The government has managed the old are allowance for the over 70 years of age people. Still, there is a discernible weakness of the system as far as the distribution of the said allowanace is concerned. The right method to provide this allowance to the right person is the necessity of the present day. No one can deny the fact that only after the formation of the right mechanism this allowance can get to the right person.

The identity card can be one of the devices, but it is not sufficieent. All the concerned should take this into consideration.

Moreover, to make it wider the allowance should be given to those who have reached the age of sixty.Simiarly, the state has the important libility for the halth-care of the senior citizens. In every hospital, a Geriatric Ward should bve installed with their charge-free health-care which guarantees self-respect andlife secutiry for the senior citizens.

The government should institutionalize it as the constitutional right of the senior citizen.

Mr. Prdhan is involved with the network of national senior citizen's organizations.

Nepalis stop whatever they are doing, even war, to fest and frolic during Dashain!

The monsoon mad ness is over. The floods and landslides have gone. Orchards smell of ripe apples and guavas. Green paddy fields have turned yellow. Autumn's right here. And Nepali's favourite Dashain's here. Soon, flowers will be in full bloom. The colourful Tihar's coming next. With Dashain knocking on Nepalis' doors, the festive rush is visible all alround: onthe crowded pavements, inside the fancy malls and cafes, on the busy streets, at the airports and in the temples of Durg as and her myriad avantars. From urban to rural areas, you can hear it; you can see it; you can smell it; you can feel it.

From the Himalayan highlands to the Gangetic lowlands of theTarai, Nepalis cuting across party and ethnic lines are preparing to take the Dashain break. Marking Dashain, probably the greatest. Nepali festival, even the busiest-looking politicians seem to be in a mood to renuite with family members. This week, everybody from NRN's (non-resident Nepalis) to people who have migratedto the capital valley from different corners of theHimalayan nation looks homebound. No matter how imporant or urgent, people generally put things off - just to celebrate Dashain.

Non-violent

Owing to the festive season, even the main opposition Maoist party has postponed its "final and decisive people's revolt". Back in the insurgency years - between 1996-2006, the Maoist party used to announce a "Dashain- Tihar" ceasefire, making movements of people less violent, life-threatening. Thanks to Dashain, the 601-member jumbo Constituent Assembly (CA) remains closed this week. But Prime minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, Foreign Minister Sujata Koirala and several other officials will have a tough time celebrating Dashain with New Yourk-based NRNs. The delegation isin NYC to participate in the UN General Assembly.

Back home, can we call the annual festival non-violent? Many people look all set to offer animal sacrifices to Goddness Mahakali, marking the triumph of truth over evil. (In the mythological times, it is said, the goddness destroyed such notorious devils as Shumva, Nishumva, Mahishasur and others.) Svouring delicacies, people look all set to receive "tika" and blessings from their seniors in the family. Many people seem ready to not just play cards but gemble as if there's no tomorrow. A lot of people look all set to drink alcoholic beverages - Nepal doesn't lag behind in their production- and make merry. Others have plans to go places, explore the country. Already, though, there are reports of road other accidents resulting from mad dashes.

A bit of peace

Whatever the plans, one thing's for sure: the Dashain-Tihar season is a rare window of opportunity for the conflict -hit and haples Nepalis to live life to the fullseet, to wallow inthe togetherness of nearand dear ones. And increasingly, it looks like this is the only season when Nepalis can experience a bit of relief, a bit of happiness of togetherness, and abit of peace. For Dashain-Tihar is the only sea son when much less bullets are dischared out of gun barrels, much less explosivesgo off, much less stones are hurle at vehicles, much less incidents of harassment or attacks on univeristy teachers are recorded, much less bandas or sudden closures of highways are reported.

And, yet, almost three years into the peae process, it lookslike ther's little reason to celebrate. A new count shows nearly 1300 people have lost their lives in various clashes even after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement on Nov 21, 2006. And a revised count shows over 16,000 Nepalis lost their lives between 1996-2006. What is surprising - or very unfortunate- is this: Despite their failure to achieve the goals they have set, to fulfil the promises they have made, the greatest sounding leaders haven't stopped issuing dire warnings of more violence, more bloodshed and much more shock.

Fresh threats

If they have their way, post Dashain-Tihar, things may turn upside down. While addressing his party's mass meeting in Chitwan this past week, theformer rebel leader and Maoist chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal "Prachanda" came down heavily on the government. And he said, "If they (ruling parties) don't leave after Tihar, we will start a decisive movement. That will bethe final people's revolt; that will stun the world... the parties that are now in power will have to go the jungle... We still have guns." The very next day, when asked by reporters, Prdhanda softened his tone and clarified that his idea of the "final people's revolt" would be the last option. And he said "Meantime, we hope that we and the major parties can talk it out and find a concensus".

He isn't alone. Former Maoist cadre turned ethnic. Tharu leader Laxman Tharu boasts he can easily create an army of 100,000 people. Down south, the out-of-power Madhesi Janadhikar Forum leader Upendra Yadav says his party would launch a "decisive Madhes movement" shortly after the Chhath festival, which falls soon after Tihar. Already, the messy transition has pushed the Tarai to the brink, with cadres of the dozens of armed groups running amok, abducting, looting and even killing people. For their part, the leader inthe ruling alliance don't sound rconciliatory either. One leader went on to say that "the violent, stone-pelting, land-gabbing "Maoist leaders could be jailed.

End violence

The leaders have the liberty to say-and possibly do whatever they like. But without concensus,reconciliation and peace, neither can the leaders get any-where from the current state of total mess nor can the people they calim to lead get anywhere. If they continue to indulge in verbal and physical wars post-Tihar, the first casualty will be the May 2010 deadline to finish writing the country's new constitution.

But let this be known this Dashain: The parties' failure tomeet the May 2010 deadline to finish the new constitution will put the legitimacy of the entire peae process under the global scanner, let alone the parties and the leaders. Blame games won't help. Every leader, every citizen must act before it's too late. It's time to make peace, not war.

As we go for Federal Nepal, there are lessons we can draw from our own history!

Those who obseve Nepali history closely will find a strong ideological shift fom the past in Prithvi Narayan Shah's thoughts. In his letter to poet Rajiv Lochan Parajuli, Shah describes the state as a "stone", a fixed entity towhich people pay allegiance. To him, the state was not divisiable amongthe children of the ruler; and people living in the state didn't pay allegiance to the ruler, but to the state. (See, his letter to the poet, dated Magh Badi 9,1802 or January19, 1746 as published in Shri 5, Prithvinarayan Shahko Upadesh edited by Navaraj Pant et al). This argument was perhaps presented to convince Parajuli, the patriarch ofone of the three influential families in Pokhara, that Kaski ws more than just Siddhi Narayn Shah, the last ruler of Kaski, but also a declartionby Shah that he would not follow the historical examples set by powerful rulers such s Mukunda Sen the First and Yakshya Malla who had divided their kingdoms among their offspring. Shah was certain inhis philosophy that he wouldn't conquer tiny kingdoms todivide them among his brothers and sons. There will be one state, and this state, the people and the ruler will pay allegiance. This was perhaps as democratic as a king could be at the time.

To understand the departure from the historic trend in P.N. Shah's view, one can look at the traditional coronation oath of the Hindu kins as given in Yajurved Samhita. A part of the oath states, "To you, (the state is given) for agriculture, for well being, for prosperity and development.." (translation by Mary McGee). None tht the oath can be interpreted as implying tht the state is the king's personal property. The kings, including some descendants of P.N. Shah, certainly seemed to have interpreted it as statement of ownership and on their whims lay the fortunes of their state. Stable monarchs always treated their kingdoms as personal property, and often pursued the extractive policy that would lead to lack of democracy and concentration of wealth in a few families' hands.

On the other hand, Prithvi Narayan Shah and his immediate successors were constrined in their actions partly becasue of their guiding philosophies and partly because of the geopolitical situation of Nepal. For example, when P.N. Shah conquered Morang, a region ruled by King Raghunath Sen and minister Buddhikarama Rai of Bijayanagar, albeit the two were not in harmony with each other, had a net trade surplus. Hamilton has written in his An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal (1819 A.D) that its exports were worth Rs. 363,000 and imports were worth RS. 71,000 and was considered a wealthy region.

The victorious Gorkhalis and initially imposed a heavy tax on the locals. It led to their fleeing to the south to East India Company territory. The Gorkhali rulers eventually sent Kaji Abhian Singh to the Tarai region to renegotiate the tax and offer better conditions to entice these people back. This really illustrates the degree of freedom Nepal's rulers had interms of exacting high taxes from their own people. Since the state's major revenue at the time came from agriculture, men were considered to be valueable reasoruces who would till the earth and pay land tax. Men also offered extremities that could be used in war. The rulers couldn't antagonize their subjects; they had to retain them and entice others into their state. Due to these reasons, a systematic promotion of settlement in the Tarai was continued until much later.

Ludwig Stiller mentions in his book The Rise of the House of Gorkha that in the Tarai, the then Gorkhali government actively encouraged developers who settled towns and brought people from nearby Indian territories. On the other hand, a British officer of Darbhanga, Caylee, in 1771 A.D lamented to the Patna council that Nepal was attracting British subjecsts. When Juddha Shamsher in 1988 Bikram Sambat and Mehandra much later encouraged people of the hills to settle in the Tarai, they were,in a way, continuing what earlier Nepali rulers had done-encouraging the settlement of people for strategic reasons. Unforunately, while regions settled by the hill people prospered inthe Tarai, the settlement also created a political crisis that Nepal is now trying to address.

It should be obvious that virbrant, mercantilist states attract people from all over the world or least from the neighbouring states; but this relationship also hs areverse causality aspecst to it, asasociety tolerant enough tends to attract creative people and becomes vibrant. This influx of people creates a diverse society with perhaps the original inhabitants still making up a majority, some of whom are bound to be poorer than the rcent arrivals. This engenders jealousy and bittrness among a fraction of the original inhabitants. History, and unfortunately recent Nepali politics, has taught usample leassons about how the politics of hatred may originate and evolve due to the influx of hardy migrants who accumulate wealth. Some of the natives tend to be irrationally attracted to the victimology developed by some native demagogues ( though often these demagogues, like ward politicians, stage these "fights" with the machine to get a slice of it).

The dynamics of Pahadi versus Madhesi relations in the Tarai, and Newar versus non-Newar relations in the Kathmandu Valley, has evolved quite unpredictably in recent years even after centuries of gradual assimilation. This also provides an illustration of the subjecst of demagoguery. Ethnic anarchism may have its origins in several causes, but its effecst is often realized because of the lack of property rights. When a state doesn't or can't guarantee property rights to the rightful owners, these anarchists get embolderned. When a state doesn't have the ability to punish criminals, criminality is emboldened. This suggest the evolutionary process of a state thus -initially, for some reason, it attracts industrious people, becomes wealthy, wealth creates inequality and friction in society triggering political crises, and those societies tht don't have the instruments to deal with such crises fall. This "reversal of fortune" can be stopped ony with the povision of leagal assurances, and strong but unobtrusive presence of central state power set up by rulers with exceptional foresight.

While we prepare to create states within Nepal, therefore, it seems there are three lessons we can draw from our own history and the history of the world in general. These three lessons can be expresed as follows. First, no state should be allowed to degenerate into a pocket of hatred and bigotry. Enough provision of central enforement of law and order,which assures no divergence from the fundamental philosophical tenets of the founders of Nepal, must be inplace. Kathmandu became a major city in the Himalaya because it welcome refugees and migrants from Tibet, Bangladesh, Kashmir, Burma and Armenia. It welcomed Musalmans in the Malla period, and French warriors just before Anglo-Nepal war. This tradition of making a cosmopolitan and tolerant city in the Himalaya should continue.

The second lesson is about Nepal's future development. The recognition that we won't prosper as an agriculturel society should goad us into being a business-friendly state. In 2013Bikrm Sambat ,99 percent of the Nepalis, in one way or the other, were estimated to be dependent on agrigulture according to an official Nepali document. (seeNepal Gzzette, 2013 ). Agriculture can't make us wealthy; ithasalways only provided sustenance. Therefore, futher land refodrm is an issue that has importance of secondary order. To be business-friendly, it is not enough for one state within the country to be business-friendly. An unstable neighbouring state can upset all the adjacent states, and viitate their business-friently environment. An oppressive state that imposes high taxes on its people or which, on account of its poor law and order condition, forces people to spend more time on protecting their own assets than encouraging them to actively seek more avenues to generate more wealth, can't prosper.

Montesquieu, writing two years after P.N. Shah's letter to poet Parajuli, put it in the following way, "Anationin slavery laboursmore topreservethan to acquire; a fre nation, more to acquire than to preserve." On the other hand, economists too are likely to concur with Nobel laureate Pablo Neruda's statement that "there is no lone success, there is no lone future",and the spillover effect of neighbouring state with oppressive, exacting kleptomaniac and anti-business rulers could probably be bad for pretty much all states. Such tendencies should be guarded against, hard though it will be to do so.

The third lessonis regrding the fundamental nature of the ruling clans in the states. No family or dynasty should be allowed to rule for a very longtime. Given the emergence of dynasties in the world's greatest democracies such as the U.S.A and India, it is clear that this is an area in which we will need to develop some home-grown ingenuity. P.N.Shah's view tht the stte is a stonecan probably be extended to the political parties too. Concentration of power in a few families within the states is also liokely to encourage fissiparous tendencies in those states. Wothout compromising the rights of these states in certain clerly delineated areas, there should be enough provisions to allow the central government to act in the common interest, should such exceptional situations arise.

The crowded streets of the Kathmandu await temporry relief when inhabitants go to their native places to celebrate the greatest Hindi festival. The greatest Hindu festival. The city dwellers are inrush to embrce their birth place. Undoubtedly, they will lose themelves in the rural life-full of natural beauty,cultural diversity and hospitlity of rural folks. the distant dales and vales will cheer the return of their friends. Even our cattle give out symbolic gestures to mark our arrival. Parens shed tears of happiness to see heir siblings afer ayear-long absence.

The trip to brithplace has psychological dimensions. For we halt our mate-rialistic race, keep aside our hectic schedules, hurry up to to immerse in naturalness. It also manifests our quest to escape from hypocritical, corrupted, artificial and spiritully bankrupt individualistic urban life. One's own identity, self respecst is infact crushed by the socio-economic forces of urban life. Our truubledmind findspeace, heart is solced and soul is elevated amidst our native surroundings. We find full-fledged expression of our identity, practice of core essnece of what we call religion. Some others derive huge inspiration to dedicate themselves to the welbeing our countrymen at the pathetic sight of extreme deprvation in villlages.

Everyone has one's own reason to go to their brithblace. I hurry to escape my tyrannical landlord and lose myself int he bosom of my lovely village. I disliehis superiority comples, egoist shallowness, money-mindedness, insistence to dig dip into petty matters. In strk contrast, the parental warmth, blesssings of elders, love and care of villagers, huge gathering at feasts- qualities far above the self-congrtulatory urban culture-give me peace of mind.

On the eve of Dashain, one quetion strikes me. What message am I taking to my village? The message of progrss or status quo? What to tell to quench the thirst of hundreds of the deprived lot? Should I tell them that the dirty politics at the centre is leading the country towards another bloody confronttion? Or that the reactionaries are devouring national trust and pauperising Nepalis? Or do I urge them not to trust political partis and use their judgements to bring lasting changes in their lives.

One thing is certian. People around the country wish for the dawn of peace, a time characterised by rapid development and bonhomie among Nepalis. So before the long-held patiene of people runs, out the concerned stakeholders should show utmost flexibility to narrow down their differences and deliver the new constitution on time. On the auspicious occasion of Dashain, let us hope and pray for a better Nepal. Let us hope that in the days to come each of us can take home the message of peace and prosperity, not the news of parliamentrians bickering over petty issue, or of our pesky landlords forcing us out of the city.

India needs to rethink itspolicy on Nepal!

India's Foreign Secretary Nirupma Rao received a luke-warm response on her two day visit to Nepal on Sept.15-16. She met the very same officials whom she met in News Delhi about a month ago. In addition she met President Ram Baran Yadavand Chief of the Army Staff Chhatraman Singh Gurung. The missing link was the Maoist leader Pranchanda who conspicuously left for Hong Kong clearly to avoid a meeting.

So was the reason behind Foreign Secretry Rao's rapid reciprocal visit to Kathmandu to re-announce the package annnounced in Delhi only about amonth ago?

Nothing has changed since the visit of Nepal's prime minister to Delhi. The stalemate and its consequenes are still firmly in place: political polarisation deepens; the peace process continues to run dangerously off course; splits in the larger parties are ever more evident; the country is in ever deeper chaos and the security situation continues to deteriorate. Most seriousely there are still two highly politicised armies in the country, not to mention the dangerous prolifertion of ever more armed groups.

Most speculate that Rao's mission was to buttress Madhv Nepal. But Indian influence has its limits and the visit is unilikely to do much more than delay the inevitable end of this ame duck government.

India's support for this government appears mostly simed at denying Nepal's maoists a share in power. This position seems linked to rising domestic Indian alaarm over Naxalits. Home Minister P Chidambaram in his address to the conference of the India's State police chiefs on Sept. 14 in New Delhi stated that the Naxalism has affected 2000 police stations in 223 districsts of 13 States of Inida. At the same meeting, National Security Advisor M.K. Narayan experssed concerns about Maoist resurgence in Nepal.

India is right to be concerned about the failure of the Nepal Maoists toend violene. But this does not necessarily add up to the shrill arguments about Maoist takeover and heavns for Indian Naxalism that find favour at the Embassy; and appear to be transmitted verbatim of South Block. India's most senior Nepal expert, SD Muni has indelicately described the ideas of insurrection as: "bullshit".

If security is the end goal of Indian policy then India has to realise- whether it likes it or not-that inclusion of Nepal's Maoists in government is central to a stable and secure Nepal. All the main parties have demonstrated that if they are not incuded they can make life impossible for the governemnt. There is no solution to the stalemate in Nepal without the Maoists, just as there is not solution without including the Nepali Congress. India's current position of maintaining the stalemate adds to insecurity: it is not in India security interests.

More broadly, India's policy on Nepal simply does not add up. India claims to support the peace process. Yet India provides public support to the Nepal Army and its supporters who vehemently oppose integrtion of the Maoist army. Integration (albeit undefine) isa central part of the peace process.

The consequences of this one sided policy are that they allow the Army and its right wing political supporters an effective destabilizing veto over the peace process. It will and is catealysing a Maoist reaction of incresed protest and the very real threat of increased violence which could spiral. It prevents resolution of the peace process and provides momentum to the armed groups in the absence of security reform. It further adds momentum to the damaging process of polarisation that empowers those who favour extreme "solutions" and conflict and the expense of consensus politics. In these circumstances increased insecutiry on India's borders is inveitable.

Similarly, India must realise that a legitimate constitutional drafting process requires Maoist participation; they are the largest political party in the constituent assembly. Why would the Maoists soften their position as long as they are denied access to power?

The Maoists on their part must recognise India's needs. It is a matter of common sense. Prachanda may act asthe rabble-rouser to maintain equidistance from China and India but the fact remains India has unmatched leverage.

Nepal is landlocked by India. Nepal can get financial support from China but it is simply not possible to bring gasoline and food supplies for 27 million Nepali people by air. To bring Nepal to a stand-still all India needs to do it to put two police constables respectively at the Mahendra Nagar side and the kakarbitta side along the Indo-Nepal border to strangle Nepal.

Maoist anger against Indian intrference cannot be addrssed by attacking Indian priests at Pashupati Nath temple. It is one matter to demand the ouster of the Indian priest, it is another matter to strip and assault them. The Maoists may deny their involvement but it is an open secret that they were behind the attacks.

Nepal's stalemate is aserious political issue with wide ranging consequences for India. The policy should be addressed by India's politicians and not left to bureaucrats. It requires the engagement of political leaders. The absence of an Indian political party with leverage on the government of India and an interest in Nepal is a handicap. the CPN (M) which had an interest in Nepal affairs has no leverage on the current IPA government. The political paties in Bihar and UP across the spectrum have n o interest on Nepal.

The Asian Centre for Human Rights believes that a first step to a more positive Indian role would be to appoint a political leader toplay a role-similar to that played previously by Sitaram Yechury of the CPI(M) -as an envoy to break the impasse in Nepal. Yechury was instrumental not only in the negotiations between the maosits and seven party alliance but also amongst the Maoists.

Such an envly should provide political support fora national unity government and provide support to the parties to sign a new agreement to clarify areas of current disagreement and develop mechanisms to address the disagreements and bring the peace process on track.

If such an agreement could indeed be reached, India's Prime Minister must visit Nepal. Policies announced by Foreign Secretary Rao will have meaning in such a situation. No Prime Minister of India has visited Nepal since then Prime Minister I.K Gujaral in 1997. The first foreign visits underaken by India's Foreign Minister Mr S.M. Krishna and Home Minister P. Chidambaram were to Bhutan in, respectively, June and August of this year. Earlier, in May 2008, India's Prime Minister Dr Mammohan Singh has also visited that country.

India claims to bea super powr. But, it must also act responsibly an transparently. It must look beyond retired foreign secretaries whole appointing envoys to Nepal. Many of the Indian political leaders share excellent rapport with the Nepalese political leaders and that should be utilised. A stable Nepal is very much in India's national interest.

The difficult constitutional issues need mor political engagement

Six of the committees of the Constitutent Assembly (CA) have submitted their concept papers. The ones that still haven't done so are having discussions and taking decisions on some of the the most sensitive aspects of the new constitution. Among these, the issue of restructuring the state is considered to be the most difficult to resolve. The Committee the Restructuring of the State and Devolution of State Power is however, attempting to tackle these most intracable of issues. So, far, a decision has been make to provide the right of self-determination in the new constitution. After intense debate on what this would mean and a study of various, concepts of self-determination, the committee reached a compromise to exclude the ritht of secessiion. In addition, the various political parties are in the process of submitting their proposals for federalism to the committee, and these will soon come under discussion.

These are heartening steps, and the committee is to be commended on tackling these issues head on. But there are limits to what the committee can do by itself, and there is much work ahead. The decision to allow self-determination, for instaance, needs further clarification. According to what has been decided, the committee's concept paper will state that the federal units and the regions can exercise autonomy and self-determination as per the constituiion and the law with regard to politics, culture, religion, education, information, communication, health, housing, employment, social welfare, economic activities, commerce and land and resource management rights. From the length of this list alone it will beclearthat the provisiion of self-determination is vague and open to multiple interpretations. Much work will be needed to specify the particular rights that the provinces will possess. These issues can only be resolved after discussions on how to distribute powers between the centre and the states in all areas - revenue collection, eduction and health.

The committee thus has much more work to do and will continue to do so inthe days ahead. But inorder for issues of state restructuring to be properly resolved, the involvement ofthe major leaders of all the political parties will be necessary. This may not have been the case for those committees that have already submitted their reports, but, with all due respecst for the work that went into the concept papers, they did not have to addrsss the crucial and difficult issues of the structure of the new state and federalism. It is thus time for the major political leaders to lend their weight towards addressing their issues and coming up with a satisfactory resolution. For a Constitutional Committee, Nilamba Archarya could take the intiative and urge all of its members - leading members of the political parties - to get engaged seriously.

The garbage dumped on Kathmandu's streets reflects the country's stinking politics

Municipal solid waste in the Kathmandu Valley has been a burdenfor the government for over a decade. Time and again, conflicts at the landfill site have arisen which ledto illegal dumping of solid waste on river-banks and cross roads creating a serious environmental and public health problem besides destroying the city's beauty and hindering cultural and religious activities. The p opulation explosion in urban areas (especially in Kathmandu) in recent years is due to the exodus of rural dwellers because of the decade-long Maoist armed conflict, on going attacks by armed outfits in theTarai and hilly regions and the lure of employment, business and other opportunities.

It is evident that urbanization in Nepal has been rapid and rampant creating problems in facility management. Solid waste management, especially finding a long-term solution for proper opertion and management of land fillsites, has been a burning issue and topic of discussion for the media, the government and non-governmental organisations. However, an appropriate solutionis yet to befound. The stinking grabage strewn all over the strees of the try's stinking politics. Pershps these piles of foul-smelling trashand the sewer-like river flowing through the heart of the city ar symbolicof the nation's politics and the inability and uselessness of the so-called political parties and their leaders.

In 2003, the Kathmandu Valley was estimated to generate about 291 tons of solid waste per day. In 2009, the figure had soared to 450 tons per day. The reasons is rapid and rampant urbanizations. The Kathmandu Valley occupies only 0.5 percent of the country's total land area, but more than 10 percent of the national populationis crammed into it. Therefore, the management of solid waste and the challenges experienced by the municipalities in the valley and the government of Nepal needs to be meticulously investigated.

A breakdwon of the composition of the solid waste produced in the Kathmandu Valley shows 69 perent organic materials and 24 percent recyclable materials (plastics, paper, metal, glass). The composition of solid waste vries with cities and countries depending on the standard of living, lifestyles, social and religious traditions, eating habits and so forth. However, due to slow industrialization in Nepal,the amount of hazardous waste generated is normally insignificant; but even this small quality is not disposed of safety. It is estimated that the daily collection of hazadous wastes in Kathmandu amounts to 2,000 kg, out of which only a small amountis disposed of safely while the rest is thrown into waste containers or dumped on open fields.

Almost all the people in the Kathmndu Valley consider that solid waste, the sewage system and motor traffic are major problems which have destroyed the city's beauty, severely affected cultural and religious activities, destroyed aquatic life in the rivers and, above all, endangered public health. The air quality of the city is far below the WHO standard. The river water has increased biochemical oxygen demand (BOD) and decreased dissolved oxygen(DO), and many people are suffering form waste and water generated communicable diseses.

Poor or no solid waste management has led to the deteriortion of ground and surface water quality as well as air and land pollution. The traadtional landfill practice producesvarious gasessuch as methane, carbondioxide, nitrogen, hydrogen sulphide, and ammonia. Methane and carbon dioxide account for 40-60 percent. Some of these landfil gases (ammonia and hydrogen sulphide) have a pungent odour and are poisonous. These hazardous gases can cause health risks to the population living near the landfill. In the city, pedestrians are subjected to terrible experiences beause of the rotting waste a that has been lying on the streets for several days.

From the environmental and health impact points of view, the operation of the landfill site at Okharpouwa is not being carried out properly as planned. The infrastructure developed for land-fills such as landfl liners, leachate control, gas control, collection and use facility, surface water drainage facility, compaction, soil cover and environmental monitoring facility are not adequate. This has posed a thret to public and animal health. It is feared that there is high risk of ground water contamination near landfill sites and spreading of waste and water generted diseases.

Alternate measures should be found inssteadof dumping waste on the banks of riversat improper landfill sites on the stdreets. Political instability and stinking politics in the country, especially after the restoration of democracy in 1990, largely contributed to the poor environmental and health managgement . In addition to poor institutiional inexperience, lack of stringent legislation and enfor cement and poor financial status of the government and the municipalities have intensified the problem. Even the littlemoney that is set aside for waste management is lot to embezzlement. Most import antly, there is little political and social will and commitment to solve the crisis.

To solve this cirsis,we have to learn from our own experience and the experrience of others . Many professionals working in this sector say that collection of a service fee, involvementof theprivate sector with closemoniutoringby the government, environmental awareness programmes and enforcement of straingent environmental legislation are some of the important factors for sustainable manamgement of solid waste. Moreover,launching incentive programmes like the "Garbaage for Egg" scje,e started in Yala Municipality. Thiland to encourage separation of solid waste into recyclable and organic portions and aerobic composting of organic waste at home.

A plan to turn waste into energy through incinertion has been discussed in Kathandu for a few years. Another suggestion is anaerobic digestion of organic wasteto produce biogas. In principle, both suggestions seem to be right. However, the cost of incineration is about six tosevern times higher than dumping at a landfill site. There are many advantagesto airobiclandfillscompared to conventionalanaerobic digestion. therefore, areobic composting of solid waste is one of the sustainable ways of solid waste management if a large portion ofsolid waste is of an organic nature.

Aerobic composting could be applied at both new and existing landfills to significantly curtail operation costs, leachate and GHG production. There is a success story of aerobic composting of municipal solid waste in Mubai. India where a plant with a capacity to process 300 tons per day was established in 1992 by a private company. The compost is sold to farmers as ferilizer. This model could be an eye- opener for sustainable management of municipal solid waste in Nepal.

Let us save the Bagmati civilisation, the oldest living civilistion in the world

What is the first priority of the Action Plan? Is it to save the Bagmati River system and left the Bagmati civilization take care of itself or vice versa? Undersiable actions cannot generate desirable results. My contention is that we hve overloaded the KathmaduValley with undersiable actions for over half a century. Therefore, start with Save the River System as the project's objective by carrying out scientific land use planning. Each successful objective should take the Bagmati Action Plan nearer o its goal.

My second concern is this: Do we have enough scientific data and appropriate hands with strong expertise to achieve the goal? If yes, where wre they for the last 20 years since 2048 B.S? That year, the polution at Pashupati Arya Ghat appalled everybody from the then prime minister Girija Prasad KIoirala to all Bagmati devotees of Nepal and the world. Where are they now?

That same year, incidentally, a small toilet on bamboo stilts appered on the banks of the Bagmati at Harihar Ghat in Kupondol. This toilet, which was operated under the auspices of the mayor of the city of Lalitpur, developed into a community hume pipe decharging faces into the Bagmati. Later, the mayor of Kathmandu expandedon this idea and technology by constructing seven five-str public toilets on the banks of the Bishnumati River. Our socio-cultural and religious norms were bypased. This toilet virus has spreadall overthe valley now. The latest occurrenceis the Jorpati Medical College Sewage Desposal which is diumping sewage into the Bagmati.

The much publicized and often debated UN Park extending from Sankhamool (Lalitput) to Teku Dobhan (Kathmandu) is another example of the eradication of the Bagmati civilization. this desease has been identified aspark pneumonia. Make a tour of the Bishnumati along both banks from Teku Dobhan to the Balaju Bridge if you are interested. This is also an infectious virus that has infected all the Bagmati river banks. Its local name is Link Road or Corridor Road. These aresome examples to justify my negative response.

My third concern is this: Will theso-called Five-Year Action Plan address our Bagmati civilization to achieve its aim? Will it travel uphill ro downhill? I appreciated the five-zone ieda. But my questions to the players and planners are (1) Where is the justification for a budget of Rs.14 billion? (2) Why didn't the committeee have the courtesty to request the civil society and the cocerned stakeholders to participate informulating the plan? They were not even invited to be minor participants during the formultion of the Action Plan.

My concluding suggestions are as follows: You plan with what we have and what we know. Classify the five project zones according to some social, geological, hydrological and other natural resource base. Create sub-zonal projects and link them all within one-network. Do not forget or underminenative land, labour and capital resoruces. If wll managed, the total effective output can be more than the total of the five zones. With the newtwork, it will bemore cost-effective. We cando more with less. When linked together, clerly started objecstives will from a strong action chain to accomplish of the Action Plan.

Let this Bagmati Action Plan be of the people, by the people and for the people to same the Bagmati system and the Bagmati civilization. They are two sides of the same coin. Iet us save the Bagmati civilization. the oldest living civilization in the world.

The assault on Indian priests has compromised the Maoists' legitimacy

Confornted by outrgefrom across the borderat wht was reported to be beating up of the new prests at Pashupati by Maoist cadres, Maoist leader Krishna Bhaadur Mohara issued a weak response. His party was committed to the preservation of religious fredom and strongly opposed to any acts that threaten religious harmony. the actions against the new priests at the Pashupatinath temple wre taken, not by Maoists cadres, but by a "People' Movement Committee" formed by the "common people". The press release was entirely in accordance with certain rhetorical methods of the Maoists (and other communist parties through out history) for whatever decision- no matter how controversial- that is taken by th eparty is justified as being according to the will of "the people". Conflating the interests of theparty with that of the people has its advantges not least among them, the comfort of being able to maintain absolute certitude in one's political opinions and to dismiss all other views as reactionary.

But what was amusing about Mahara's statementwas that it apperedtodistaaaaancethe Maoists party form the actions committed at the Pashupatinath temple. This was a departure when it comes to standard Maoist rhetoric. Moe often, communist parties are keen to take responsibility for their actions, they just justify it by invoking the "people's will". Not this time, however. It seems that the Maoist leadership was taken aback by the vehenence of the response from the Indian esablishment. They must have realized that the attack on Indian prests by their cadres was, in the broader scheme of things, unproductive as they are aware that they need the support of the Indian establishment if they are to come back to power. Reports of attacks by Nepal's Maoists on Indian religious figures canony serve to sour the moods of the Indian public and the establishement towards them.

The Maoist attack on the priests at Pashupati was fool-hardy and counterproductive to their own goals. Itnot only antagonized the Indians, most Nepalis too did not like the irrational way in which the priests were assulted by Maoistcadres. There was no previous attempt to convey to the public the rationale for their actions and to gain support for the idea that only Nepali priests should hold office at the Pashupatinath temple. This was in contrast to the Maoist leadership's recent efforts to gain the support of the civil society andoher professional groups for their protests against the current governament. The assault on the priests at Pashupati has only reminded the wider population that the Maoists still havea long way to go before becoming a party that employs peaceful means and accepts a plurality of political opinions.

The vice president's Hindi oath debate may be over, but another conflict may not be

Nepal's Vice President (VP), Paramanda Jha's decision to take his oath of office in Hindi was greeted with near apoplexy by the political establishment in Kathmandu.The Supreme Court (SC) of Nepal instructed the VP to retake the oath in Nepali by 4 p.m. on Aug. 30 2009. VP Jha has refused to take fresh oath. Nepal is ina major political and constutional crisis.

The undertone of the debate in Kathmandu seems clearly premised on a fixed idea of what is, and what is not Nepali. This sits on the exclusionary idea that Hindi is an Indian langauage and all that infers about many people of theTarai.

Many see Kathmandu's anger over Hindi as smacking of the restrictive view of Nepali identity defined by the prior regime. This fixed view of the Nepali identity was the back bone of the regime and was used to suppress rther than include. And, for the Madhesis and other Janajati groups, this should have ended with the old regime.

Despite the vehemene of those that insist on the VP retaking the oath, the debate on language in the 'new' Nepal has not yet been decided-the constituent assembly in stuck-but if one thing is certain, it is that the likehood of Hindi now becoming a recoganised national language has increased dramatically.

Opponents of the VP have portrayed the case as a legal issue. It is not. It should be clearly understood as political. The SC has a shaky is reputation for independence. Certainly the unseemly haste of the SC in this case versus itsrefusalto comment onthe age of the forer Chief of the Army staff (CoAS). Rukmangud Katuwal, suggests that there isa good cse to answer. The government is in any case more than selecstive about obeying decisionsof the Court. For example the directions of the Supreme Court with regard to disappearances have not been complied with.

Tension is mounting anda two-day general strike(banda) insupport of the VP hs brought the Tarai regionto a standstill. With the Madhesi parties beingcritical to the coalition government, the end of the Mahav Nepal led coalition government is looking ever more likely. India is literally on the spot. It is caught between the sentiments of Madhesis and the survival of the Madhav Nepal led government which has been propped up against the Maoists but whose survival depends on the support of the Madhesi political parties.

Risking another conflict?
 
The asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) in its latest report, "Madhes: The challenges and opportunities for a stable Nepal" of Sep1,2008, argues that the VP debate should beseen in the context of analredy shaky peace. The report examines thespecificissues of the Taarai which- unless addressed within the political framework peacefully- will contribute to instability. It has the poential to drive Nepal into another conflict.

The Tarai is already in chos. Armed militiant groups proliferate week by weel. Nob violence is growing. Kathmandu has vacillated over talking with the armed opposition groups. Most worryingly the government is placing an ever greater emphasis on a knee-jerk secutiry-centric response. The aim of the intervention is to restore law and order. The architect of the plan is the Home Minister, Bhim Bahadur Rawal, who openy admits that his own cadres are involved in regular illegal violence and criminality. It is uncear how the Minister can act in favour of the rule of law for one group but ignore it for another.

The pattern of operations by the security forces in Nepal is well documented. The Kilo Sierra opeations under G.P. Koirala are a good example. The Army operations tht emerged under Sher Bahadur Deuba in the run up to to the Royal takeover ae another. In both, the security forces responded with systematic violations of huan rights against the civi lian population. The state allowed these acs to go unpunished. This fuelled further grieveances that, in the absence of legal peceful options, converted into suppaort for extremist politics and armed opposition groups.

It is difficult to see how another clumsy armed intervention by a violent and ill-disciplined security forces in the Tarai will result in any different result. But the risk this timeis higher. The security forces are dominated by one ethnic/geographic group. Force will be a gift to the armed opposition groups. They will inevitably exploit existing popular grievance amongst the people of the Tarai and portray the state's response as a repressive colonial invasionby the hill people. Effectively, the government is proposing a secutiry centric response that will result in more insecurity.

ACHR's concern over the operation is not theory. As noted in the report , within weeks of the launch of these "new" operations at least three serious allegations of extra- judicial executions have occurred. The Nepal police have -entirely consisstent with past form - claimed these extrajudicial executions to be' "encounter killings". ACHR is particularly concerned that there hve been many similar reports. It is time for the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to act.

India's role Bring state governments into line

India has enormous leverage. Delhi's interest, role and leverage in Madhesi politics are often misunderstood. With regard to the Tarai, Delhi's policy approach through the period has been moderate.

India repeatedly insists that it is not backing extremist outfits, whose spill-over effect would inevitably be felt in India. Howerver, there are multiple armed groups operating from Bihar and Utta rPradesh. Support to these groups is understood to becoming largely from the local politicians in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, not necessarily the Indian state. Delhi complicates the situation by sending multiple and conflicting messages to different actors. India's senior policy-makers appear to understandtht encouraging identity chauvinism will invite instability, but lower level officials and non state actors may have a vested interesting foementing a new conflict in Nepal.

A shaky peace:

ACHR's recent Briefing Papers on Nepal have repeatedly underlined the wider fragility of the national political situation. The constitution making process - supposed to redrw the Nepali social contractand create an institutional frame work of inclusive democracy - is in limbo, with missed time-lines and growing iner-party differences. The peace process is floundering and incomplete, with two standing armies, the Nepal Army and the Maoists' Peoples Libertion Army. The political wisdom of pushing the Hindi issue should be examined against this background. it is clear that there is a need for concerted action by all supporters of Nepal's shaky peace process.

Nepal can lend its skills to solve problems around the world, provided they pay well

"Ask not for help, ask how to help" should be the mantra of new Nepal. Nepal has demonstrated miracles in people's power, dessecrtion of the powerful instituiion of the monarchy, establishnent of a republic and a communist-participated democracy. It can perform more miracles by asking the world how it can help them instead of asking for help all over the last 60 years.
 

Let us take the hard facts into account and see how we can do that. India, for instance, is increasingly suffering from Moist violence as was evident from village seizures in West Bengl, apart from terroirst activities stemming from the Kashmir dispute. The violent assaults by the Maoists in India show no sign of abating, Nepal's Maoists, who were one in a similar aggressive posture, have since abandoned their arms, joined the peaceful political process and even come to power.That is something inspiring for the Indian Maoists who could be persuaded to follow the Nepali path of reconciliation. Nepal should, therefore, formally ask Inia how we can help resolve its Maoist problem. Our Maoist leaders have, after all, some links and, understandably some clout with their Indian counterparts. Moreover, they have now some valuable experiences in grappling with the new situation. If India could help us in resolving our political disputes like bringing the armed rebels to the roadof peace. India should welcome our desire and initiative to end its seemingly internationable violence.

Similarly, look to the north. The biggest problem Chinis facingis Tibet. Nepal can offer its help in a humble way insettling the problem ona permanent basis. Remember the days when Nepal fought for admission of the People's Rebublicof China into the united Nations when Taiwan was occupying its legitimate place under U.S veto power? Nepal might not have been solely responsible in undoing the wrong that peristed untill the thaw between Sino-US, relations, but China still recognizes Nepal's goodwill and efforsts in this respect. Would it notbeagrat contribution toChina if Nepal could ngotitatethereturn of the Dalai Lama to Tibet as as a spiritual leder? Neither China nor the Dala iLama is talking about political independence for Tibet. Both agree in principle ongranting spiritual feedom to Tibetans, Both agree on the autonomy of Tibet. What keeps them apart is mutual distrust. China won't be ready to accept mediation from any big country, but it would not object to such efforts from a friendly country like Nepal. At least, Nepal should express its willingness and offer help in this regard.

Similarly, Nepl can ask the United States how it can help pull out formIraq and Afghanistan. Does it sound too big to talk like that? We should take cognizance of thousands of Nepalese involved in logistic assistance to the American troops in Iraq. The Nepal government has, in fact, imposed a ban obn serving in Iraq; but ll in vain. It is evident from the hiring of Nepali citizens by American security agencies for services in Iraq. The U.S., under the leadership of President Obama, is ina hurry to get out of that country without, however, leaving the country in the lurch. the Nepal Army had prepared to send a contingent to that troubled country a few years ago, but did not do so due to the inernal insurgent war. There are many ways Nepal can help theU.S in Iraq and Afghanistan by supplying combatnts or otherwise. There is no harm is offering help to the U. S. in areas where Nepal has the capability to do so. To accept or not to accept is their problem. We can, at least, earn goodwill out of such an offer.

Let us now think of Japan, a country with a popuation of aging people larger than its workforce. They are very well aware of this fact and are planning to import manpower to take care of them in the coming years. Nepal can, inthis context, ask howwe can help them. the Japanese should be more than pleased to hire suitble caring hands from Nepal given the mutual goodwill subsisting btween the two people. It is just a question of Nepal devoting some time and resource to training a suitable workforce. There are many avenues in Japanese society whichstand in nedof foreign assistance. Sould we not explore them and offer our help whatever we can instead of begging all the time?

There is no end to the list of counties in the world, which need help form outside. Nepal should turnits head around from asking help to offering help. Should we remind ourselves that our nation, in the past, stood on its feet in good times as well as bad? It survived for centuries this own hard work.It might be poor, but it was not begging. Nepalis toiled on the farms, carried heavy loads on their backs over the mountains, served as soldiers, domestic servants and nigh vigilantes on foreign soil; but they did it with a sense of dignity and honour. They held up the dignity of labour and dmonstrated their honesty and loyalty. In fact, Nepalis gave help to other countries in maintaining peace and security, operating factories and farms and performing household chores.

Our leaders and intellectuals keep on frowning and grievingover the exodus of our people for work in India, the Middle East and East Asia. there is nothing wrong in all these practices, as in the foregonedays, except that they are paid less than they deserve. Justice is being sought, for instance, in the British courts for the Gurkha solders who consider themselves being exploited under British law. The biggest less on we have tolearn from our experience is that Nepalis are self-dependent, hard working adaptable, proficientin foreign language sand outgoing. Banking on these qualities, we should launcha coampaign to help the world. When we help the world we don't need to seek help. It will be forthcoming effortlessly. We don't need to ask for help any more, we need to ask only to get well paid.

If a married woman does not fast during Teej, she may be blamed for any bad event

As I was quitely listening to a communique of a group of woman at one of the recent Teej parties, a close friend of mine came to me with tears in her eye. Her worry was that every year during Teej shewas forced to fast by her in-laws. Sobbing , she said, "This time I cannot do it as I am pregnant and anaemic."

The other day, I empathetically listened to the story of my helper. "I am six months pregnant, but I cannnot escape fasting during Teej as amy mother-in-law and sister-in-law are forcing me totdo it.They think tht if I do not fast, I may not give birth to a boy. My husbandis also insisting on it as he believes that his bad times will be over after the Teej fasting.

These incidents made me think about the significance of Teej, which is supposedly regarded as the biggest festival of Nepali Hindu women. According to Hindu mythology, the legendry ritual of Teej basically started with a beautiful anedote relatd to Goddess Parbati who prayed, worishiped and observed rigid fasting with the desire to have Lord Shiva as her husband. Lord Shiv, delighted by Parbati's devotion, accepted her as his wife in full gratitude. Later, adelighted Parbati preached and desseminated the message of her exemplary achievement through fasting. Inspired by this legned, married Hindu women observe fasting and perform rituals mainly for the longevity of their husbands and a better maritallife, while unmarried girls do so to obtain the most suitable life partner.

Teej, also known s Haritalika, is celebrated for three days. Dar khane din(theday of feasting) is the starting day of the festival. Woen on this day get together for enjoying special foods locally known as dar. dar basically includes food items rich in proteins and vitamins and is eaten druing the prededing day and nignt so that they can endudre severe fasting for the next 24 hours.

Fasting is obsreved on the second day of the festival. The fastingis so rigid that women do not even take a morsel of food or single drop of wter for 24 horus. This is followded by the evening worship at home when an oil lamp is lit which is kept burning all night to avoid evil omens. Women and girls wear red attire, adorn themselves with cosmetics and jewellery, and gaher at the Pashupatinath Temple on the fasting day to offer prayers and worship to Lord Shiva. Special arrangements are made at the temple premises to aid the devotees.

The third day of the Teej festival is known as Rishi Panchami. Onthis concluding day ofTeej, women and girls pay homage to various deities and take a bath in the river afterrubbingsacrd rd mudontheir bodies, brush their teeth with thewings of the neem plant (known as datiwan) in the belief of being cleansed of any sins committed during the past year. After this purification, the final ritual of Teej, theconcluding worship under the guidance of a priest, is performed.

Despite the facttht recent yers have witnessed adaptations in the rituals, especially concerning the strictness of fasting, the true essence of Teej remains. No matter howdistressing the fasting may be, Nepali women have fiith in the aussterities of Teej. A majority of women often take Teej as an obligatory festival of fastingtotest the purity of the marital relationship, loyalty and devotion towards their spouses.

Due to some reason, if a married woman cannot observe fasting,her family embers blame her for any occurence of undesiariable incidents in her family. Women also do not deny the facy that nothing bad is going to happen to their families if fasting is observed. This tendency shows how women are being forced unnecessarily to disempower themselves by believing in such mythis. There is an increasing trend of unilizingTeej as an awareness-raising event wherein organizations use the festival to campaign for their project activities and organize singingand dancing competitions in association with local women's groups. This seems to be guided by the notion that campaigns organized during such eventscan help break social taboos and advocte changes in societal behaviour.

Songs sung during Teej are most often focused around gender inequality issues nd the destitution of women and girls. These days, criticism of domestic violence, social prejudices, politics and politicians have also been noted as the main themes of Teej, songs. As I hear these songs year after year during Teej, I wonder to what extent these songs have been useful ineasing women's burdensand/or altering the gender power relations. There are appropriate forms to raise these isseus. But, wh y during Teej? Why not celebrete Teej simply as a festival?

Criticism hs also been growing that Teej is becoming yet another ostentatious even among elite women and apparently a brudern forlow-to middle-income families. The critics argue that it is becoming more like an event to show case your possessions by wering exclusiv e saris and jewellery and throwing lavish parties besides even promoting vulgarity. As the social dynamics of Teej offer a distinctive space for women to take joy in family reunions, relationships, love, devotion, sacred fasting rituals, foods they like andbody mind and soul purification, it is hightime for the ladies to consider celebrating Teej in a manner upholding its true spirit.

Considering the antics of Nepali political parties, the constitution of Nepal may never get written!!

One year and a quarter have already been wasted without defining a single article of the purported new constitution. Now it looks almost certain that no political party wants a new constitution. The people are the only exception, witha few naive scribes like me who want a new constitution made for a democratic republic of Nepal. I have also read some sincere and naive articles by a few other scribes who are really in the optimist bracket. Among the leaders, only the Speaker-cum-Chairman of the Constituent Assembly (CA) stillretains a naive hope that the constitution may, in fact, be completed on time. Here are very transparent facts that prove that the process of writing the constitution is over, party by party.

First comes the Nepali Congress (NC). NC leader Girja held the post of prime minister illegally even after his party was relegated to are remote second position after the Maoists. He was the pivotal casue behind the was stage of four valuable months. There were two basic mandates before the CA- making a new constituton and setting the peace process by resolving the issue of Maoist rebels living in camps. In the first four months of wrangling with the Maoists, Girija did not touch either of the mandates. The NC eventually left government after tremendous pressurefrom within and without the country; and Prachanda, the leader of the largest party, was able to assume the post of prime minister. Almost immediately, the NC started a smear campaign and Girija began forecasting that the Maoist-led government would fail by itself like a ripe mango. The NC did not create positivepresure to start the process of writing the constitution but instead created hurdles y saying that there rebel fighters could not be integrated into the secutiry forces.

Now the NC is party of the grand coalition of 22 parties whose total strength is much less than the required two-thirds of the CA. The NC did not claim leadership of the government because that would have put them in the line of fire of Maoist ire. They want to continue in this position because the new prime minister was amenable to making Girija Putri Sujata foreign minister. The NC knows that without the support of the Maoists, there can be no constitution. The NC had compromised with king Mahendra afer the revolution of 1950 and abandoned the call for a CA election. Against this historical backdrop, it is not surprising that the NC is in nohurry to complete the constitution.

Let us consider the caseof the CPN-UML. Ever since the nine-month rollercoaster ride unde Prime Minister Manmohan Adhikari, the UML-has compromised as the second power and has hesitated to come out as a revolutionary party. It has darkened its image by taking sides with the conservtive Rastriya Prajatantra Party and even the king on several occasions as an auxiliary party. In the present juxtaposition as the head of the coalition, can UML improve its image as a revolutionary party? It does not seem likely as the moment.

In the first place, it has to please a gaggle of 22 parties which have diverse orientations. It cannot override the NC whose support has put it on the throne. Similarly, it cannot stand without the support of the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (Loktantrik) whose democratic credentials are dubious. The other parties in the coalition are too small to affect the power balance. The UML has to keep all the parties happy in order to just sustain the coalition. If the UML has to keep all the parties happy in order to just sustin the coalition. If the UML's entire strength is expended in pleasing its coalition partners, it cannot attend to the larger task of writing the constituion. That is why it could not push the election for the postion of the chief of the Constitution Drafting Committee for such along time. How can the constitution be drafted in time if the election of the committee chairman takes more than two months?

Now let us review the case of the UCPN (Maoist). The government headed by Maoists leader Prchanda had the most desirable combination of five or six parties who toether consituted more that two-thirds of the CA members. They could have carried through a new constitution in any shape they liked and managedto manipulate the shape of the constitution. But they were not serious in making the constituiion and divided their time and emergy on matters that were not national priority. And they engaged inchiefof army staff. If the Maoists had handled the issue tactfully, the coalition would have supported it.

The Maoist-led government could also have settled the peace process because ther is no better combination of forces in the CA. But they dillydalied by putting forth flimsy alibis like the peace process should come only after the constituionis made and so on. Now the Maoists are campaigningfor supremacy of civilian authority. For this purpose, they are obstructing the legislature and putting up a nationawide stage show. In hindsight, it appears that the Maoists deliberatly delayed the two funtions in order to buy time for more confusion.

The present coalition could have pre-empted the Maoist movement by agreeing to discuss the validity of the president's reinstatement of the army chief after he was fired by the Maoist-led government. The Maoists are now campaiginig for a national government under their leadership which is no going to materalize. But this move is clearly sensitizing the coalition leaders towrds their fragility. The Maoists may succeed in fefeating the government by dubious means, but they cannot gain the two-thirds majority again. So the chance of the constitution being passed by a two-thirds majority is remote.

It is a sad conclusion, but our posterity may get to read in history that theunwiseleadersof the three major parties and their miscalculations buried a golden opportunityto havea Loktantrik constituion and the nation plunged into a cycle of autocratic rule!

When I first heard about the hit-and-run that killed six people at Ratnapark last Wednesday, I was left wondering what kind of a sick person would do such a deed. But when it later emerged that it was not a deliberate incident but an accident, I began to think about the driver.

Now we lern that Biplav Man Singh was not new to crimes. He had apparently been arrested in the past for possessing drugs and sharp weapons and for his involvement in gang flights. These developments have made me think even harder: How many other Biplavs are out there, in our failies, in our society? Just think! He may be your brother, a cousin, your neighbouror just an acquaintnce.

How many boys in your neighbourhood do drugs, possess some kind of weapon orare eregularly involved ingang flights? Most likely, you know some one who is guilty of one orall three offences.

Especially in urban areas, boys are under huge peer pressure to be involved in these acts. Drugs-because your friends consider it cool; gang fights -becaue you have got to stand up for your self; and weapons-because onceyou are involved in the above two; you've got to have protection. Boys give into these temptations because they want to be cool. They cannot lettheir friends make fun of them. Others do it simply to fit in. Similarly, drinking and somoking are also part of the growing up package. Either they do it or else they suffer.

We all know wht happens to a boy who won't do these things: hegets anick-name of namarda (sissy) . He is not admitted into the happending group, not respected by peers and treted like losers. Grownups often should at youngsters: "Aren't you man enoughto standup for yourself? Can't you even say no to your own friends?

But let's face the truth. No they are not man enough. Or more truthfully, we have not taught them to be. Have we ever sat down with our growing kids and talked man-to-man about the problems they are going through? have we ever advised them and encouraged them? It is precisely because we cannot communicte with grwing children that they seek our friends. And for boys, friends often come with the above mentioned baggage.

It is hardly news if a young mancame home reeling drunk, is into drugs, gets into gang fights or was sent to prison one ortwo times.

In Biplav's case, his drinking proved to be fatal in ways he could never have imnagined. It could have been any one on that fateful night, any of the numerous Biplavs that have been emerging in our society day by day.

The decision to sign the boundary maps with India only after broad consensus ispositive

Foreign Minister Sujata Koirala's decision not to sign the boudary maps with India without broad consultationsis a positive one. It bodes well for the peace process and is an example of how foreign policy should be conducted, not least during the transition.

Thre is a perception among Nepali stake holders that the boundary maps in question have been prepared by India without proper consultations on this side of the boder. In a way, New Delhi can't be faulted on insisting on an early signing of the maps which is aimed at permanently resolving border disputes with Nepal-a-major irritant, which routinely threatens to mar what is admittedly extemely complex, but equally important, bilateral relations. The maps purportedly cover around 98 percent of the open border between the two countries, excluding the controversial Susta and Kalapani areas. And, by this argument, it is only logical that Nepali's foreign minister- the only person other than the prime minister authorized tosign bilateral deals on territorial issues-would want to bury the hatchet once and for all.

But hold on. This isn't an everyday issue. We are here dealing with territorial integrity and a population which feels (rightly or wrongly) that it has been given a raw deal by a large and powerful neighbour more than once since the 1950s. If Koirala, orany government for that matter, would signthese bordermaps without broader consensus, it surely would only play on the Nepalis' deep-seated paranoia: that New Delhi continues to extract concessions during peroods of political instability,and that aninept Nepali leadership is fixated with short-term gains. In the long term, this obviously will be in the interest of neither.

In the short term, the Maoists, who have been chafing due to Defence Minister Bidya Bhandari's decision to request India for military aid, would have been further irked. The decision to engage them, and the broader political leadership, on finalizing the mapx will hopefully rebuild mutual trust among political actors. This hopefully will lead to negotations another isseus, and revive the stalled peace process.

This is no time to harp on unilateral politics. If the foreign minister had decided to ignore the need for broarder consensus, it would have quickly hardened the political ground. The Maoists and those on the left of the political spectrum(including a large section of CPN-UML) would declare that the government is be holden to Inida. By deciding to consult with all political forces, Sujata has demonstrated that seeking consenus at homes more impportant to her government than trying to ingratiate itself with India .

It is a basic princicple of foreign policy that domestic consensus isa requirement if any initiative on the extrnal front is to have a lasting impact. Succssive Nepali governments have not taken this principle to heart due mainly to expendiency. As a result , foreign policy needs have been subordinated to short-term gains to leverage Delhi's support against political rivals. This tendency, together with Kathmandu's perceived weakness in negotiating with Delhi, continues to hurt the country's interests. If the country's top diplomat does indeed manage, as she has promised, to seek consensus before signing the boundary maps, this will set a healthy precedent: It's never easy to hammer out a consensual deal in a fragmented political landscape, but such a deal will certainly serve a longterm foreign policy objective.

Party loyalty is supreme in Civil service promotions

We are told that one of sure signs that democracy is really working isthatthe government takes pains to ensure that the right person is put in the right job on the basis of qualifications, ability and aptitude. Merit rather than nepotism and favouritism is the real test for democratically inclined leaders. One could not, therefore, but be appalled at the way a herd of secretaries to the government were appointed. Waht should have been routine matter based on merit and service tenure was hightly politicised, and those with partisan learnings appeared to have been favured. And now we have not one but two chief secretaries, just as in the "old" Nepal when there was a chief secretary to the government and a principal secretary to the king.

A number of high-level meetings including those of the cabinet failed to resolve the issue of filling up the 20 plus vacant secretarial positions; and finally when the going got rougher, the cabinet left the matter to the administrative committee, andtwotop secretaries and 20 other secretaries won promotion and placing in different ministries which are yet to be announced. Media reports said that the cabinet failed to decide the secretarial promotions because each of the major parties in government wanted its "own person" in the particular post.

Political parties in Nepal. one hopes, know the consequences of what they are doing by resorting to placingtheir "own" men and women in highly responsible positions. Secretaries to the governmentaer the highest echelon in the civil service, and all employees aspire to these positions that carry so much power and prestige. Secretaries like all other government and semi-government agency employees are paid by the people to carry out duties designed to help the common people lead a reasonably good life in an atmosphere of peace and security. The government employees are the servants of the people and not of the political parties. They are expected to be fair in their dealings with the people and are not expected to favour some people who have affiliations with one party or the other.

There have been cases in the past when government employees were responsiblein over-valuing property (when it comes to the government providing compensation) and undervaluing it (when it comes toevaluating it for taxpurposes). Political parties today and in the post-1990 period and ministers in the Panchayat era were responsible for setting this very harmful trend of appointing people to top positions base on personal or party loyalties. according to media reports, among the 66 joint secretaries recommended as qualified for promotion to the secretary level, only 22 were promoted. And the report further said that the person who topped the merit list was passed over and those who came second and third were made chief and principal secretaries.

Political parties that seem to be mainpulating the government officials, one hopes, know what they are doing and wht the long-term consequences will be for the country.This kind of partisan promotion will mean forcing government officials to wait at the door of political leaders and try to please them at all costs even if it means bending laws and rules. This is something that bodes ill for the country as it will mean the country going back to the "chakadi raj" of the old Rana days wehen government officials unabashedly went to their Rana superiors for their daily "chakadi". Merit in those days did not count. What counted was how well one could carry out the wishes of the Rana superiros. Panchayat too had good laws (German Chancellor Helmut Kohl said as much during his visit to Nepal in 1987). But the Panchayat ministers had a knack of using the government officials to twist the laws in the way they wanted and government officials went out of their way to meet the ministers' wishes. Things were no different after the restortion of democracy in 1990, and unfortunately continue even to this day. This is a form of corruption, and with thepo litical parties openly favouring one employee over another simply because of their political beliefs, the people are the ones to suffer.

The member-secretry of the National Sports Council resigned the other day because a minister not belonging to the party he is affiliated with was appointed Sports minister. This has aso been the case with other government agencies and corporations. The NCS member-secretary is an active political worker of the UML, and he continued even during the Maoist-led government becaue the concerned minister then belonged to the UML. One may or may not agree that the NCS member-secretary was the right choice for the job, but the fact is that he did not have time to perform and leave any remarakble imprint behind.

Political fluidity means that the government can fall any time, which means thre is no permnence in government appointed positionssuch as heads of the sports council, government-run corporations and other government agencies. The lack of permanency in such bodies means that these instituions are on the path of slow death, especially when there is competition from the private sector. The government mediais a case in point. In the U.S. Alan Greenspan served as he Federal Reserve chieffor 18 years under foru U.S presidents, and he was not removed by one or the other president whocame topower. In Nepal, the central bank governor was changed not once but two times; and each time, the apex court upheld the tenure of the sacked chief.

There is a need for political appointments in certain, and only certain, areas; and such areas should be decided by the parties and strictly adhered to. In allother cases, merritocrcyin democracy should rule supreme and not be at the whim of one or the other political party that happens to be elected to power and then plays havoc in the name of the people.

India always brings up sensitive issues when Nepal is passing through hard times

The timing of the visit to Nepal of an official Indian delegation seekingto build a high dam in this country in order to prevent flooding in India and - obviously as an afterthought- also in Nepal, can only because the very concept of high damsis no longer in vogue and is far from a hot selling item anywhere. Its implications to the fragile Himalayan ecology has to be really, and not superficially, studied indepth beore coming to any initial-and , mind you, far from the final-conclusion. All know that it is notalways possibe to opt for perfect ecologically sound structuresand projects when the benefits to the nation from less sound projects far outweigh the disadvantages. The decision, to build high dams or not in Nepal will have to wait for quite some time as all implications have to be throughly studied, and the people assured that such projects are imm ensely beneficial to them not merely for the immediate future, but also from thepoint of view of the long-term perspective.

We have had a lot of power projects on the ards, and none can forget the World Bank's betrayal when it pulled out of the Arun III project at the last moment, thanks mainly to national and international non-governmental organisations that sought to "save the fragile pristine ecology of the area". And yetthe v ery projecst has been awarded by, at best, an interim government, to an Indian state owned firm for exploittion. The run-of -the-river project is projected to produce a fairly high amount of power all round the year. The orihect us if iver 400 megawatts. One wonders why this projecst was awarded for exploitation if the project was ecologically unfit in the first place. Could the India factor and the then Prime Minister KJoirala's known Inida tilt be the reason? But then prime ministers from Koirala to Pushpa Kamal Dahal to Madhav Kumar Nepal are all known for their India tilt despite their attempts to shout from house tops that they are the most sincere nationaliists. This was exactly what the then Prime Minister Mohan Shumsher must hae said in 1950 when he inked the Nepal-India Treaty of Peace and Friendship, a treaty most Nepalese political parties today describe as being "unequal".

Some countries are adept at taking advantage of ohers when the going is rough and there seems to be no alternative but to do the bidding of the dominant power. Prime Minister Mohan Shumsher was in a tight corner when the Nepal-India trety was signed. King Birendr in 1975 proposed Nepal as a Zone of Peace nd India immediately saw it as being directed against it. India never supported the proposal which by the time panchayat came to an end in 1990, over 112 countries had supported. The late King Birendra andPrime Minister Marich Man Singh Shrestha were in a desperate situation following the virtual Indian blockade of Nepal in the late 1980s and were being pressured by India and the then Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi to accede to the Indian demand and sign a new pact that India had put forward. It is to their credit tht they did not do so. Insead, King Birendra chose to hand over power to thepeople following the popular agitation.

Political instability in Nepal has given ample opportunities for those used to fishing in troubled waters. In April 1995, the thenPrime Minister Manmohan Adhikari went to New Delhi and seriously sought a meaningful review of the 1950 treaty. TheIndian response has been to seemingly agree to the Nepalese demands and set up committeees to "review " the treaty, but it was clear that the instability in the country world soon put the review in the closet. The minority government led by Adhikari fell to be replaced by the Deuba-led coalition that went on to sign the Mahakali Treaty in 1996, said then by the then water resources minister to be to "correct" the lapses in the Tankpur Treaty signed by the Nepali Congress government led G .P.Koirla in 1991. The main gist of the argument is that India has taken advantage of Nepal when the going for this country has been toughand when the political situation ws unstable. (The Deuba government feel in 1997 to be replaced by Lokendra Bahadur Chand who also gave way after seven months in officeto Surya Bahadur Thapa who again after six months passed on the mantle to G.P. Koirala).

The visit of Indian officials to Nepal on building high dams to prevent flooding in India has come at a time when the political condition is most fluid and when the present interim government-- or an interim government at any time-- has no moral or ethical right to take any decisions that bind this country to commitments that will have adverse impacts on the country in the long run. The debate over the pros and cons of high dams are continuing, and every Nepali has every right to know the full implictions of building high dams in Nepal before a freely (and truly freely) elected government takes a decision. High dams are known to prevent flooding, but also gradually reducing the fertility of the soil finally leading to possible barrenness.

India is said to be Nepal well-wisher, and because of this description, it is difficult to understand why India would want interim or unstable governments be accede to its proposals, whether they be high dams or signing of border mps or building a Nepal-India pipeline (and not a pipeline linking Nepal with Bangladesh through a very nrrow stretch of Indian territory to break free ofone single source of fuel supplies). Building high dams after through studies of all aspecsts and implications are fine, but we need to be aware that rushing into high dams blindly can only lead to higher damns. It is difficult to understand why a democratic country like India brings up sensitive issues only when this country is passing through difficult times.

Most politicians and the foreign diplomats may not want a military intervention, but by courting the Generals, they are aiding the crazy idea and the individuals behind it

Kathmandu is awash with rumours and speculation about an imminent military coup with a civilian face. Some believe that ti may happen well before September 10, the day Army Chief Rukmanaged Katwal retires. But he is required to takea mandatory leave a month prior ot his retirement. Now several things have happened since the beginning of April this year tht provides some credence to the theory that Nepal's Army chief is seriously testing the water for a military takeover.The ruse it appears is to prempt a Maoist takeover.

When the Maoists led government sought a clarification from the General inApril, there was a story in the press, of a dramatic exchange between the Principal Staff Officer (PSOs) that gave an account of a 'soft' coup that was planned by competing factions, but was averted by the leadership of General Katawal. The story was reported inThe Kathmandu Post and Kantipur daily on April 24. The reasonI thnk it was planted and that the exchange might have never taken place is based ontwofacts. First, General kul Bahadur Khadkasays that the narrative about him in press stroy was ingenious but untrue. Second, General Katawal appear to be the calm, composed and rtional militry lederin the narrtive, thus the hero in the story.

So it appers some within the military intelligence planted the story to achieve two things: one, to prove that Khadka was the bad guy and that the Maoists have tried to split and weaken the Army, the last line of defence against the Maoists takeover, by infiltrating it and pushing for wholesale inegration. Second, it was a way to test the water: for the reaction of parties, international community and the public.

Since that incident, the Maoist led government was forced to resign, and its not a secret that the Army had a say in the formation of the new government. The leadership of the Army that accepted civilian control following the demise of monarchy has suddenly tasted some serious political clout in the new republic, and perhaps now feels invincible to rush headlong into a conflict with any political or military force within the country. In recent weeks, General Katwal has actively met political and diplomatic actors often with an unnecessary military entourage to sell his version of Nepal's impending apocalypse at the hands of the Maoists.

Doesn't this rhetoric sound similar to that before February 1,2005? Then, the United Sates tacitly backed the King in the belief that the monarchy and the Army were the only running hourse and the last line of defense against a complete Moists takeover. They condoned the squeezing of the democratic space, which expedited the end of the monarchy and the propelling of the Maoists to state power, albeit through democratic means. The paranoa about Maoist takeover then was exaggerted,and equally so today. Anyone who is listening to these individuals who were instrumental in the downfall of the monarchy, is not in the right frameof mind. At best, it will only provide a ruse for the dismantling of the Nepal Army, should such a misadventure fail. Foolhardliness of few individuals will sink the entire Army.

Any militrization of politics, 'soft or hard', willonly take us decades behind, and would protract the involvement and commitment of the international community here. It will actually play into the Maiost strategy. Inthe short term, it may provide a semblance of victory for the detracstors of the Maoists, but in the end, will only act as a catalyst fo rconsolidation of Maoists power.

Right-leaaning policicians may be right to think of ways to stop the march of the Maoists, but military solutons should not be among them. As for Indians, it will have a bigger internal security implication, not necessarily from the Nepali Maoists hs from their own. It will send the wrong message to the insurgents operating within the length and breadth of the country and would throw the chances of peaceful solution there out of the window.

The Maoists are a formidable force, butany militaristic thinking of the situation will only serve the interest of some individuals with deeply vested interests and the weapons cartel that stand to lose from the peace process. I hope both the politicians and the international community, especially, the Indians the Americans, the Chinese and the Europeans wilLL draw a line and say enough is enough to those behind the coup chatter. By courting the Generals too much, the minister in the government, the president's office, and the diplomats are only giving the few adventurists in the military atoehold in the political turf. Before they realize, jarsaabs will have their whole foot and body inside the forbidden door of politics. It is one thing for the international commnunity maintain aline of communication with the military, and completely another to listen to the crazy idea of sabotaging the fledgling peace process. By validating the decision taken by the President to revoke the decision of Prime Mnister Dahal, the current government has effecively set a precedint that authorizes the President to take extra-constitutional decisions in the guise of political complications. The better course would have been to let the Supreme Court decide the matter. Even the hereditary monarchs hesitated after 1990, with the exception of King Gyanendra's takeover, to soovertly reverse the decision of an elected executive without seeking legal advice from the Supreme Court.

Now that we have presidential precedent, and an ambitious General who is seeking to extend his tenure, only an international community that proactively condemns any further miliarization of Nepali politics and prevent the self-fulfilling prophesies of the Maoist and jarsaabs alike.

Perpetrators of domestic voilence should be prosecuted to the full extent of the law!

Domestic violence is most often taken as a private family affair in Nepal. It is often dealt with as an un -recognized matter becauseof the social stigma and the difficulties that the family may face once it becomes public. Among various acts of violene against women, rape and sexual abuse are the worst. Rape is a wide-spread problem in Nepal. We hear, read and watch horrible stories of rape in the media but hardly know whether the perpetrators are being held and punished. Most perpetrators of sexul violence have been escaping prosecution due to a weak criminal justice system.

According to a report of the Informal Sector Service Centre (INSEC), only a little over 200 reape cases were reported last year, and no one knows how many of the assaulters were proseculted. The report stated that relatives of the victims or close acquaintances were the perpetrators in most cases.

The most alarming fact is that a majority of the victims are under the age of 20. The fact that there are so many case of rape involving victims under that age indicates that rape cases involving adult women are simply not reported. Adult women rape victims ae usually concerned that they themselves might be proven guilty and fear the resultant social stigma in their family and community.

The common understanding of violence against women in Nepal includes abortion, physical touture during pregnancy, child marriage, prostitution, trafficking, sexual harassment at the office, misbehaviour and murder over dowry disputes. The government's national level Nepal Demographic and Health Survey explains that a large number of women thought that wife bettering for reasons such as arguments, going soemwhere without the husband's persmission, spoiling the food and refusing to have sex is widely aecepted as not being an act of domestic violence.

A study on conflict and gender related violence in the transition phase, commissioned in collaboration with various organizations like the United Nations PopulationFund (UNFAP), International Rescue Committee (IRC), single Women's Group and Saathi in Surkhet and Dang districts, reports tht 31 percent of the women have been quietly bearing and tolerating various types of domestic violence from their husband.

Prevailing prejudices, a patriarchal mindset, lack of awareness, employment and training opportunities low access to and control over productive resources and absence of effective implementation of gender eqality and justice related policies, laws andits enactment are the trigerring factors of violence agaisnt women .

Despite the fact that just a few months have passed since the Bill on Domestic violence and Punishment was enacted, a dozen cases of domstic violence against women have surfaced across the country. Getting the bill passed involved a long struggle of 17 years for women's rights activists.

Following pressure form NGOs, activists and the civil society, the then government registered the Bill on Domestic Viollence (Crime and Punsihment in Parliament on Feb 22,2002. The effort did not materialize because the Upper House was dissolved on May 22, 2002. Finally, last April, the long-awaited bill became law.

The act has categorized physical, mental, sexual, financial and behavioural violence as domestic violence. The act brings all discriminatory actions including tostue agaisnt women at their homes under the definition of crime. It prscribes imprisonment of up to six months and afine ofRs. 25,000 for perpetrators of domestic violence. Accomplices face three months in jail and a fine of Rs12,500. In case of physical or psychological injury to the victims, the perpetrtors will have to bear the cost of medical treatment. The penalties are doubled for repeat offenders. If the perpetrator is a public servnt, there is a 10 percent extra punishment.

This pronouncement is commendable and welcome. Nevertheless, the repercussions of delay in framing the corresponding rulesand regulations is hindering women victimes from getting justice. Furthermore, impediments inthe formation of local governments and centralization of the National Women's Commission are also obstructing effective implementation of the act.

An improved women's rights situation would not be achieved in the absence of adequate mechanisms to bring an end to impunity and without local initiatives and decentralized women's rights activities.There still exists apprhension among rights activists whether or not there is political will to enforethe law and adequate funds to empower institutions to follow up the complaints until the perpetuators ae brought to justice.

Access to justice for women victims of sexual violene continues to be a serious problem in Nepal. Even if a victim picks up courage to come for the and seek justice, she has to face many difficulties. For instance, medical doctors often refuse to give a medical examination in the absence of a police report, andthe police refuse to file a First information Report (FIR) in the absence of a medical report. Victims end up finding themselves in a vicious circle.

Women's rights activists, lawmakers and othter conerned persons are accusting the government of delaying setting up complaint centres and releasing funds for facilitation. More importantly, corresponding regulations of the act are yet to be introduced. Ther regulationalso needs to minimize indicative loopoles in the act. The major challenge is to take concrete steps towards endng impunity, as this aspect has not been properly, addressed through laws. A largepat of society remains concerned about the failure to eliminate violene against women, as it continues to encourae impunity for the perpetrators. Thus, zero tolerance of impunity is crucial to strengthen the rule of law.

The current helath system is deeply underfunded, unequally distributed across different places and, therefore, broadly unresponsive to the health care needs of the majority of the people.

To say that the ongoing deaths inJajarkot, Rukum, Salyan and many other districts were causedby diarrhoea is to tell a severrely truncated truth. In fact, if we do not explore larger forces which give rise to these epidemics, we will exculpate a host of other actors that have created the conditions for their recurrence in the first place. Reports appearing in the media have definitely brought the plight of people to the public. But, we do not see them going beyond the immediate facts. To further say that a lack of good sanitary habits or hygienci behaviour caused the epidemic is to blame the victims. Not that this isn't true. In fact, unwashed hands, indiscriminate defecating, unclean water sources, unhygienic handling of food at home lead to diaarrhoea andoher diseases. However, these factors themselves are shaped by larger forces that shape the condition of people's lives. When these are invoked adnauseum year after year, there is something seriously missing.

The chronic hunger, lack of access to clean drinking water and nearly non-existent health service system have together ensured the regularity with which epidemics have been striking the people in much of the western mountain regionin Nepal year after year. The deprivation has roots in a complex factors that have shaped the distribution of resources among people; the public priorities of the state; and faulty developmental paradigms tht major internatonal dono rs have been promoting in Nepal for decades. The health care saytem has no different story.

The immediate epidemic crisis has shown the deeper malaise that has chronically beset our public health care system. The current system is deeply underfunded, unequally distributed across different places and therefore broadly unresponsive to the health care needs of the majority of the people. When epidemics strike, they are either ignored, banished as unwanted facts or, when things go disproportionately out of control, and it's hard to avoid the constant barrage of news, then the near dysfunctional health care system scrambles together a motely crew of medical personel located incity centres. The discrict public health personnel of Jajarkot, for instance, had been talking about the impending epidemic for several weeks. It took over a hundred deaths tomove the Health Ministry, Defene Ministry and Nepal Army.

The deeper root of the malaise lies in abysmal lack of system approach to building a public health care system in Nepal. For a long time, disease erdication programs dominated the public health care delivery activities. Vertically organized, these programs were not geared towards building a functional, comprehensive system. Buoyed by the successful eradicationof smallpox the underlying belief until the 1980s was that somehow magic bullets would be enough to eradicate the diseses.

Rampant privatization of helath care became the order of the day after the adoption of stuctureal adjustment policies in the mid-1980s. In Nepal's case, privatization was not so much about the dismantling of the existing publi health cre system as the stagnation of the process of building it. Whatever investments were made in the public sector was done on a crudely ad hoc basis. Lack of oversight and popular participation ment that any infrastructure building of health care system, the procurement of supplies and maintenance were deeply mired in corruption and embezzlement. In the 1990s, while there was a spread of institutions, these were aimed at delivering an extremely truncated set of services. The emphasis had been not on the delivery of comprehensive services, but relegating much of health services, to the privae sector, with public setor entrusted with a few limited set of residuals such as 'awareness' raising and distribution of vitaminA capsules. All this went hand in hand with profound level of privtization in the medical eduation sector. Paramedical training centers in the public sectors vecane victim to neglect, while private sector medical education mushroomed, without any effective oversight in quality.

MBBS teaching also underwent deep transformation. The need for accreditation pushed the community oriented approach thatNepal had pioneered inthe context of Alma Ata's Health for All by 2000 declaration. Medical education increasingly began to the focused on specialization. The result has been the production of doctros who, normally, do not want to exit the lucrative urbanmarket for their specially services. By now, we have a severely dysfunctional public health care system juxtposing the sea of private prctices limited to the urban centers and catering to those with thick pockets.

The current emergency situation definitely requires emergency response. The istribution of medicine to the epidemic vicits, transportation of health personnel for emergency treatment, and supply of water cleaning tables on war-footing should not blind us to the fact that these are adequate responses inthelongrun. Unless, we work towards buildingaviable comprehensive health cre system' provideclean drinking water; and ensure food security, these epidemics are going to recur. Rummage through newspapers, and it does not takeus long to discover that this year was not the exception.

But these things cannot happen without a massive citizen's campaign for health. Public health care budget has to be increased towards building functioning, comprehensive care in western districts in Nepal. This has to be backed up by campaigns for clean water and foodsecurity in the region.

Ultimately it calls for radical remarking of our public priorities. We have to press for transfer of resources from unnecessary military sectors towards health care and clean water.We have to push for immediate halt of any new recruitment in armed forces and use available resources towards building health care and other essential public systems. The ongoing violene in the country might provide a ruse for further bloating the security sector, but we have keep in mind that no amount of police personnel can ensure security in the absence oftransforming the broader conditions of life. Not do do this is to ensure that these epidemics will recurperiodically. Crocedile ters may be shed by our politicians and generals; photo-ops could be organized for the militay medical personnel in helicopters. But there will be no fundamental shift in people's lives.

Can the military become the judge of determining legitimacy and accountbility as is being discussed in Nepal today?

Legitimacy has become a buzzword inrecent days. It is conveniently used by the rulers and military generals for their own respective interests. Since rationality is related to time and context, legitimacy needs to be defined accrodingly. If order sometimes becomes the source of legitimacy as could be observed in Jang Bahadur's adventure in 1946, King Mahendra's coup in 1960 can not be condoned because of the context and motivation. The charges leveled against the elected governent were nothing more than concoctions and vague, hardly to be defendedon the basis of disorder and instability. Had not King Mahendra used the Army which subsequently beame an instrument of terror for quelling regime opposition? Did the Army ever try to make a distinction between"legitimate and illegitimate actions"?

The peaceful transition from absolute monarchy to republican democracy has has made the Royal Nepal Army (Nepal Army) sensitive to rising pupular aspirations. As a consequence, Army Generals including the Cheif of the Army Staff often evoke the"doctrine of legitimacy". In other words, they say that the NA would always be guided by "legitimate authority" as it has had been doing in the past. But did such commitments made from time to time conform to the past role of the RNA or of the renamed NA?

Any government or regime is legitimae so long as the people conform to the norms of the regime. Rebelliion or public demands determine the nature of legitimacy. If the people obey the traditional monarch or any other authority or coercive power of the state, the regime if it is based onforce also, becomes legitimate. Ranarchy and monarcy ruled the country, absolutely in the name of religion, tradition and custom. However, for both the Shah and Rana rulers, the Army was the mainstay of power. The other supporting factors were docile people, mostly iulliterate, andthe Southern neighbor.

In Max Weber's classification, this falls in the category of traditional legitimacy.Today's theorcratic states anchor their regimes to religion, culture, tradition making a fusion between the secular and spritual. The post-1979 Iran is an Islamic state but its president is elected by the people. However, the president despite being popularly elected, is also subject to the Guardian Council headed by the Ayatollah and twelve clerics. So any order clai its legitimacy unless challenged by people or by other forces inimical to such order. The traditional legitimacy claimed by the royal regime in Nepal collapsed when the people rose in rebellion in 2006. Inevitablllly, the traditional Army had to switch its loyalty to the new change brought about by the combned effort of the people.

Charismatic legtimacy is based on individual persobality of a leder or ruler.Yet, it can be used for both nation and state building as was evident inthe use of religion asamobilizing ideology by Mohandas Karamachand Gandhi durng the nationalist movement of India. The personality of a committedand enlightened leader can contribute a lot of the development of a society and country. If the first generation of Indian leaders would not have chance to rule the country after independence, Indian democracy might not have been possible. Pakistan lost this opportunity after its charismatic leaders like Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan left the political scene much early.

Nevertheless, charisma, as Weber states, erodes soon if it fails to institutionalize. Indonesia had Sukarno as charimatic leader, but he turned out ot be authoritarian tht inturned to the rise of miitary. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who carved out today's Bangladesh from Pakistan, introduced one-party rule soon after independence. There are so many examples how charismatic leaders vnish if they harbour ambitions to rule absolutely.

The issue of legitimacy today centres round"popular legitimacy" or "rationallegal" legitimacy that is derived from the sovereign people. The 1990 Constitution had ony theoretical acceptanceofNepali people as sovereign as it simultaneously restricted the power of the people on the quetion of monarchy. The four preconditions--monarcy, sovereignty ofpeople, multiparty system and freedoms, could not be altered by the parliament thus recognizing the king as one of the power centres as per the compromise reached between the Nepali Congress, the United Left Front and the king. As a result, political parties' leaders looked upon the Place for guidance or evenfor intervention. The RNA could naturally find the King as the power entre contray to the mkuch touted claim that Nepal was a constitutional monarchy. In fact, the veto power used by the King andabuse of article 127, which was related to remove inconveniences while implementing the constitution, proved that monarchy backed by the army ruled the roost. Such steps could have been possible due to the weaknesses of political parties that always tended to miss the opportunities to assert themselves when the actual crunch came. In fact, the politicians themselves goaded him to ebark onpolitical adverturism. In the given context too, history may repeat with different excuses and interpretationssuch as "legtimate authority" "accountbility", order and nationalism.

Above all, the foregoing types of legitimacy boil down to "performance" of a system.If a democratically elected government lacks effective governance that implies both order and capacity to deliver goods and services, its longevity would always be in question. Rationality and performance should thus be properly balanced for the survival of a system. And such system capabilities are the litmus test of power. Can the military become the judge of determining legitimacy and accountability as is being discussed in Nepal today ? The language used by the Army Chief that the latter would obey the "legitimate and accountable" authority is ambiguous. Did the Army carry out the order given by the Defence ministry not to make fresh recruitment inthe army? Did it get any political mandate to recommend the holdingof referendum on issues such as Hindu state to the Constituent Assembly (CA)? Has the army chief the right to say that only the president could only dismiss him from office on the basis of his being the "supreme commander" of the army? Howerver, thanks to the interparty conflicts and cabinet heterogeneity, the army chief had been able to assert himself with such a language.

Like other institutions, Nepali prisons too are not untouched by corruption!

Adisturbing fact has come to light-- many notorious jail brids have been found to be opertating from within prisons. Some of them like Uday Shetty and Deepak Manage are known to have used their prison cells to carry out acts of extortionand abduction using cellular technology. To add to this, criminals are also known to illeally dine out in the company of police personnel and date girl friends. Also some gangsters have been found to be leaving jail premises on the false pretxt of medical examination.

As these activities cannot be carried out without taking jail authorities into confidence, it raisesd questions regarding the integrity on the part of the authorities. According toa source at the Central Prison, violations of prison regulations are going on unabated. Many staff at the prison have been found to be at the disposal of influential prisoners. Andit is made easy forprisoners to communicate their plans through people whocome to visit them and for the visitors to share information about prospective tragets or about those who could testify against them. This makesit easy for the criminal to sue his network to threaten and intimidate the potential witness. In soem cases, event the investigating officers are intimidated.

Theseare worrrying signs. The idea of sending some one to the prisonis to reform them, so that they will be able to remedy their erros and join mainstream society. But in Nepali prisons, it appers that the criminals are corrupting their jailors instead. It is more or lesss business as usual for notorious criminals. It's almost as though they are more comfortable operting from inside the prison than outside. With the concerned authorities as their accomplices, the jailbirds' confidenceis sky high. The fact that some of the recent incidents of extortion and kidnapping were conducted from within the prisonis a telling point initself. But the authorities on their part express inability to check the loopholes all by themselves. For instnce have spelt out that it is impossible for them to keep records of every one visiting the prison from 9 in the morning to 4 in the evening.

But some excuses rest merely on technical and logistical issues, when it is clear that the real problem go much deeper. The real problem with prisons in Nnepal is similar to the problem faced by other institutions: the autonomy of the institution is undermined because the people in charge of them are wilkling to subvert the rules for a price. While cleaning up the ills of prisons and othter instituions is difficult to do and will take a long time, some immediate vigilanceover the prison system - a detailed inquiry, for example-- at a political level will help improve professionalism and discourage corruption.

"New" Nepal is fully living up to its name!

On July 1 newspapers had a story of man who had roughed up his wife after which the latter sought police assistance. The police cme to take the husband to the station where the wife had gone to report the beting -- for "discussing" and resolving the issue. The husband, however, had other plns. He brought together a team of locals -- the paper did not tell if the local Youth Force, Young Communist League, Tarun Dal, Nebi Sangh, Akhil or a Pichada Barga group had also endorsed it- who blocked the main street in Nepalgunj for an hour to protest the police action.

The media had its story for the day. The headline in the Nepal Samacharpatra on July 1 said: Logneswsniko Jhagadale Sdak Abaruddha (Road obstructed because of fight between husband and wife) . Hundreds of people on the main road in Nepalgunj around midday, with temperatues arond 40 degree Celsis, waited and sweated until polie were able to negotiate a deal between the offender and offended and to send the couple home--for more, andthis time, munreported beatings, perhaps !

It was a reminder of a quality of the "new" Nepal we are building" Replace the semblance of rule of law there is with mob rule. In a civilized society the husband -wife frcas would hae most likely ended up in court. In new Nepal where public security has become a privilege only for those with a history of killing others or causing others to suffer, the bet outcome was the discussion and newspaper story to talk about over tea-- and forget. It was not the first time a husband - wife dispute had ended up in a banda or chakka-jam and a negotited settlement .

The story appered in thepaper two days after another one in another nespaper had sent my head spinning. It was about Nepal's performance in the Failed State Index. The Kathmandu Post on June 20 expalained how Nepal was edging towards the perfect score (100) in the only global indicator where we're doing well ! The index is a composite score based on 12 different indicators-- demographic pressures, refugees and displaed persons, group grievances, human fight, uneven development, economy, legitimacy of the state, public services, human rights, secutiry apparatus, factionalized elites and external intervention, Accordingly, last year Nepal was short of 5-8 poinsts for making 100-- and collapasing. This year we closed the gap by 0.2 points: the 2009 report said there were only 5.6 points remaining for hitting the celling.

If there is one thing I am confident about new Nepal it is that the 100 poins are easily attainable. And it may not require us to perform inall the aforesaid areas. Impunity that new Nepal has allowed will help us further erode the leitimacy of the state and therefore remains an important means we could strategically use to get us to where we are headed, and faster.We have a fragile coalition government that never stops mutating and threrefore, overlooking a few offense here and there should not bea big deal if that can help keep the government intact and take us closer to the 100.

Should we decided that we've had enough impunity and pot for bringing the offenders (in jsut too many aaareas to nae here) to book, there's something else that could get us the 100. The state of public services we have could but deteriorate further with the still-expanding and already bloated cabinet we have and on-going battles over who from which party gets to dip fingers in to the budgets of the better- funded ministries.

To be fair, the finger -licking after the bhag-banda (partisan sharing of spoils of power) is a continuation of the governance model we'vetried in the past. It has now become a tradidtion that no politician in new Nepal would like to or has been able to let go. There are enough reasons to justify the politics of petty coalitions of the mid-1990s in new Nepal: Peace-building, accommodation, democracy, steps against state capture (by the Maoists), and everything else those in government can think of.

With such performance records may be we can rest assurd that it may not take the FSI index-keepers very long to dump all the points needed by Nepal to score 100. The Youth Foreces, the YoungCommunists, Prachandas, Girijas and Madhavs have brought us this far, now it is p us citizens-- as all of us inherently harbor the same qualities in characters mentioned above-- for giving the final push.

The means could be our unrivlled competence in immobilizing anything that woks: The banda. Days before resigning, a party collegue of Prachanda, the finane minister had, like all others in government, come out as one of the strongest advocates for changing how people expressed their demands in new Nepal. Baburam Bhattarai had advocated ending bandas and even criminalizing it. The noble desire endedas soon as the party was out of power after which it enfodreced a starting of strikes across the country.

We don't have to look far to gauge how we've near-perfected the science of shutdowns. In 2005/06 when the royal government had imposed a tax on books - effectively raising prices and directly affecting education access-- the student unions did not even notice what had happened. A banda then would have been justified. But - perhaps - because it was something to do with education, and not politics, nothing happened.

Now times have changed and we can confiedently hope to fail because the bandas are everywhere and for every reason. There's also a possibility of getting better bandas. The basis for this optimism is the new thrust of student politics as was recently evident: now students are not only fighting about politics. The most recent clash, where gunshots were also reported was over which contractor should get the job for building a new campus building.

The growth of vigilantism is worrisome indication of the collapse in trust insociety

The shocking murder of two teenagers that took place on Tuesday is an indication of the high levels of fear and paranoia prevalent across the country, even in the capital city Kathmandu, which is the most secure of all places in Nepal.The facts of the incident are clear:a group of boys had gone to fight with another group with whom they had antagonistic relations. They were, however, outnumbered and forced to runway. While running away, a group of locals for some reason thought that these high-school students were kidnappers and joined in the chase.When they were finally caught up with, the mob tht had accumulated beat up the boys so ferociously that two of them died and two others were so seriously injured that they still haven't regained consciousness.

It would be almost unfathomable how a very large group of people could, within a very short timespan, come to believe tht a number of teenagers were kidnappers and use such extreme violence against them, if such incidents had not become very much a common occurrence in recent months.First, news reports began to trickle in from the Tarai about locals in various areas murdering in cold blood -through setting on fire, for example-- innocent people. The victims were for the large part mentally handicapped; the locals murdered them because they thought they had or planned to kidnap children. In the past three months 16 people have been killed for this reason in the districts of Mahottari, Dhanush, Sunsari and Morang. Fear and security was already prevalentin Kathmandu-there had continued to be causes of children being kidnapped for ransom- but the paranoia was exacerbated by the gruesome murder of Khyati Shrestha. By now, insecurity and rage have reached such proportions that in the past month alone, two people have been killd and nine injured by mob that thought these people were kidnappers.

The prevalent vigilantism is, in addition to being a reflection of the insecurity that the general population lives under,also an indication of the people's loss of faith in the state secutiry agencies. The police has for some time been demoralised due to the political instability and the tendency of political leades to provide criminals with protection. Criminalgroups began to take advantage of the demoralisation of the secutiry forces in the Tarai and this consequently led to high levels of fear amont the populace, leading it to take the law into its own hands. This culture has gradually entered the Kathmandu valley. Faced by such spectacles as the police's inaction even when a group of student union members ransacked offices at a college, it was in a sense natural that a sense of cynicism would arise among the public. But this cynicism, coupled with increased fear, has ledto contempt for the law itself, and a belief that it is best for mobs to solve problems by themselves. This is a highly worrisome development and the Home Ministry and all security agencies have to develop plans to regain the trust of the people and restore law and order. The costs to society, otherwise, will be huge.

The concept of secutiry has grown to include people's well-being and human rights

Abroadening and deepening of the concept of security has emphasised the socio-political, economic, human, global nd human aspects of security have been redefined. From an exclusive focus on state stability and regime security, the concept of security has grown to includethe well-being of the population and human rights. Security and development have become inextricably linked opening the way to mainstreaming security as a public policy with traditionallegl, soical and economic instruments receiving greater attention. In sum, the new security definitions accommodate the wider security infrastructure that exists within states.

Nepal's post-conflict scenario has been full of exhilarations,promises and hopes, expectations, demands, anxieties, uncertainties and insecurities. The JanaAndoln has put anend to both the king's autocracy nd the Maoists' people 's war". Peace is yet to be consolidted and become deep rooted. Despite numerous efforts to eliminate post-conflict residues, gross acts of violence, the gun-running culture, erosion of human values and lawlessness continue unabated. To make matters worse, blanket -type impunity has threatened the masses with unseen fears and more risks and opened the possibility of violence recurring in the future. Today, the citizens feel and vulnerable than ever. Considering this situation, the progressisve evolvement of the concept of security well beyond the notion of national security and national defence world wide does not really go with Nepal's security governance which is still at a very primitive stage.

The notions of security and governance are today part of both scholarly and public discourse. Good governance is important for security. Despite the agreement reached among political parties to stabilize peace, socio-political economic factors ae posing hindrances to bringing peace to a "logical conclusion". The foundations for a sound security governance system are clear vision, political will anda comprehensive reform agenda. Blurred visions, lack of confidence and trust, near non-existence or weak strategic and policy framework and weak national capacity to managepolitical, social and economical changes are the main domestic challenges today. Bureaucratic agility, competency and flexibility to understand and accommodate changing dynamics in the security sector is very much limited. The government has yet to come forward with a timely strategy and policy to reform the present security system.

Public education on the issues of security is important fo informed decision making. A well informed civic society and a strong independent perspectives to democratic institutons. Education empowers people to understand and have access to their government. These are the literate people whofulfil the requirements for sound legislation, have power in the government and are often key reprsentatives and decision makers. Education minimizes threats to the individual thus providing a foundaion for the solid infrastructure of a functional and self-fufficient society. A number of conditions must bein place to achieve human security in a society. They include good governance, economic security and a strong civil society that includes and repesents all its members. It is education which underpins these conditions, facilitting n environment fo the creation and advancement of societies which are strong in human security.

States go for public education in strategic security mattes which ultimately helps the state to review its security policy and restructure the secutiry system to obtain optimum benefits in the most cost effective way. Security sector reform is a dynamic and long process. Education can sustain the long reformative process. Public education in security improves state-level competence to reform the security sector. This has direct affirmative impacts. It strengthens good governance, pushes economic development, improves the criminal fustice system andthe rule of law, advocates gender equity and equality, strengthens the civic society's ov ersight capacity and helps the state re-establish peace and harmoney in the country.

At the individual level, education broadens and deepensthe knowledge of security issues and educates the participans with their active involvement to contribute to national and international policy-making, opens opportunities to work intensively with the wider security policy community, encourages the learners' creative and emotional development in supporting the objectives of peace, citizenship and security, promoting equality and passing global and local cultural values down to future generations besides improving the capability of strategic thinking and analysis of the risksto provide a strong basis for their future employment in the field of the growing security industry.

The need for education in security issues has not been fully recognized and acknowledged in our society. The security sector is still seen as a forbidden area for the masses. The military, intelligence and the police are understood to be experts on security. Many consider the traditional approach to security measures as being adequate and effecive. They suffer from the "boiling frog syndrome". There are still some who consider investment in education as expenditure. However, the times are changing, and concept and mindset are also changing simultaneously. And at this time when the need for security reform is being strongly felt, Kathmandu University has started a Master's programme in security management for the first time in South Asia. Likewise, Tribhuvan University has also started a conflict management programme. These initiatives will prove to be landmarks in the long journey of peace and national development. Through both these formal education programmes on security, the security reform approaches that draw on and contribue to democratic institutions and institutional capacity are more likely to improve in the days to come.

More cops are needed if the worsening security situationi to be stemmed

The Nepal Police and the Armed Police Force (APF) have asked the government to immeditely increase their strength by 13,000 personnel. As of now, the Nepal Police umbers 56,500 and the AFP 25,000. The proposed number of extr officers, if sanctioned by the government, will be used for maintining law and order, conducting investigations and establisheing boder check post6s. This, according to an estimate, will cost the government Rs.3.75 billion. In addition to this,a central bureau of investigtion is also in the making. This agency will have a staff strength of 170.

The secutiry apparatus is overstretched, and there is a need to increase its strength becauseof the deteriorating law andorder sitution. according to a senior police officer, a lies, sit-ins and protests - recurring events these days. As a result, less than 15 percent of the workforce has been mobilized for other necessary activities. Also, the worsening secutiry situation in the eastern hills and the central Tarai has generated a need formore cops. In both these areas, the of the number of policemen tp tje population is very low . In the Tarai, there is one police officer for every 700 residents; and in the hills, the ratio is one to 500.

The request to reinforce Nepal's secutiry forces is a legitimte one.The police do confront major problems and need additional support to overcome them. But it is unlikely that simply increasing the numbers will help bring much improvement in the situation. An incrse in size does not necessarily mean an improvement in professionalism, or that the secutity bodies wil be able to work autonomously of politicial forces. In fact, one of the mjor reasonsfor the ineffectiveness of the police force has been intervention by political actors. Politicians use their levrge to set free criminals under their patronage, instead of letting the police and the judiciary prosecute offenders independently. These acts on the part of politicians have seriously lowered the morale of the security agencies. Unsurprisingly, dur to this, even in the face of a major law and order breakdown, police act as merebystnders. Police officers rely on their political masters for promotion, and they fear demotion if they do not act according to the leter's wishes. This has perpetuated the system of patronage. And because merit is often not a factor in an officer's future prospects, there is lack of incentiveto increase the professionalism of the security bodies.

This is a time whenthe heads of the security bodies themselves have been engaged in serious thinking regarding how they can improve the effectiveness of their organizations. The time is apt to undertake an even more through analysis of the problems these bodies aer fcing, includingthe issues mentioned above. Political leaders should be confronted with the facts and shown the harm they are causing by interfering in the security bodies. This perhaps will lead to the beginning of an urgently needed, far-reaching reform in the way that the police forces function.

A mechanism that allows citizens to initiate policies would increase people's sovereignty and make the polity more responsive and accountable.

Politicians as a class shae certain common interests andmay, like other human beings, knowingly or unknowingly, promote those interests. This dynamic may generate problems. Since politicians are the ones who ormulate laws and public policies, they may sometimes not introduce laws and policies that hurt their class interests or threaten their power and privileges. For instance, they may not put together stringent anti-corruption laws that might in the future catch them. On the other hand, elected leaders are by definition only representatives of people. Hence even though they may often repesent people's aspirations, they will not always do so. something needs to be done to rectify these shortcomings of representative democracy. Popualar initiatives can addres some of the deficiencies. The Constituton making process should have incorporated a popular initiatives mechanism; however, it is still not too late: if mightstillrctify the shortcomings of the polity in the future.

Popular initiatives in democracies givepeople the right to introducelaws andpolicies. Generlly, a certain numberof signatures are required for issues tobe put in a referendum. The referendums to adopt or reject the initiativesare usually held alongsideregularelectionsto minimize cos tand manage them smoothly. The governement, howerver, should not be allowed to initiate referendum on policies. The Latin American experience has demonstrated that governemnts may abuse referendum to undermine democracy by empowering the executive and emaculating the pareliament and judiciary. The governments have cess to formal channels to introduce policies if they are interested.

Popular initiatives will serveserval usefulpurpose. First, it will faciliate the participation of people directly in the governance of the country. Popular initiativeis consistent with democratic the-ory that calls for sovereignty ofthe people. By virtue of giving people the right ot initiate public issues, it incrases their involvement inpolitics, empowering them along the way. Switzerland, Latin American countriesandvariousstates in the US have benefited form popular initiative mechanisms.

Secondl, the method can be used to make the ruling elite more responsive and accountable. As pointed out earlier, powerful politicians may collectvely avoid the issues that directly affect them or decide them in ways that benefits them. The reluctance to empower the Commission for Investigtion of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) in the nineties is an example of such tendencies. The government did not empower the CIAA to control corruption till 2002, and reportedly only under the pressure of donor agencies. This was despite wide spread cornation. The CIAA is still not fully independentasthe executive still influenes the appointment of its commissioners, its budget and staffing allocation. If there had been aprovision forpopular initiatives, it is highly likely that legislation to make the CIAA powerful and independent would have been initiated much earlier. NGOs like Transparency International-Nepal and Pro-Public that launched anti-corruption drivers or other public -spirited groups could have launched such initiatives. The argument is not that all politicians are insensitive to accountability but that reform oriented popular initiatives could bolster their work.

Some critics of popular initiatives may argue that too many initiatives could bog down the polity. The Swiss experience, however, shows that this will not happen. Because popular initiative could challenge state policies and laws, the Parliament and executive in Switzerland consult all groups before -hand to avoid possible furture initiative challenges. As a result , the actual numbers of initiatives are very few-the possibility of popular challenges make the politician more responsive and responsive policy making processes reduce the need for people to initite policies because their aspirtions are addressed. To avoidtheprocess from beingabused bypeople without popular support and backing, threshold (a certainnumber of signatures) should be established.

Other critics fear that the popular initiatives could promote extremism. However, this fearis unwrranted. Any initiative would require majority support to pass. If the initiative proposers want to their initiatives to pass they would have to frame them in away that will attract majority support. The need for mjority support would push them toward the center and viableinititives would hene be toned down to attract majority voters. In fact, the process of participation would temper extremism and violent tendencies.

Popular initiatives, however, hould follow the democratic principle of respecting and tolerting fundamental democratic ritghts. Hene, popular initiatives do not have the right to depriveany individual or group of political rights and civil liberties. Likewise, popular inititives should not infringe upon issues that affect people in fundamental aspects such as language, culture, religion, and lifestyle. Hindu fundamentlists in Nepal have called for a referendum to oppose the declaration of the stateas secular. Declarig the state as religious is againt the fundmental tenets of democracy as it would deprive rqual freedom to followers of other faiths. Declaration of the state as secular does not deprive anyone, including Hindus, from followingtheir religious faith. The right to practice one's faith freely is a given in democracy, like the freedoms to expess and organize, and it cannot be taken away by a majority.Without protecing fundamental rights, democrcy will not exist, The Swiss method of adopting popular initiatives is instructive regarding the protection of minority rights. Initiatives for constitutional amendments are approved only with majorities of both individual votrs and cantons (autonomous regions). The requirement of double majority ensures that minority rights are not trampled upon.

The provision of popular initiatives makes the governance process mor participatory, responsive, and accountable. It will also facilitate introduction of innovate legislations. Thus, popular initiatives would constribute in meeting aspirtions of people as well as promoting good governance in the country.

Nepali children are getting angrier by the day. They are irritted most of the time and are beginning to protest things they once blithely took for granted-- and they have become awre of their thoughts and feelings. Vague and unfocused negtive thoughts lurk below the surface of their consciousness.

A child's world is hrdly ever free from anger, but never before has belligerence been so widespread and lethal. Child psychologists and psychiatrists are concerned about the visible increase in the number of violene acts by children. There's more slamming of doors, hitting of siblings, vulgar languages, broken windows, and aggressiveness today than at any other time in history.

The world of children is going berserk-- take the cases of these three Nepali children. A five -year-old boy dismantledhis TV after he had a fight with his elder brother. An eight-year-old girl kicks her fther when he does not bring her chocolates. It grows more worri-some, however, when the peevishness continues into the teens. A15-year-old boy in ninth grade beats up his housemaids and even his dog-- mercilessly. With his parentsbusy, he crves their company and care. Frustrated, he recently broke the solar panel of his house.

What causes aggression? It can be biological or could be triggered by environmental factors like verbal or physical abuse of children. Furthermore,the way our society is changing: increased consumerism, the breakdown of family and unberable competition is making mockery of children's ignorance even though The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which Nepal has signed, gurantees children a number of rights, including the right to express their views on any matter affecting them. But inreality, their voices are neglected.

There has been a significant increase in the number of parents who are unable to cope with aggression of their children. The root of the problem, concur psychologists, is insecurity, loneliness and low self- esteem. After sessions with both children and parents, it turns out tht wht most children seek is affection and self-assurance. Like angry one angry eight -year-old boy who used to clench his teeth and hit hmself. Sessions with the psychologists revealed he was doing this father had left his mother while he was four.

Developing a child-anger reduction plan is a challenging undertaking, especially in a nation like ours, where there are many working definitions of anger, depending on socio-economic conditions. Howerver, to begin with, one could lighten their anger by just givingthem careful hearing. Letting them talk always helps. Parents need to realise that in today's rat-race-like hectich lifestyle, it is not easy to be a child. Hence, a little demonstrative love now and then is a must. But what about spending some quality time with them everyday even in the midst of our busy schedule?

All of Nepal's crises are put in the pale by te true silent emergency of our times: Hunger

So the rains are upon us, finally. The hard, cracked earth hisses and eases to mud, the dust is scrubbed out of the air, and the mountains that make the Kathmandu Valley move closer, humming deep green. Life is transformed; we have water to wash and light to live through the night. No more bucket showers if we can help it, no more dashing to charge ou rphones and laptops. We even have the freedom to move about, in the absence of bandas that chokeoff our freedom and our fuel. It's soething to feel good about.

But has life really changed, or are we simply moving into the next phase of our annual cycle of inconvenience? The rotting wet rubbish on the streets of the capital is a timely reminder of the state of Nepal. The streets themselves are pockmarkedwith theneglectof thepast year, and too late wheelbarrows of gravel come tumbling. The petrol situation is hostge to the whims of those enforcing bandas, many more of which we will endure. The rains themelves, so long awaited, are alrady stretching the capacities of the temporary Koshi embankmens. We may have electricity now, but there is nothing to indicate we won't be groping around a deeper shade of dark next winter. Politics is set to lurch along ina constant state of irresolution, guaranteeing tht everything else will drag along in its wake, in a perpetual state of emergency.

Constitution-writing is key to securing the future of our nation. But thepresent, for those we have entrusted his future to, appers to consist ony of what goeson in Parliament (when it is going on at all) andin inter, intra, infra and ultra-- party meets -- in other words, the political struggle for existence. Meanwhile, a far more deadly struggle for existence. Meanwhile, a far more deadly struggle for existence is being played out far from the gaze of local and international media.

I'm not talking about bandas, 16-hour black-outs or the nagbelis of water and petrol quenes. These inconveniences won't kill the denizens of the Kathamandu Valley, as much as they stifle vitality and cramp livelihoods. I'm talking about the ongoing humanitrian crises that don't make thepapers or your average weddingparty conversation quite so often as the latest cabinet reshffle. When was the last time you discussed the Bhutanese refugees our the Koshi flood victims?

Yet even these crises are put in the pale by the true silent emergency of our times. Hunger. I am ashamed to admit that I have misrepresented my country to curious phareners on several occasions inthepast. "Yes, of codurse Nepal's poor , " I might have said, sipping a glass of wine in some western urbn agglomertion. "But at least people don't starve there. It's not like in Inida. "Implying that Nepal is better off simply becausewe don't have 7-star hotels sharing real estate space with slims. What nonsense. What difference does it make to a hungry manin the fr west whether someone in Kathmandu spends 500 rupees of 5000 rupees on a meal?

I had long been aware of the annual food short-ages in Humla and Jumla. But what this really this has been taking place, some how escaped me. Why was this so? You may dismiss me as out-of-touch and ignorant if I tell you that when Richard Ragan, the head of the World Food Programme in Nepal, informed me his organistion was currently feeding 3 million Neepalis -- that's 10% of the population -- my first reaction was" What?" It was news of me. Here we are , after 50 years of donor-driven development: Life expectancy is 63 years (up from 41 in 1971, NDHS 2006), the infant mortality rate is 51 per 1000 live births (down from 140 in 1976, NDHS 2006), adult literacy has crossed 50% (up from 24% in 1981, CBS). We've come a long way, no question. Yet we are still struggling to stave off malnourishment or even starvation for 1 in 10 people in 40 disticts across Nepl. I don't excuse my own ignorance . But I do blame this ignorance, in part, on the Nepali media's silene onthehungerpangs that grip the country every year. The very hunger that, beingt the root of the Maoists insurgency, continues to propel the political instability we solike to gripe about.

The World Food Programme itself recognises the consequences of media blackouts, and has been working to disseminate stories on the ongoing crisis. After all, as Richard pointed out at a talk for the Cultureal Studies Group Nepal at TheShanker Hotel, "what we would like best is to pack out bags and leave. "This will only happen if chronic hunger disappers, once adequate measures are put into plae that"give the hungry person a fish and teach him how to fish. Implementing these measures requires funds, and donors andgovernments are far more likely to pay attention if the media leads the way.

Which is why I wrote on hunger, hoping to draw myself and yourself out of th self-obsession so chracteristic of those living in the capital, a fault that has proven fatal to the Kathmandu, Valley time and again. Ialso wanted to draw attention to the good work for the future that is being done far, far away from the front pages of our dailies and the back rooms of our netas. If we are to move towards the future we envision in the constitutionto come, then we have to learn from the consequences of our Valley-centrism, andso avoid being the proverbial kawa ko bhyaguto, who knows not what moves ouside of his line of vision, and cannot see what is coming.

Most issues are charades used disguise political ambition

Ninety perent of politicians ninety percent of the time will act as, well politicians, spending much of their lives running after power and privileges. But since they can't make their ambitions all too obvious (for obvious reasons) they use differerent charades to disguise their true motives.

Commonly, such charades go by the name of 'political issues' Think of it! What would a political party be without an issue-- an immediate event that can raise the heckle sof the masses, an issue that all and the sundry can relate to. Something like civilian supremacy or border encroachment or jobs for all. Anything that catches people's attention.

If there is no major issue, you can always invent one. The Young Communist League (YCL) shut the Valley down beaue one of its cades was 'killed"; the announcement was made even before the deceased's post mortem report was out. It caused considerable trouble to Valley residents, but wht an issue to inject vigour into he dormant YCL base! Likewise, Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML are went to finding issues with every Maoist action as amatter of habit. Some Madhesi parties have raised the slogan of 'One Madhesh One Pradesh'. Another improbability, but potent crewd puller issue all right.

But this phenomenon of inventing political issues is by no means unique to Nepal. In the U.S., the far-ritht fringe of Republican Party -- intatters after losing both the Presidency and Senate majority-- have started racially labelling Democrats. Obama is thus a 'Muslim apologist' after his Cairo speech calling for greater unity between allfaiths; a Jew-hater for advocting a two-state soltion to Israeli-Palestinian conflict and dismantling of illegl Isreli settlements in West Bank. Much hue and cry was made of Sonia Gandhi's foreigndoscent inIndiato prevent her from gettingthe country's top job. The West has welcomed the liberlisation of China but doesn't fail to point out is failinson rights and Tibet. Hugo Chavz, an autocrat, can do nothing right for his country.

Not all of the above-mentioned issues have been cooked out of air. China really hasa lot to do to improve is human rights record. Chavez too needs to tone down his populist slogans and stop his crackdown on media. But whatever the West's issues with China and Venezuela, they cannot overlook the fact that China has, since the opening up of its economy in 1979, has successfully lifted 250 million people out of poverty; andthe healthcare and education reforms in Venezuela are envy of poor countries across the region.

I do not bemoan the self-serving nature of most politicians. They will always be so. The good news is: even when looking after their own interests, they manageto get a little done for the common folks. Even if half the money for n irrigation project is embezzled, the other half does go into making the lives farmers easier. What littlemoney goes into education in any country serves to educate a critical mass which in turn educates a larger mass in the future. Also, in domocracies, politicians need to be seen as working for people to garner votes in the election.

But why just politicians? It's human naure to try to wield power given the wherewithal. In the famousStanfdord Prisoner Experriment, the students who were made prison guards of mock prisons did indeed began to act like the real, brutish guards after a few days. On the other hand, the students who served as prisoners were getting more and more submissive by the day. Thus, those in positionsof authority will, willynilly, start wielding their powers as they see fit.

Sidelining the influene of human nature-- whatever other failings it indicates of the people who do so-- is bad policy, plain and simple.

Those putting themselves on a morally high ground to other people are either cheating themselves or putting a huge onus on their own puny shoulders. yes, there are a few people who have taken the moral high ground on political issues -Mathtma Gandhi, Nelson Mandel - and been able to live up to their high ideals. But they are few and fa between.

For others-- which is basically everyone else-- assuming a position of infallibility and looking downon opponents as morally inferior beings only breeds hatred and resentment. Practically, too, this is no way to conduct 21st century politics. If oneisfound with his pansdown (read:Prchanda and the video tape) , there is no escaping people's scrutiny. You will be judged the way you judge others.

For politicians of every stripe and colour, it's always a etter policy to take issue with the opposing issues rather than the opponents themselves. Thus the most important realisation on the part of Nepali politicos my be coming to terms with their common humanity.

From the hills to the plains, the nation lies strangled as endless bandhs paralyze life

Days after former rebel Maoist chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal"Prachanda" sstepped down as prime miniter - failing to muster enough support for his controversial move to sack the counmtry's army chief -- the wait for a functioning and stble government coun tinues. Even a good three weeks after taking charge, Prchanda's successor the CPN-MUL's Madhav Kumar Nepal has not been able to put together the council of ministers (as of Tuesday) laying bare the internal divisions, rifts and squabblesfor one-upmanship within the new alliance tht boasts the support of 22 out of the 24 parties in the Consituent Assembly (CA).

Prime Minister Nepal appears to be trying his best to consolidate the coalition that he leads. But parties like the Madhesi Janadhikar Form are clearly not under his control, are they? After a prolonged quarrel, and reported fisticuffs, over who should represent the party in the cabinet, the biggest force from the southern Tarai region doday stands vertically split between Bijaya Kumar Gachhedar, a fromer Nepali Congress leader, andleftist Upendra Yadav-led factions. The MJF"s fragementation, coupled with fissures within the ruling CPN-UML andthe Nepali Congress, has cast a shadow over Premier Nepal's initial honeymoon days. Dubbed "poison -tree" by Prachanda, he's already drwing flak.

Shambles

Just like the streets hit by ruthless and violent bandhs, the multiparty coalitionappers o be in a shamples. The main opposition UCPN-Maoist leders and cadres appear to be on a newhighas they press ahead with their phase-wise agitation against President Ram Baran Yadav's move reinstating Chief of Army Staff Rookmangud Katawal who was fired by former Prime Minister Prchanda. If everybody seconds the Maoist move to get rid of their former enemy Katawal, the former rebels say "civilian supremacy" will be established and they will be happy.

But the problem here is this: Not every political party is a Maoist party; not every party thinks and acts the way the Maoist party does. Serious differences persist. That's precisely why the Maoists haven't got what they wanted : Gen. Katawal replaced by their new-found sympathizer Gen. Kul Bahadur Khadka. That was not to be. And in the mess that ensured after the sudden resignation of Prachanda, chief of the biggest paty in the CA, one and half months ago, the Maoists seem to have found what they wanted-- an even bigger mess.

From the hills to the plains, the nation lies strangled as endless bandhs paralyze normal life. OnMonday, the Maoists slapped a suddenbandh in the capital to protest against the killing of the post-mortem report, died after consuming metacid, an insecticide. Did anybody really poison him? That's not clear. Yet the capitl turned into a havenfor Maoist-backed vandals. As the hooligans took the law, if any, into their own hands, even heart surgeonsand journalists on emergency duty weren't spared; they were either harassed or hurt and their motorcycles damaged.

Nepal Bandh

The same day, relatives of a missing man shut Chitwan down; memebrs of a community forest user group in Satbariya, Dang (the new home for the people who recently abandoned the "unsafe" Nepal -India border area) blocked the lifeline East-West Highway. the Maoists slapped another bandh in the far western rgiion as part of their agitation against the president's move even as inaccessibly remote Kalikot remained tense in the aftermath of the reported violent Maoist attack againt UML cadres there.

There's no match for the Maoist party here. The former rebel party boasts over 19,000 ex-combatants in several UNMIN -monitored cantonments around the country. Despite natinal and international concerns, the party continues to nurture thousands of militant-like youth under the banner of the YCL(Young Communist League). If these young men and women are made creative and construcive, they have the potential to change the face of Nepal. Unfortunately, that doesn't seem to be happening just yet.

So the rampage continues. Everybody appears to be taking a cue from the Maoists, especially the negative cues. So little wonder that Nepal today has the dubious distinction of being the land of bandhsand vandalism, abductions and extortion and, worse still, new armed insurgencies. When he was in power, Prachanda appeled to one and all to help end bandhs and strikes. The opposition parties at least supported his party idea. Once out of power, hisparty appers to have embraced the same tools to worsen the miseries of the new Nepal-led government the Maoist call "foreigners'puppets".

Hopes Dashed

Clearly with the burning vehicles and smashed windscreenms, the people's aspirations and hopes for a peaceful and prosperous "New Nepal" continue to go up in flames. so the big question is: Will the Nepal-led government address the myriad challenges gripping the nationin deep transition? Will it succeed in getting the Maoist party onboard to prepare and subsequently give the country its first "truly people's constitution" by May next year?

In the historic CA elections last year, Prime Minister Nepal was defeated in both Kathmandu constituency number 2 and Rautahat 6. Miraculously catapulated to power, Nepal found it difficult to ven cobble together the "35-member" council of ministers. Yet the not-so-tall man, who ws inducted into the jumbo CA by popularly elected former premier and once-feared Maoist chairman Prachanda, has managed to visit both his constituencies.

Last weekend, he got on a helicopter and visited Rauthat, his home constituency where he was defeated by Maoist candidate Devendr Patel by 2,147 votes. And this past weekend, even as the nation teetered on the brink with no full-fledged government in place to nip the growing anarchy and lawlessness, he managed some time for his second constituency, Kathmandu 1, where another Maoist newcomer Jhakku Prasad Subedi defeated him by 1,533 votes.

Way ahead

In Nanglebhare, one of Kathmandu's most removte and backward villages, about 25 km east of the city centre, the dirt road remains slippery and accident prone during the monsoon. What he spoke of his way ahead, Premier Nepal probably wasn't alluding to the Nenglebhare road. "The road ahead is slippery, "he said.

The Nepal-led coalition will have no choice but to take care of everything from dealing with a radicalized opposition to keeping the jumbo coalition intact. The way ahead isn't only slippery, it looks treacherous. As pointed out by many analysts, only a truly national government can do something. And "warrants" like the one issued recently in Benepa by YCL leder-cum-CA member Sagar won't help Nepal achieve lasting peace.

Take stroll around Kathmndu and you are bound to spot enough people with those little pieces of clothes covering half their faces. Highly conspicuous, they are sur to make you feel you need one too. Coming in all kinds colours, patterns and designs, these masks have become an integral part of valley denizens' 'attire' this summer--and why not?

After all, they notonly protect your nose and mouth from the polluted air but also makes you a part of the trend tht is really emerging if not thriving in the vallley, be it in the name of health or fashion. With the dustlayered roads and nauseating smell of uncollected garbage all around, the idea of wearing a mask is just too good to resist. And what more, with the scare of the flue like swine flu, bird flue, etc., nothing makes you feel safer than a mask. And coming for Rs 30 to a few hundred, they are not expensive as well.

A few weeks bck, I too got to be the owner of a mask. A friend bought the bright-green thing for me when she was buying one for herself. As soon as I got it, I put it over the bottom half of my face and soon we were walkng on the streets showing off our colorful masks. (Ok, you've got one, but we've it too!)

Not long after thoughI realised it was getting difficult for me to breathe properly. Some inferior material must hve gone into the mask. I recknoned, I yanket it off and scanned it carefully. Looked it it was made from cut-outs of other garments, as it appered to be a kind of cloth piece from which you stich a shirt-certainly not a mask, I tell you.

And sothis mask is mde of really low-quality, unhygienic material. Besides the gauzy material hardly seemed efficient in blocking out those devilishly small micro-pollutants up inthe air. The second problem was that the thing was stretched tight over my mouth and my nose, almost gaging me--not specifically designed, I assume, on the suggestion of health and medical professionals.

It's always smart to think about your health - you can't compromise with health, now, can you? So the next time you go out to get one of those masks for yourself, make sure it is cut out from the best quality cloth. The design and colour do matter, but surely not as much as your health and there by the need to stay away from pollution and those deadly flu virus. Anyway, you hve been warned.

The next Andolan will be the Angolan to end all Andolans

Unfolding political evens give an impression that the country is revering to the situation of in the mid-1990s when successive coalition governments were foiled by careful manoeuvring and horse trading. Earlier, the magic number was 103. This time the figure has simply been transposed to 301. Along with the transposition of numerical figures, political figures he also been transposed and, to a greater or lesser extent, been exposed as well. The CPN-UML now occupiues the role of the Nepali Congress (NC), the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MFJ) is in the situation of the Rasstriya Prajatantra Parry(RPP) ,and the Maoists are taking up the role of the UML. What about the NC? How about comparing it with the monarchy? A friend of mine even jokingly remarked that a most articulate leader of the UML is physically transforming into a Bharat Shumsher look-alike ! People can have amazing observations. 

In a popular BBC interation programme called Sajha Sawal (May 25), NC deputy RamChandra Paudel, responding to a query about why the NC, being the second largest party, was contentat backing the third largest party to lead the coalition government, referred to the alo-palo system, meaning that the NC had already headed headed the government post-people's movement and now with the Maoists' exit, it was naturally the turn of the UML to take the driver's seat. Earlier, political consensus meant a system of bhag-banda (shraing of the spoils), now we have his new alo-palo system. Thanks to the ingenuity of our genius politicians!

Paudel's reasoning also hints at a possible NC comeback one the utility of the UML is over. In the same programme, he also boasted that the NC declared a republic, successfully(?) concluded the CA elections and abolished the monarchy. Befdore going into deep hibernation, the NC is probably contemplating of taking credit for tone more fet, i.e giving anew constitutaion to the Nepali people. Can this wish be fulfilled? The answer is a resounding NO.

History is being repeated in Nepal. Does it mean to say that we are having another Jana Andolan? It took nearly 30 years after the imposition of the panchayat system to have the first JanaAndolan in 1990 and another 15 years for the second Jana Andolan in 2006. According to this time lapse, can we predict tht the third JanaAndolan will happen in 2013? Since three years have passed sincethe last Jana Andolan,m and moreover, given the political and economic situation, it sounds like we don't have to waith that long.

Jana Andolan I overthrew the monarchy-led one party regime; Jana Andolan II rooted out the monrchy and estblished a republic. What will be the agendaof JanaAndolan III? The Maoists have already floated the idea of vicilian supremacy. There can be others. We may have to wait for a while before things get crystallized. It is a bit murky at this stage. People are not sure of the opponents againt whom the movement is to be launched. The civil society is divided, discredited and disoriented. The Maissts also need som`e time before their anger at losing power so abruptly cools down. 

The UML-led coalition governmnent, basically propped up by external forces, i pre-destined to fall due to internal reasons. First, the coalition partners are alrdy having difficulties in striking a deal on a power-sharing arrangement. Even before a day passed after the formation of the cabinet, difficulties cropped up as a result of th UML's hasty decision to hold the finance and defence protfolios. Remember, these are the pet portfolios of the NC. Second, if one is to use the MJF criteria for determining ministerial berths, the coalition government will end up with a jumbo  cabinete of, at least, 40-45 ministers. The prime minister has already acceded to a 35-member cabinet. Third, the basic challenge of reconciling the irreconcilable agenda of the coalition partners lies ahead. Some crucial partners stand t opposit ends when it comes to issues like federalism. Madhes and ethnicity. At the moment, the partners have banded together under an anti-Maoists agenda. This is not going to hold for ever. Cracks and fissures have alrready appered within somecamps, even before the government has been formed, over the issue of leadership and power-shareing arrangements.

Finally, the longevity of the UML-led coalition rests on Maoist support. Listening to the prime minster's first address to the nation, there is more despair than hope in garnering Maoist support. The country is swiftly polarizing into the Maoist and nd anti-Maoist camps. The polariztion process is only goiing to help the Maoists to achieve their ends. It has already helped to consolidte their position both internally, by way of wiping out intra-party diffrerences; and externally, by garnering public support and sympathy over the issue of civilian supremacy. Failure to discuss the Maoists's "commitment proposal" in the House will futher help to strengthen the Maoist position than diffusing an already complicated situation. Literally, the government of Nepal headed by Nepal is in a Catch-22 situation. Remember, what Margaret Thatcher used to say. "It does not matter whether you drive left or right, but someone dirving on the middle of the road has the chance of being hit by traaffic coming from both directions.

The internal rifts amd external unpopularity will set the context for planting the seeds of discontent for Jana Andolan III. One possible agenda of the third Andolan could be to over-throw this artificially propped up regime whose power centres remain hidden and which is had made a joke out of eletoral democracy.  The modus operndi of the movement could something akin to what happened in Thailand -- millions of people pouring onto the streets of Kathmandu occupying some strategic positions for days till the government heeds to their demands. It will not be surprise if the Maoists take the lead as they are the ones with the capability experiene and will power to do so. Some of them are already sounding the idea of another people's movenent.  Prachanda is churning out the idea of waging a war of peace-- shanti ko ladain, rooting out the remnants of the feudal system. Irrespective of whoever leads the movement and whatever may be the agenda modus operandi and timing of the movement, one thing that is sure to happen is that the movement will be a decisive one. It will not be another patch-work of agrfeements in Nepal's political history. the nation is looking for an end to this political catch  catharsis, for good or for worse. once and for all.

The language, dress or culture of a group cannot be the symbol of Nepali Nationalism

The border issue with India has once again acroused nationalists. Will the composition of Nepali nationalism change in a new Nepal? And what risks may be change pose to its sovereignty and integrity? The vice presidential oath inHindiandthe subsequent protests against it last year also highlighted the confusion about the fundamentals of an emerging Nepal's nationalism in relationto the other two components. Taking theoath in Hindi was untimely and perhaps unnecessarily provoctive, but it did raise important issues about the shape of things to come in Nepal. More impotantly, it has made Nepalis rethink some of the fundmental assumptionsof who Nepalis are and what Nepal is. The old Nepal put together by King Prithvi Narayan and inherited by his progenies had the Shah monarchy, Hindu religion and the Nepali language as its main pillars. Even though King Prithvi recognized Nepal's pluralist population, he wished "Asal Hindustan" to be the core identity of his hard-earned kingdom .

And Asal Hindustan differentiated itself from not-so-Asal Hindustan, which had become Muglan, the land of the Mughals. Therefore, in some ways, Muglan was inferior to Asal Hindustan, unpolluted by Muslim rule.(In 1769, it had been only 11 yers since th East India Company's first victory in the battle of Plassey for territoriali rule). This identity reveals three things about Nepali nationalism: high caste nationalism accroding to varnashram dharma; definition of Nepali identity superior to Indian identity nd polluted Indian Hindus (one can trce the idea of superiority among hill high case Hindus in relation to Tarai and Indian Hindus partly to this differentition of unpollute high caste Hindus in relation toTarai nd Indian Hindus partlly to this differentiation of unpolluted hgh caste Hindu identity althoughit's more complex than thta); and asense of superiority to oher hill ethnic groups fornot being hill high castes. In evolving forms, this definition of Nepali national identity by differnce has continued to this day. What is Nepal? The answer comes frequently -- Nepal is what India is not.

The Ranas defined Nepali state identity by cleverly negotiating with the British and supporting their colonial idelogy. That is why the Rana regime was at the beck and call of the British (help inthe munity of 1857 was an example) to ensure the maximum number of gun salutes given to any princely state on the sub-continent. The Rana oligarchy may have had maximum sovereignty among the princely states, but hardly any nationalism save for the Muluki Ain of 1856. If there was any group ideology at work, it was invested in distinguishing the clan from its competitors by inventing the last name, using Persianized Nepali as court language, and Western ways of dress and cuisine.

King Mahendra and his panchayat regime turned these and the constructed dress into a catchy slogan of Nepali nationalism -- Our King, Our Country; One Language, One Dress. Varnashram dharma couldn't be defended now as an explicit marker as before due to modern sensibilites, although as an ideology it rmained potent in politics and socety. Language, dress and monarchy became part of the modern national identity. With the abolitionof zamindariand the imposition of a Nepali-speaking bureacracy, Nepal arrived on the world stge asa modern nation-state with top-down nationalism imposed by the Nepali-speaking elite.

In the absence of a homogenous Nepli ethnicity and the abolition of the monrchy and formal Hindu religion as given markers of a formal national identity., one dress and one culture, too, ae no longer acceptble in a new Nepal. In a situation like this, confusion, uncertainty and apprehension abound because the old can't work and the new hasn't been born or tested. What could be the pillars of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal's nationalism?

The status of the Nepali languae is yet to be decided, but Nepali is not only spoken by peope of Bhutan, Sikkim, Darjeeling Hill Council, North Eastern States of India, the Doon Valley and so on, it is now one of the 22 official languages listed in the eighth schedule of the Indian constitution. Bhanubhakta's statue stands in Sikkim and Darjeeling, and his name designates streets in Kolkat. On the other hand, a sizable population within Nepal, especially in the Tarai, still doesn't speak Nepali. Therefore, save for conveniene and convention of its official use, can Nepali bear plurlist Nepal's nationalist burden that would at one meet the spirtions of all its people and dissociate it self from India if India remains a central mirror of Nepali nationalism? Nepali is bothan Indian and a Nepali language. Therefore, should we be wary of associating language with more than its functional value in Nepal's pluralist society? So, even the Nepali language becomes suspect as a marker of Nepali nationallism given the circumstances.

On the other hand, Hindi the language that many Madhesi groups vouch for, also cannot be a symbol of Madhesi nationalism because people speak it as a functional language, lingu franca, nothing more. Hindi is universally rejected by people of the Indian South (where Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam have their own rich history) as a symbol of NorthIndia's aggression andlinguistic hegemony despite Hindi's controversial status as India's national language. In fact, Tamil secessionism subsided in the 1960s ony after a clear guarantee by Delhi that Hindi would not be imposed on the South.

Hindi's status outside of the Hindi heartland of U.P, Bihar and Madhaya Pradesh has always been suspect because it is nobody's mother tongue. Even in these core so-called Hindi states, Hindi is mostly a lingua franca rather than the mother tonguage of most Maithili, Bhojpure, Magadhi, Awadhi, Garhwali, Kumauni and Chattisgrhi speakers. Most people speak a sort of colloquial, grammatically flawed Hindi in these states on simi-for mal or formaloccasions. You should hear Lalu Yadav speackng rustic and grammatically horrible Hindi in the Indin parliament to great applause. (Only the new generation of urbanmiddleclass tht has shed its provincil mother tongues of the villages has adopted TV Hindi asitsfirst language, which is now increasingly being supplanted by English as the Indian urban middle class language).

In the Nepali Tarai, colloquial Hindi functions as a contact language. A Rajbhbanshi of Jhapa , who speaks Rajbanshi with a felllow Rajbanshi and Nepali with Nepali speakers, communicates in colloquial Hindior Maithili with Maithili, Bhojpuri and Awadhi spekers for different parts of the Tarai. In this sense, Hindi is both anI ndian as well as a Nepali language like Maithili, Bhojpuri, Nepali and others and so is a contact language of Tarai from Mechito Mahakali. Also, unlike Nepali, which gives undue advantage to those who speak it as mother tongue. Hindi is only a lingua franca, and very few people speak it with the advantage of 100 percent correctness.  

At any rate, the language (be it Nepali or Hindi orany other language), dress or culture of any one ethnic group or region thus cannot be the symbol of nationalism in any country with a multi-lingul ndmulti-culturl population anda ceomplex history. Like the monarchy and religion, they have become pilars of the old nationalism; they spell trouble for a pluralist society in a democracy. Old nationalism; a colonial gift of 18th -century shedi the world over. It has outlived its use even for Europe; and in new Nepal, one should rather say, good riddance!

But can Nepal's sovereignty and integrity stand without the glue of nationalism that can unite all Nepalis in a common bond and identity for a common purpose ? Nepal's emerging civic institutiions and pluralist public culture, its historical memory of sovereignity and independene, the desire of Nepalis of all ethnic groups to live together in a perfect union, the common will to make the most of the resources of the hills, the plains and foreign lands, and, above all, the Nepali people's struggle for democracy and the republican dispensation could form the pillars of Nepal's new nationalis. It could be called civic nationallism-- nationalism of politica, social and civic institutions and values. In this respect, the forging of a pluralist constitution by the Constituent Assembly becomes a sacrd (in a secular sense) act of Nepali nationalism. Nepal's new constitution that embodies the Nepali peopel's unique geo-cultural complexity and aspirations in a globalized world of the 21st century must be the fundaental documentand symbol of Nepal's new nationalism. In other words, pluralist democracy could be the new Nepali multiethnic nationalism.

More attention needs to be paid to making kathmndu more tourist friendly

There has been, over the past two decades, a shift in the way that tourists perceive the Kathmandu Valley. For the first three or four decades after Nepal openedup to foreigners, Kathmandu was a major attraction in its own right. Western tavellers, weary of their modern, consumer societies back home, came to this city inserrch of n older, exotic mode lof living. And what they found here was a city untouched by modernity (or so it appered), almost medieval with its temples and rituals, lush fields, narrow alleyways and its welcoming people to little in touch with the outside world.

Gradually, however, tourists destinations outside the valley developed. The trekking circuits emerged s major attraction. Then there was the quiet, beautiful town of Pokhara andthe safari parkof Chitwan. Meanwhile, Kathmandu turnedinto an over-congested maze of concrete, with its noise and its fumes and its dirt. Touriss who had visited Nepal previously were saddened by the change inthe pretty little valley they had known. And those who arrived for the first time were shocked and appalled at the contrast between wht they had expected and what actually existed.

Although there have been attempts by the authorities to cultivate Kathmandu as a tourist destination, ony half-herted ttempts have beenmade to make the city friendlier for tourists. Of course, it is impossible to get rid of all the dirt and noise and congestion, but there are things that could be done be lessen the frustrtions of tourists when they visit Kathmndu. Better informtioncentresandtolet facilities at the major historic sites such as he three Durbar Squares of Kathmndu, Swayambhu and Bouddha would be a start. But at each of these places, there is more of an emphasis on collecting fees from tourists thnon using those fees toprovide better services in return.

A focus on providing better services to tourists would be a strt, but ony preliminary one. Much more needs to be done if the Kathmandu Valley is again to become an attraction for tourists. It has already developed an internationalreputtion asa difficult and claustrophobic city which, being the capital with the only international airport in thecountry, visitors are forced dto pass through if they wish tovisit the more beutiful areas of the country. If may seem that this fact hasn't hampered the flow of tourists to epal so fr, but this could soon change. Intimidated by the reputation that Kathmandu has, prospective visitors may decide that having to confront it at all is not worth it and decide on alternative plaes for their holidays. this is a highly disturbing trend for any country, much more so fr one that is heavily reliant on the income the trourism industry brings. Significant attention and planning has to be spent on making Kathmandu firendlier to tourists if decline is to be averted in the longer term.

Prachnda can ask his enemies for advice on how to keep India happy and stay in government for a long time

Nepal's problem starts from the biggest illusion that we are a fully independent country. By the time one gets disilusioned, it is too late. The latest victim of this historic and pervasive fantasy was none ohter and pervasive fantasy was none other than fire-eating prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal "Prachanda". He lashed out at India in great wrath for fomenting a political imbroglio precipitating his exit from the government. What he said in rage at Tundikhel followng his grcefulresignation was nothing new. We hve been hering about in experiencing Indian interference, sometimes covert and sometimes overt, over the last 60 years of open politics. He reconfirmed th fact by trcing back to the Sugauli Treaty under which nepal reamined what he termed as "semi-colonial".

What was new was the sound nd fury with which Prchanda deliverd the messge. It is, howerver, not India that stands ton lose from this open secret of opend a think skin to these jarring remrks. It is Prchanda who stands to lose his statesmanlike stature by losing his temper.

To prove this point, we need to remind him of the fate of King Birendra who became an cyesore to the Indian authorities for spelling out a widespread feeling of the Nepalese people who felt, he said. "cheated" by India in the Koshi and Gandak water projects. Since then, all his efforts to keep India at arm's length from Nepalese internal affairs under what is known as the zone of peace proposal went to waste. Even his loss of power in 1990 and his loss of life in 2001 are often attributed to secrt designs in New Delhi.

Prabhakaran of Sri Lanka might have different context inmeeting his death, but Prchanda's apprehension about facing a similar fate in Nepal could come true if he continues to push India hard. We don't need gret insight to understand the simple truth of Indi's role in Nepal.

It Prachanda wants to come back to power and rule in Nepal for a long time, he must learn lessions from this and other matters from very unlikely people like his adversaries, for example, Gyanendra Shah. There is nothng wrong in doing so ifwe go by the precedent established by none other than the Hindu idol king Rama as cited in the Ramayana. When Ravna was fatlly wounded by Rama in battle, Rama asked his brother, Laxman, notwithstanding his enmity with Rama, to approach Ravana for some wise precepts on statesmanship and governance. Everyone was aware that Ravana was a great scholar, a brave warrior andan insightful man. Laxman subsequently went to Ravana, paid due rspect to him ans sought wisdom. Ravana did oblige Laxman by shring some secrets of wise administration.

If Prachanda could follow such a pattern in all humility, he should be ready to listen to some words of wisdom from Gyanendra Shah, who lost his crown mainly due to the Maoist supreme. Gyanendra, who believes that he was ousted form power because he could ot please Inida, would have no reservations to blurt out his bitter experiences with India. We can very well imagine the deposed king whispering to Prchanda with grt confidence and firmness to keep India in good humour if he (Prachanda ) wanted to remain in power in Nepal. He can give yet another important message of never applying absolute communist rule in Nepal like he tried to enforce supremacy of the monarchy.

It would be as unwise to seize power for communism any time in the future as it turned out to be for the absolute royal rule in 2005. In hindsight, Gyanendra might even throw light on hownot to govern to avert a suicidal demise of one's own career. Prachanda and Gyanendra have ironically many things in common of being absolutist , dogmatic and over-bearing. They showed their love for arms and the strength coming from them. Prachanda can at least avoid the mistakes his one-time adversary made. That will not only be to his benefit but also for our geater benefit as Prachanda is sure to remain an active actor in the political game in Nepal.

To acceptor not to accept the advice is Prachanda's problem. If he wishes to go a little slow in bringing about change in the country as sensible Nepalese people would like him to, he would definitely imbile the wisdom coming form his erstwhile enemies. If he wants to move fast nd rashlly, as did during his nine-month stint in power, he is intelligent enough to understand its consequences. The choice is his, but he should be guided by the greater interests of the people and the country and not by his personal temper.

If he needs further guidance, he can go to Girija Prasad Koirala to understand how Koirala coined the euphemism"grfand design" to articularte his fears and resentment against India's attitude without naming names. He has been successful in saving his skin by not directly irriating the big powes no mater how much they meddled with out affrirs, and in enjoying their uninterrupted suppport for his leadership notwithstnding the deficiencies inherent in him. so it is a mutual game of "you scratch my back. I scratch your back". It is again a choice for Prachanda to agree or not to agree to this kind of relationship.If he agrees, he is stable. If he does not, he is unstable. There is no further option.

Prachanda can also learn a few lessions from Krishna Prasad Bhattarai on how to manage this country with good humour and lght heartedness. Bhattarai can rightfully claim to be the most righteous and judicious person to steer the political turmoil of 1990 for framing a new democratic constitution. He was not assertive about other things in his administration, but he proved his mettle in producing the the constitution within the time frame. Not following his conciliatory path. Prachanda indeed missed an historic opportunity to write a republican constituton for which he had the best claim to preside over. His successor Prime Minister Maddhav Nepal looks well attuned to lerning from his predecessor's mistakes in this mission of constituion framing.

There are, moreover, senior leaders ike Surya Bahadur Thapa who can enlighten Prachanda as to the ways of tacking Indian leaders who are always close and friendly to him. There is actually no lack of knowledge or skill in dealing with India. It is just a question of choice as to which path to follow - confrontational, conciliatory or condescending. It is a difficult choice to make it for all the leaders of our country.

The stock market is not place for gamblers despite what some may think

The newly-appointed finance minister has indicated that he has no apprehensions or rservations about the development of the captail market. He also said that it was not clear to him why his predecessor had said that the stock market was a place for gamblers. He added that a legal environment conducive to the development of the capital market would be followed and changed if required. Hhe also made it clear that the interests of small and ordinary investors would be protected.

Investing in securities is not gampling. If you bet in horse racing or a foot-ball match, it is gambling. But if you make an investment in securities, it is not gambling. When you makean investment, you study the rae of return and do a financial analysis of the company whose shares you are buying. In gambling, you do not do anything like that. Therefore, investment, speculation and gambling differ in nature, essence and form.

Investment is sacrificing certain present value for an uncertin fuure reward. It entails making decisions such as type, mix, amount, timing and grade of the investment and disinvestent. Moreover, such decisions not only have to be continuous, they have o be rational too. Broadly speaking, an investment decision is a trade-off between risk and return. Investment and speculation are somewhat different yet similar because speculation requires an investment and investments are to some extent speculative. The best way to distinguish between investment andspeculationis by considering the role of expectations. Indeed, no man becomes wealthy without speculating in something.

There is no such thing as something for nothing. From a social standpoint, specultion must be differentiated from investment on different grounds. Gambling dates bck to antiquity. A gamble involves taking a risk without demanding compensation in the form of increased expected return. Gamblers exhibit certain charactristics. For them, gambling is a typical, chronic and repetitive experience, it sidelines all other interests, gamblers display persistent optimism without winning, they never stop while winning and eventually risk more than they can afford, gamblers seek and enjoy a strange thrill from laying a bet, and gamblers un consciously want to lose. A gamble is usually a very short-term investment in a game of chance. The holding period for most gambles can be measured.

The stock market had risen significantly about three years ago when the M aoists joined the peace process and the compreshensive peace accord (CPA) was signed. The decline in share prices during the previous administration has been attributerevenue oriented policy. More specifically, an increase in the capital gains tax, the implementation of the voluntary disclosure of income scheme (VDIS) and the requirement to show the source of income when buying auutomobiles and real estate were blamed for the down -turn in the stock market.

Independent experts say that a little flexibility on the part of the government could contribute much to the development of the Nepali capital market. The real sector which is characterized by private and family ownership should be provided an opportunity through tax holidays and exemptions to attrct investors. The financial sector presently accounts for about 90 perent of the shares traded. Out of the 158 companies listed on the Nepal Stock Exchange(NEPSE), 116 belong to the financial sector.

The NEPSE index is a quick economic barometer of investor confidence anda mirror of the economy. It has been shwing a positive trend recording double-digit growth during the past few days after the formtion of the UML-led government, which is widely expected to opt for a liberal economic policy keeping the private sector in the driver's seat. It can be said that a bull trend is continuing in the Nepali bourse. The NEPSE index, which reached an all-time high of 1175, is now hovering around 715 plus.

In the global scenario, share prices normally do not show a peak trend until there is political stability. In Nepal's context, however, the NEPSE index rose immediately after the resignation of the Maoist-led government, and then fell for a few days before zooming up after the UML-led government was formed. Two reasons have been cited for the current upsurge in the index. First, the fiscal year closing is only a month and half away, and investors are buying shares in asnticipation of dividends. The second reason is political stability and change in government.

People usually make investments with a future end date in mind. The period between the investiment date and the final dae can be called an investor's planning horizon, investment horizon or holding period. Therefore, speculation is not the same as gambling, and the two should never be confused. This difference between speculation and gambling is that artificial and unnecessary risks are created in gambling. More risk assumption is not gambing so longas the size of the risk is known. Gambling has todo with acceptance of risks for their own sake, for he object of economic gains and without knowedge of the exact nature of the risk.

Some policy changes need to be made to bring about sustinable growth of the share market. Why do invetors invariably think that it is easier to make money when the market is rising than when it is going through a bear phase? Most of us do not want to buy shares during a downturn even though it is sometimes possibe to earn higher return if one invests in a falling market. The reason for this is explained by human behaviour. Studies in neighbouring countries have shown that small and new investors` generally over-react to market situations. The reactions are stronger when they lose money,as is the case during a bear phase. At times, during both the bull and ber periods, the market tends to become irrational. Actually, money can be made whether the market moves up or down. We have to be extremely careful. Don't believe what others say; do your own research and make intelligent decisions.

It appears donors are more willing to relieve Nepalis of hunger than their own government!!

Less than 2.5 perent of Nepal's annual national budget is allocated to agriculture even as food deficiency continues to increase right across the country. According to Nepal's internationaldonors like the World Bank and the European Commission, the current budgetary allocation amounts to a drop in the ocean. Amore realistic figure to tide over chronic food deficiency in Nepal is around 10 percent, they say. It's not hard to see the rtionale behind such a substantial increase.

According to the Poverty Reduction Fund (PRF), which is chaird by the prime minister, as much as 70 percent of the people in the far west are now under the line of poverty, they do not have enough to feed themselves for more than three months in a year. This yer, owing toa winter draought, wheat production has decresed by 14.5 perent and barley production by 17 perent while there is a deficit of 132,916 tons of grain. The worst-hit districts re Humla, which will this yer produce enough food for only 62 days while Bajura will produce enough for just 116 in the yar. Other districts hit hard by sever food shortage include Kalikot, Acham, Baitadi and Bajhang-- all of them producing just about four months' supply.

The biggest obstacle to meeting the immediate food needs of the people living inthese fr-flung districts is the enormous cost incurred while transporting emergency food relief. Nepal Food Corportion(NFC), for its part, provides subsidised rice in 24 food-deflicit districts, but the government bears the transportation costs, which amount to as much as double the total price of food being ferried. But the government doesn't seem to have enough to feed its starving populace. Last month, NFC had asked the gvernment for Rs.240 million to pay for transportation costs. They got Rs.60 million. They were instructed to procure the rest from vrious banks.

NFC plans to sell 30,000 tons of rice this year; the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP)plans on distributing 120,000 tons under its popular initiatives like school feeding nd Food for Work. This WFP scgene (with a totl budget of US$ 157 million) also supports agrigulture and food security activities like irrigtion construction, water harvesting, improving road network, post-harvet storage construction and cash crop production.

It appers Nepal's donors and foreign friends aer more interested in relieving Nepalis of hunger than their own goernment. The quetion is as much of ability as it is of intent. It defies reasoning to focus on ambitious plan s like big hydropower projects while nerly half the country's population doesn't even have enough to eat for three quarters of year. Any way we look at it, the government has its priorities all wrong, and whateverit is doing to reduce poverty and hunger is not working for those on the lower rungs of the economic ladder. A starving population is an unproductive population. It makes economic sense to keep the populace healthy and educated. But first nd foremost, people ought to be seen as human beings who desrve, if nothing else, to be able to feed themelves twice a day.

The report of Committee on Preservation Of National Interest falls woefully short of expecttons

When Nepalis talk about national interests, they talk aboutvery bsic things about their survival. These basic things are the country's perceived needs and aspirations in relation to their immediate external environment.

Nepalis do not hae the luxuary of worrying about interests that are remote in a geographical , moral or worldly sense. They hardly expecst a higher level of secutiry that many in the developed world will think of, rarely imagine prosperity that many countries in Europe and America might want, and never dream of advancing any of their national values of other countries, or set objectives that are much more expansive in space, time and even conception. However, it does not mean Nepalis do not (or should not) have survival instincts.

Just early this week, India's Border Security Force (SSB) violently evicted thousands of Nepalese families by crossing the International boarder once again. Kantipur reported that among the more than 6,000 people chased away from their villages, 1,800 had to look for shelter in the Satbariaya forest in Deukhuri. Indian troops invaded their and, burned their homes and told them than they could no lon ger live in that area. Over 15 young women are said to be still missing. Once again, the troops moved the pillars marking the b border between the two countries approximately 35 metes into Neapli territory. Thi is the everyday trauma that Nepalis have been forced to suffer by a jealous neighbour.

While the Committee on Preservation of Ntional Interest (CPNI) has become the first among the 10 thematic committees of the Constituent Assembly (CA) to present its sreport to House Chairperson SubhashChandra Nembang within the revised time schedule, the question whether its report has been able to propose arrangements that might preserve Nepal's vital interests as a nation is open to discussion. Theissuehere is: Hasthe cmmittee responded to the trauma which the people of this country have been forced to suffer?

The committee report comprises a concept paper on the areas of its competence, a preliminary consitutional draft based on it, which also has a seperate column for an explanatory memorandum for every issue dealt thereon. Led by UCPN (Maoist) leader AmikSherchan, the comnmittee has claimed that its report is based on consulations with 26 subject matter specialists anda review of the recommentadions of 48,985 respodents to the questionnaries distributed by them early this year. Besides, 46 in-house experts of the government wer also consulted on different issues.

In addition, they alsochecked 294 suggestions received from different quarters. Further, 7,500 informal slips were received and entertained by the committee to gauge public opinion. The committee had 98 meetingsto finalize the report inits present shape, and spent 337 working hours to process all concerns. Moreover, the committee had created eight sub-committees-- one each for the eight constitutional areas allocated to the committee by the CA Rules 2008 to provide small group focuson these matters. Some of the sub-committee memebrssaid they are happy with the net output of the process they followed so vigorously.

Indeed, the report has captured many of the issues that relte to the preservation of Nepal's national interests. It has not been able to hit the core of our problems, however. Some of the fundamental issues that should have been addressed by the report at this level have been left unattended, miscrably failing to read the verve of this poor country . Some others do not find proper expression in the present draft format, even though several inputs have been rceived from the people on this sscore. Apparently, the plenry session of the CA has to compensate for these deficits, or send the report back to the committee for improvement.

To beginwith, it is very important for Nepal to close all is open international borders andguard the house against unsolicited intruders to preserve its core national interst. This strategy has to encompas national bordre secutiry, immigration control, sancity of Nepal's airspace anda echanism to fight terrorism and other sponsored activities from outsidethe country. Just recovery of lost lands, demarcation of the international border and its regulation is not enough. The committee needs to come forwrd and reflect boldly on the suggestions received from the common people, which among many other things, include explicit demand for passport control for every foreigner visiting Nepal.

The CA ,must also say noto the strategy of overwhelmingNepal's indigenous population by unsolicited immigrants. This country cannotremainapopulation importing country anymore. It would not beable to offer another round of five million citizenship certificates to immigrant Indians after another 20 years without finishng itself. The prctice of offering citizenship en masse must be constitutionally halted for ever. Together with this, Nepali natives must be protected from pseudo Nepalese enjoying dual citizenship. The consitution should be able to provide stringent action againt foreigners holding Nepalese citizenship while retaining their native passport.

A credible defence force remains one of the best means by which to gurantee security to the nation in a variety ofways. It must be kept outside the day-to-day politics, and attempts to bring abrupt changein the institution must also be resisted. However, the attempt to establish a national defence council where there is no representation of the chief of army staff is a verywild arrangement. It neither serves democracy not any national interest. The provision of compulllsory military training to youths without the leadership and support of a disciplined army is not a viableconept. All of the successful small states prctice this to some extent. The provision serves well only when there is explicit determination to keep the army out of any military aliance, soft or hard, andits politicization through prevented. The intrests of each regional power can also be preserved ony by preventing the domination of the country's force by one of the, or any other outside the region.

It is in Nepal's enlightened national interest to make hereself a neutral centre of trade, commerce, cmmunications and finane useful to all powers amd capable of absorbing and integrating their presene and influene. Unfortunately, the committee report is without any direction in this area. It does not even consider and takea position on how to preserve access to reasonably priced and secure supply of oil in plae of the current India guarded supply system. There is no direction about the national food security strategy, an all time crucial issue. It is surprising how a country can preserve its national interest without a clear concept of neternal security challenges like climate change and floods and natural disaters affecting a large segment of the people like earthquakes.

The word has never been a safe place for small states. Nepal is not safe either. It has become even less so with the advent of regional rivalry, economic conflect,scramble for energy and mineral wealth nd terrorism. One does not have to be Sam Huntington or Donald Nuechtrlein orAlexander George orRobert Keohane to understand these basic survival issues. The point is why are these issues being ignored?

A permanent mechasnism to monitor and negotiate broder disputes between Nepal & India  is needed

About 1,800 Nepalis inhabiting the border regions of Dang have left their homes, walked for two days and are now living in ramshackle shelters in a forested are in the district. They claim that they were driven out by the Indian boder security force-- the Seema Surakshya Bal (SSB). It appears that the Indian side has over the past few years shifted the border pillars 35 metres into Nepali territory, and that the SSB has acted in a manner most vicious towards them: setting their houses on fire and even raping women.

Complaints by those living at the border that SSB forces have evicted them form their land and homes are not new. Similar encroachment has recently been reported in Bara district, where farmers have claimed that Indian villagers have been encroching upon and frming their land. The Indian encroachers have reportedly been assisted by the SSB in using force against Nepali locals.

Such happenings naturally arouse nationalist sentiment, anger and resentment towards India. But wht is deeply unfortunate is that although such instnces of encroachment have been on going for years, there is still no governmental authority or security agency on the Nepl side that can negotiate boundaries on behalf of displaced Nepali villagers. The hue and cry that is generted whenever encroachment occurs has not led to any institutional action on the part of the government of the two countires tomediate disputes at the boarder. Mechanism to maintain vigilance at the border and immediately step in when a dispute occurs should by now have been installed. These local mechanisms should have been granted the authority by the governments of both countries to intervene as soon as an act of encroachement takes place. This is beneficial not only to the Nepalis displaced, but also to India. Such immediate action would prevent instance of encrochement receiving wide coverage across the country and thus check resentment and hostility towards India.

In the absence of existing local mechanisms to resolve border disputes, these recent cases need to be handled, at least initially, by the central governments of both countries. the Nepali side has to register its strong opposition and ask for immediate taskforce to be set up consisting of officials of both countries to create a mechanism to monitor the border and negotiate disputes. It is a sad indication of the times that such an outcome does not appear forth becoming. The government is an flux and is too caught up with politics at the centre to treat border issues with the seriousness they desrve. The current government will also want to ignore the issue as it relies on its support to stay in power . The helplessness of those displaced from their homes in Dang is a perfect example of how the fragmentation of politics in Kathmandu leads to Nepal's inability to to negotiate with other countries, causing suffering and misery to its people.

Until anti-tobacco bill is passed, achievement in the field will be incremental

Nepal celebrated the Wrold No Tabacco Day onMay 31 with various programmes observed on the day under the slogan "Tobacco Health Warnings." In Nepal, 58.1 percent males and 31.6 percent females use some form of tobacco products; 48.4 percent males smoke while 28.7 percent females do. Unsurprisingly, tobaccois the leading preventable cause of death in the country - 15,000 people die due to tobacco consumption every year. In order to control the spiraling tobacco use, the government in 2003 signed the WHO Framework Convention onTobacco Control (FCTC) which was ratified in 2006.

As FCTC signatory, the government some sixmonths ago had submitted the anti-tobacco bill to the parliament, which, when enacted, willprohibit smoking in public places and require tobacco companies to pack their products in a way that doesn't attract children. Other noteworthy provisions in the bill are: anti-smoking message should cover at least 30 percent of product pckage are, sellers of tobacco products should obtain government permits and tobacco companies should be banned from sponsoring any public programme.

Sadly, with politica lissues taking the centre-stage in the Constituent Assembly(CA), important social issues have been put on the backburner. In this scenario, it is unlikely that the anti-tobacco bill will be passed anytimesoon . Unstable government and constant political jockeying for power haven't helped matters either.

Growing useof tobacco prooducts is a global crisis. Tobacco products are the second biggest reason for untimely deths of one of 10 adults worldwide. According to World Health Organisation estimates, 10 million people wlll die annually of tobacco consumption by 2020 if the rate of consumption keeps increasing at the current rate.

But if we act on time, this disaster can be averted. In this context, perhaps the most imporant thing to do right now is to make people across the country aware of the dire consequence ofprolonged smoking. It is also urgent to impose and strictly implement a total ban on smoking in public places. Reserch in the field suggests that second-hand smoking can be as harmful as first-hand smoking. There can be no justification whatsoever for smokers putting non-smokers in harms's way.

But for any effective anti-tabocco campaign to succeed., the government must first pass the bill. The June 1992 Cabinet decisiion of the then government banning smoking t public places has clearly not worked. The clear message is that unless strict laws are in place, no significant improvement can be made towrds reducting tobacco consumption.

Tobring this about, CA members need to be put under constant pressure to implement the bill without further ado. Tabacco cripple the countrie's able manpower by making them prone to various life-treatening diseases like cancer and tuberculosis, and reduces their overall stamina. At a time CA members are debating crafting out a New Nepal,they need to keep in mind that a new Nepal will beno better than the old one if half its population is infirm or underproductive. We urge the lawmakers not to delay a final decision on this important issue. Tomorrow might be too late.

Nepal became a republic a year ago, but its political cultre remains immature

It was a yer ago to the day that the Constituent Asembly (CA) sat to abolish the institution of the monarchy and declare Nepal a republic . This, it seemed, heralded anew dawn whre the people of Nepal would finally be fully sovereign, able to take all affairs of the state into their own hands, and no longer have to ever rely on a guardian or protector who had so often worked against the interested of the populations.

Although in rhetoric the ills caused by the Nepali monarchy are traced to the period of Prithivi Narayan Shah almost 250 years ago, the monarchy's direct hand in politics, which was to grdually arouse disillusionment among the people , began only in 1951, after the Rana regime was overthrown . The post-1950 era wasalso marked by a new political awareness. In the decades since then, various monarchs demonstrated that they wished to centralize power in their hands and and, despite rhetoric to the contary, marginalized political actors that had a popular base. Mahendra began this trend when he usurped state power in 1960.

It was hoped that this state of affairs would end after Nepal became a constitutional democracy in 1990. But these hopes were to be belied. It is common among the politically engaged to put all the blame on Gyanendra-- who began the process of assuming authority that the constitution did not grant him in 2002 and took over all executive power in 1005-- for the unwnted intrusion of the monarchy into the political sphere and the mess that followed. But this narrative glosses overthe fact that irresponsible actions of the political actors gave room for an adventurist king to step in and then to justify his undemocrticways. In their squabbles with each other, the various political parties looked towards the king to act as arbiter. Various prime ministers-- Sher Bahadur Deuba readily comes to mind-- sourght personal proximity to the king and attempted to use him to undermine their political opponents. It was this process tht enabled the monarch to play one politial force against another and extend his influence.

With the removal of the monarchy, it was hoped that a new maturity would come into Nepali politics. There would be no higher power for the political actors to appeal to in their attempts to bring down their rivals. They would be forced to resolve all problems through negotiations with each other. Being forced to directly confront and resolve all problems by themselves would contribute towards strengthening Nepal's democracy.

Unfortunately, this has not come to pass. Politics is now seen to be as much of a zero-sum game as in the 1990s. Political actors continue to cultivate power centres tht are not supposed to engage in politics and thus undermine their opponents. A year may have passed since Nepal was declared a republic, but Nepali politics is still at the immature state it was in during the turbulent decades of the 1950s and 1990s. It doesn't have to be that way.

The political parties of Nepal should prove to the people that they can deliver

At different stages of Nepal's politics, I often remember Shakespere's Richard II. There are scenes in the play where the writer mentions tht the ministers and countries do not know when to laugh ad when to cry, nor do they know what to say when! This has been the case repeatedly at different stages of Nepal's politics. Today, too, I can never figure out why the Maoists had to touch katawal at this point when he was on his way out anyway! Nor for that matter, why did they have to touch the Pashupati episode and bck out later.

After the revolutionary move of ousting the royal institution that had reigned over Nepal for decades, the whole country was looking at the first government of the Democrtic Republic of Nepal to steer the country towards peaceand prosperity. With the kind of inclusive Constituent Assembly that has been formedandthe new faces that have emerged in the new government, there were indeed ample opportunities to move ahead to form a new constitution that would be suitable for "New Nepal" andthen make sure the country moved forward to provide the respite that the people have been craving for quite some time now.

Unfortunately, that has not happened! In fact, if one reflects on the country's political development since the restorationof democracy by establishing a multiparty system in 1990, it becomes lear that one after the other democratically elected governments hae proved to be a failure - either, due to in-party bickering for power or intra-party animosity. All the same time, if one reflects on the role of the Nepali people, it can be seen with pride that they have, in fact, acted quite wisely. they gave a chance tothe largest democratic party at that time, the Nepli Congress, to form the first government under the multiparty system established in 1990. Howerver, when they failed, the UML was given the chance to lead the government.

But the 1990s decade saw several no-confidence motions andchanges of government leading to unhealthy interference by the royal institution. Whenthe elected governments proved to be unsuccessful in delivering what the people desired, one after the other, a sitution of fatigue had grown in the country. When the interference of the royal institution became too much, the people ousted that institution and gave a chance, once more, to the new force that was emerging in the country by waging "people's war". Well, the events of May 4 clearly show tht this force has not lived up to the people's war". Well, the events of May 4clearly show that this force has not lived up to the people's expectations either!

If one analyses the role played by the different political parties since 1990, it is obvious that they lack the skills of good governance. However, the question now is how long can the Nepali people and the nation aford to let politicians bring instability in the country in their quest to establish the discipline they need to govern a country well?

Nepalis a small country compared especially to its two giant neighbours. However, intoday's time, Nepal's political struggle can be hailed with admiration especially taking into account the battles that havebeenwaged against atrocities in the country and the ousting of forces which wre working against the people's wellbeing. The unfortunate reality of the country, however, is that after such successful revolutionary movements carried out by the people, the political parties always succeed in failing to live up to the people's expectations. After the revolution, when, the parties whom the people trusted the most were given power, they seemed to hve been corrupted by that very power and failed to deliver what the people really wanted and needed-- the basic necessities of life including two meals a day, a roof over the heads, good education and health facilities for all. With the kind of leftist movement that has been successful in the country, that is the least one would ecpect.

Pradeep Giri has a point when he said, during an interview of Kantipur television on May 4, that several people were looking up to Prachanda to lead the coalition government and set a new example of leadership in the country. Howerver, the day's evens could have proved them wrong. Anyway, as every cloud has a silver lining, there is still hope. Prachanda's resignation as primeminister is a commendble act indicating that he and his party are open to giving New Nepal a chance to have a stable government. But the point now is that all the parties including the Maoists should come together and form a governfment.

This is no time to bicker and point fingers but to join forces in completing the mainagendaof he Constituent Assembly, that is to formulate a new constitution for the country. Atthe same time, it is also imporant for all parties to come together and convience the Nepali people that they will indeedwork for them and prove that the support given by the people in establishing the new system will indeed bear fruit. In this process, the new political institution that has been created in New Nepal, the president, should also stay within constitutional norms and ensure that peace and stability is established in the country.

An example to show how funds allocated for local development are being misused!!

How have the funds sent by the Finance Ministry to the disticts for the purpose of local development been spent? There has been much debate about this issue in Kathmandu, but there is an absence of reliable data and, as a result, there hae been no satisfactory answeres. It does not help tht the entire debate consists of accustions and counter-accusations. The Nepali Congress (NC) has kept accusing the Maoists of directing the money directly into the pockets of party cadres and the party coffers. The Maoists, for their part, accuse the NC and CPN-UML of blocikng the formation of local bodies and thus funds to the districts.

Recent evidence from Baitadi district demonstrates that there has been massive abuse of funds provided for local development - and that all the major parties are complicit in it. The Rs.12.6 million allocated to local development activity in the district has been divided up between the NC, the UML and the Maoists. The district chapters of these parties have allocated to themselves Rs 2.5 million each. They have also appointed Rs. 1.7 million distributed to each of these groups has been further subdivided and handed out to various parties while the NC, the UML and Maoists are to get Rs.500.000 each of this mone, the smaller parties have been allocted Rs. 26, 000 each.

Meanwhile, the plans and politicies of the village council have been completely ignored; and government officials, such as the Local Development Offiicils, such as the Local Development Officer (LDO), have not been consulted in the decision -making process. It appears that the parties decided to distribute the funds among themselves as they were getting worried that, asthe end of the fiscal year was nearing, the funds would be frozen. But local officials and civil socitey leders have questioned this reasoning. There are after all 215 vaarious projects in Baitadi that have been stalled due to lack of cash. These include such worthwhile projects like the construction of trails, irrigtionchannels and supply of drinking water.

The Ministry of Finance has been criticised for being unable to spend funds allocated for development. But if this example of Baitadi is anything to go by, there is a dire need to reform and install new measures that govern how funds earmarked for local development are spent. The electionof local bodies would be a beginning, but by itself it will not be enough. Policies need to be created and implemented that closely monitor the activities of party activists and their control over local funds and increase their accountability to the people. Measures also need to be taken to ensure that local government officials feel more empowered to take decisions and less intimidated by political activists.

Many Britons seem to think that resettling all the Gurkhas in Britain will burden the British enonomy, and that it will eventually affect Nepal's socio-economic fabric

As the campaign seeking United Kingdom residency rights for all ex-Gurkhas contnues, at least one Gurkha will be allowed to remain in Britain forever. Corporal Kumar Pun fought for Britain in Kosovo and Bosnia. The 31-year-old soldier died in Afghanistan on May 7. Last week, his body, along with three others, was flown back to Britain. Draped in the British flag called the Union Jack, their coffins were taken around the Wiltshire town of Wootton Bassett. There, teary-eyed relatives and veterns paid their lat respects to the fallen heroes.

Originally hailing from Parbat district in western Nepal, Pun died alongside Sergeant Ben Ross, 34, when a motorcycle-borne suicide bomber attached their patrol at Geresk in Helmand province. On the same day, two other British solders, Corporal Sean Binnie, 22, and Rifleman Adrian Sheldon, 25, also died in Helmand province, the largest single loss British forces faced in Afghanistan. The latest death took the total number of British soldiers killed in Afghanistan since 2001 to 157.

Gorkhali tagedy

Corporal Pun is survived by his wife, 28-year-old ParbatiGurung, and two daughters, six-year-old Klaudine and 18-month-old Petrina. British press reports said they could stay in the U.K! Punb's parents, Dhana Bahadur, also a Gurkha veteran, and Sukha Maya arrived in the U.K. on May 12. After the coroner's office releases his body, Gurkha sources said, his last rites would be performed in Aldershot, Hampshire, according to Pun traditions.

Born and raised in the Nepali hills, Corporal Pun died young:that too in what's been described as a suicide revel attack in faraway Afghanisan. "He died for our Queen and country", commented a recent edition of the Daily Mail. corporal Pun's commander, Coloel David Haye, of the Gurkha Brigade, said at a tribute-paying cermoney in the town of Wootton Bassett, "Kumar was a very distinguished man, who was quiet but extemely competent."

Since the early 1800s, tens of thousands of Gurkhas have fought for Britian. Thaoudands lost their lives in the First and Second World Wars; hundreds remain missing while many others were left disabled. Several Gurkhas have won gallantry awards including the Victoria Cross. Today, of the 3,600 Gurkhas serving inthe British Army, a company of between 100-150 Gurkhas is deployed in Afghanistan at a given time.

Corporal Pun was the third Gurkha soldier to die in Afghanistan. Rifleman Yubraj Rai, 28, of Khotang, became the British Gurkhas' first fallen hero when he was shot dead ner the town of Musa Quleh on Nov 5,2008. Ten days later on Nov.15, Sergeant Krishna Bahadur Dura, 36, of Lamjung, was killed in an explosion.

British comedy

Gurkha observers here say Pun's death is a timely reminder of the sacrifice he and his fellow Gurkhas have been prepared to make for Britain. On hearing the news of Pun's death, celebrity Gurkha campaigner actress Joanna Lumley,62, nearly sobbed. "On this saddest of days for the families of all these brvemen, the involvement of Gurkhas is under lined heavily, " the glamorous actress said. "They are - and always have been - part of our armed forces."

Rhetoric aside, the actress has been actively involved in putting pressure on the Gordon Brown government to ensure residence rights to all Gurkhas. She says even a member of the British Royal Family has supported her campaign. She wouldn't disclose who, but a section of the London prerss speculates that the membermight be the Prince of Wales, Prince Charles, the colonel-in-chief of the Royal Gurkha Rifles.

The clamour for equal rights for Gurkhas is rsonating as far as Nothern Ireland. There, the widow of former Prime MinisterJames Chichester-Clark thinks it's an "absolute disgrace" that Gurkha soldiers are being denied the right to settle in the U.K. "It makes me ashamed to be called British over the way the Gurkhas have been treated," Belfast Today quotd her as a telling a Gurkha gathering here. Like Lumley's, Lady Moyola's father commanded the Gurkhas.

But not every Briton thinks the way the two high-profile ladies do. Just like Gordon Brownand many of his Labour Party comrades, many Britons seem to think that resettling all the Gurkhas in Britain will burden the British economy, and that it will eventually affect Nepal's socio-economic fabric and so on. Others plainly say the Gurkhas ae mercenaries.

"Let's be clear, the Gurkhas don't fight for Britain, "wrote D Eilliamson from Ferbank Lane, Low Secton, in the Times and Star. "They are mercenaries... Pensions earned by the Gurkhas should be spent in Nepalese villages." A nationalist Party called the British National Party has started a campaign against wht it called "illegali immigraton of Gurkhas". It's gone on to warn of "Gurkha ghettos", a move actress Lumley called "disgusting".

Nepali destiny

As the young Turks guard the frontlines, the retired ones continue with their struggle for residence rights, equal pensions and so on. The recent rejection of Gordon Brown's rules seeking to curtail the Gurkhas' eligibility for U.K. residency in the House of Commons has come as a shot in the arm for Gurkha campigners.

The day Corporal Pun died in Afghanistan, JoannaLumley completed wht The Times called her rout of the government. Here's why. She committed Gordon Brown to "do the right thing" for the Gurkhas. After meeting Brown, she hoped Borwn would come up with a new solution by the end of May.  

Latest reports indicate that it's likely to happen. The government, one report said, is considering a two-year deadline befre which all applications from the Gurkhas will be allowed. Besides, Brown has gone public saying that the government would speed up the applicationsof 1,500 ex-Gurkhas seeking U.K. residencey.

Yet in Dover, Kent, where the Puns are currently staying and possibly in his village in Parbat, only the Puns know the pain of losing their young bread winner to a foreign war, a war that's not necessarily theirown. think. Or is this war theirs too? For the Gurkhas don't live to fight; it's the other way round. In inhospitable, rugged foreign terrain, the Gurkhas fight for a living. That's it.

If the NC and UML fail to revitalize their party machine, the Maoists will come back even stronger, which may lead the two parties towards military adventurism

The resignation of Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal "Prachanda" seemed to breathe a newlease of life into the mainstream paliamentary parties. The previous year had been difficult for them.The results of the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections and the eight-month long tenure of the Maoist-led government hadpushed them intothe defensive. But theprime ministe's resigntion enabled the to take the initiative to form a new government, which, backed as it is by almost all non-Maoist forces, offered a glimmer of hope that this time around they would be able to set the agenda to which the Maoists would have to react.

This would be a fundamental reversal of the state of affairs that prevailed for all of the past year. The result of the CA elections had revealed how weak the mainstream parties had become. But instead of working to revive their organizations and reinvent their ideology in line with the aspirations of the population, these parties, particularly the Nepali congress (NC), entered into paralysis. There was a deep insecurity that the Maoists would further weaken them. And amid the demoralizationof theparty body, this fear gave rise to a kind of hysteria. the sole strategic calculation was that, as the Maoists were intenton sweeping away other parties from the political landscape, they needed to be opposed at all costs. Every decision they took that alienated a section of the population was treated by the NC as an opportunity to rally social groups againt the Maoists. But the NC lacked a strong organization and was unable to rebuild cdredibility among the electorte. It was thus natural that, in the major confrontation over the Maoists attempt to remove the Army chief, the NC was pushed to embracing two major power centres - the Nepal Army and New Delhi-- that are disconnected from the population.

The initial optimism that arose in the NC and the UML, after the resignation of thprime minister soon hardened into a self-confidence that, by using the resources of the state that would soon come into their control, it would be possible to weaken the Maoists and negotiate with them from a position of strength. New Delhi would prod most of the non-Maoist parties in the CA to support the UML-led government fromation. It would provide the resources to shore up the government's ability to deliver and thus regain some degree of credibility among the population. And, it, in the extreme case, military confrontation be came inevitable, the Nepal Army would provide the necessary force. The Sri Landan example became the talk of the town among the most anti-Maoist sections of the parliamentary parties. Regret was expessed that the Rajapaksa example of crushing the LTTE through military means had not been undertaken in Nepal. Some even claimed that it was still possible to follow this route.

But it emerged that this self-confidence was brittle. Dissenting voce begn to be heard within the mainstream parliamentary parties nd thos, such as theMadhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF), which evntually pledged their support to the new governing constellation. These sections of the political calass undestood that the Maoists could not so easly be unermined and attempts to do so would invte conflict that could potentially only strengthen the Maoists. Further, these sections also felt tht the only hope for progressive change, pece and stbility lay in an alliance with the Maoists, in the principles underlying the 12-point and subsequent agreements of the peace process.

But those who doubt the viability of an attempt to weaken the Maoists by keeping them out of governent are still currently bound to support the UML-led coalition. This is party the reason of pressure from powerful internal andexternalforces. But it cannot be denied that Maoist actions themselves were largely resposible for the deeply polarized political atmosphere where everyone was forced to take sides. The progressive elements in the non-Maoist parties felt let down by the Maoists. Faced with Maoist actions, it became almost inevittable tgt aknist akk bib-Maoist forces, though not bound by any common cause, would come together in support of the UML-led government formation.

The new governing coalition, which seems set to soon assume office, can follow one of twodirections. First, it can continue to push the Maoists into the defensive and spend all its energies on trying to weaken the party. Second, it cn put aside the acrimoney of the recent past and set out new terms of engagement on how to deal with the Maoists. What is most likely to happen is a combination of the two approaches. As the cabinet will most likely be dominated by viscerally anti-Maoist politicians, the initial attempt will be to display intrnsigence towards Maoist demnds and try toforce them to back down. Given the strength of the Maoist organisation and however, this strategy will not be vidable for long. A government that seeks to rule by actively excluding the Maoists will soon lose its credibility and ability to govern.

If this happens, dissenting voices within the parties of the governing coalition, though currently subdued, will gain more prominence. There will be greater pressure to engage with the Maoists, negotiate an agreement and bring them back to government. Whether this will happen to the advantage of the mainstreamparliamentary parties or the Maoists will be determined by the governing coalition's ability to deliver services and thus amass credibility; itsability to undermine the Maoists' support base, and the Maoists' ability to amass public suppor for their demands for the restortionof "civilian supremcy" and against "enternal interference".

What is clear is that the UML andNC attempt to lead government is major gamble for both parties.The next few months are for them a crucial window of opportunity to strengthen their legitimacy andparty organisation. If they succeed they can restore some balance of power with the Maoissts and a new agreement the 12-point agreement negotiated. If the NC and UML get even weker than they hve become over the past two years, they have become over the past two years, the Maoists will come back further emboldened, leading the NC and UML in fear and rage to dream of military adventurism .

The legal system must be updated so tht it can address contemporary crimes

Under-performance of key crimina justic institutions like the police, government attorneys andthe judiciary have allowed cirminals to walk free. The effect of this under-performance is reflected in the number of cases lost. The government on an average has been losing one-third questionabout the concerned authority's ability to dispense justice. according to legal experts, lack of coordination between government ttorneys ndthe police department, loopholes inthe existing criminal laws, absence of specialized police teams, weak prosecution andanambiguous judiciary are some of the reasons which have impaired cirminal justice delivery.

There seems to be much blame-game going on between authorities. The police accuise government attorneys of failing to prosecute effectiely owing to corruption or lack of professionalism. Government prosecutors, for their part, point to arrests maded without following legal procedures, leadingto wek prosecution. However, both seem to concur when it comes to pointing the finger at the judiciary. But it needsto be understand that accusations don't address the problems. Rather, they will only exacerbate then. The need of the hour is to enhance coordination and coopertion between the police and government attorneys. However, both institutions have their limitations, which hinder the process of justice delivery. According to police officials, lack of specialized human resources and adequate
infrastructure are the major hindrances to making a strong and fool proof case. In many instances, the police don't even have computers. They have had to do with typewriteres. Receiving information form informers involves money, which according to officials, is lackng twith the department.

However, the department's read problem is the method being adopted in the course of investigation. In most cases, investigationsae bassed on individual interrogation. But when the accused is produced in court, he or she tendsto comit diffcult for the government/police to winthecase. The seientific human resources. In addition to the absence of specialized benches to deal with criminal cases, factors such as obsolete laws and untrained attorneys affect the performance of the judiciary. For instance, the country's cirminal justice system is based on the Muluk Ain(civil code) formed more thanfour decades ago. Hence, there is an urgent need to keep the legal system intune with the timesso that it can address contempoary cirmes.

In this period of transitionmarked by rampant impunity, such loopholes incriminal justice may only aggrvate the situation. Toadd to this, the authorities concernedwith dispensingjustice are found indulging in corruption. Hence, there is an imnmediate need to address these shortcomings inoder for the common citizen to reponse faith inthese institutions for delivering justice

Media coverage reduces the reality of the Maoists and their intent by muddling fact with fuss

Even asthe army row forced his hand, the prime minister pulled a trick out of his sleeves and unexpectedly stepped down. The Maosts might have had the last laugh after all.

There is fundamental misjudgement about how the Maoists operate among segments of the media, the political parties and the international community. Part of this miscnception has been perpetuated by the Maoists themselves to keep everyone guessing. But largely it is the consequence of the complex nature of interaction between the Maoist party and plethora of sister organizations and the work of over-speculative media pundits. Media coverage reduces the reality about the Maoists and their intent through sweeping generalizations and selective hype.

Empirical researches have shown that there is a positive correlation between the use of the mass media and the process of democratic engagement: political interest, knowledge and participation. But there is another side to the coin. The mass media also foments apathy, ignorance, disengagement and cynicism. Studies have also showed that there is a positive correlaion between lack of trust in the government andtrust in the media.

The story about the role of the mass media gets complicated. But one way to look at is that the trust of the government and the politicia ns is intertwined with the media's own credibility, andthat the media is partly responsible for public cynicism and apathy.

A quick glance at the coverage of the army-Maoists row in the mainstream media shows how the media has failed miserably at political propaganda analysis. The coverage has been excessively critical of the Maoist bid to "politicize" the army, while the stance of the opposition, though equally driven by similar considerationsof political expediency, has been subtly portrayed as anact in "defence of democdracy". This comes to showhow susceptible the media is to the forces of push and pull. Or is there an inherent urban-elite bias tht the media cannot overcome?

There are not many functional institutons in Nepal, and the media as the gatekeeper of informtion ought to be more vigilant. More than a decade long democratic rule under of the watch of the Nepali Congress (for the most part) and others has done very little to build institutions. The probem is doubly compounded for a government led by the Maoists who have not been out in the meinstream for some period of time. For them, everything begins from scratch - establishing power relationships, navigating the subtleties of coalition politics andlearningto behave like parliamentarians, ministers and even prime minister.

The political orientation and the contnuing belief of hardliners in Marxist and Maoist ideals dichotomize the work of the government led by modertes. In the classicl Marxist view, there is o distinction between state inssssstitutions andpoliticl organistions. Nepali Maoists may also have taken Mao's maxim to heart: The party must control the gun, and that gun must never control the party. Euphemistically put, it simply means that there should be political control of the army, not the other way around. The Maoist interpretation of this maximdepends on how much the party has transformed so fr, and how fr it is willing to go in the future. For tht, we should look at the continuing evolutinof the Chinese Communist party(CCP) for cluses.

Shiping Zheng, a political scientist in his 1997 book Party vs. State in Post-1949 China, describes how the CCP still suffers from a revolutionary hangover half a century laer. (Although the book is a decade old, some of my Chinese colleagues assure me that not much has changed since then).The feud between modertes and hardliners among Nepali Maoists is largely about whether or not the party should continue to retain its revolutionary character and uphold the ideology of the "vanguard party". Even in China where there is a one-party state, CCP elders have been unwilling to completely abandon the wartmie strtegy. Therefore, it is not unnatural for Nepali Maoists-so steeped in communisst ideology and who still see themselves as being surrounded by adversaries-- to display similar traits.

The Maoists would like everyone to believe that they are rash and reckless in their decision- making process. But they ae not so hell-bent on establishing a one-party dictatorship as it would appear from press headlines. The Maoist strategy, as I see it, is two-pronged: At the political level , they are playing up the sstereotypical under-standing of communists-- imperviousto reason, rash and confornttional. On a more general level, they are rtcheting up the conflict to wer dodwntheri adversaries-- provokin them to react not to reason.

Apart from measuring the preparedness of heir adversaries, these conflicts provide a big propaganda victory fr the Maoists .First, it keeps the caaaadres united andprepared against the"enemy" Second, every reacin r criticism is an opportunity t highlight how "regrssisve elements" are workingto scutle the aspirtion of the people. Dahals's resignation shows to what length they will go to keep the party united. But they have killed two birds with one stone. They have managed to bury their poor performance with a political drama that ended with Dahal appearing to be resigning over a principle.

The Maoists are well versed in the process of political communication and howit trickles down to the masses, and they are making full use of the excessive negaive media coverage (about themselves) to posion the well-- literally telling their constituency and beyond that they cannot trust the media because they are hand in glove with "anti-people " elements. For the Nepali media to become an effecive watchdog of public interest, it is impertive to learn to cut through the thick of political propaganda (of both the Maoists and other parties) and separate the facts fromthe fuss.

Drugs usage in Nepal is very irrationl. You can esily find a medical assistant or even a medical shopkeeper prescibing drugs rnging from all sorts of antibiotics to major cardiac or respiratory drugs.

For example, a lady was prescribed analgessics andalso antibioties for minorjoint problem. Because of the adverse effect of antibiotics she started having diarrhoea andto control her diarrhoea she was prescribed another antibiotic. This was completely irrationalandtheshopkeeper should have beenpenalzed but for beingwht we call'over-samart'. I have also seen some children loaded with bottles of drugs for simple diarhoea when they just require Jeevan Jal and zinc tablets.

These examples are jsut a tip of the iceberg. Thisstory is true not only for the rural areas but also for Kathmandu. The paramedics are only allowed to sell over-the-counter drugs; they have no right to prescribe or sell any drugs beyond that. Where is the authority in charge of controlling this havoc, if it exists at all?

This irrational practice has many untowrd effects to the health system. The consumers will panic the most. Without any hesittion, unauthorized persons prescribe drus ona trial nd error bsisandmake the human body a place of experimentation. This leads to side effects and complications. Without our knowledge, our kidney, liver, ear or other body parts have to pay the price for their negligence ina long run.

Also theirrational use of antibiotics will lead to the emergenceofa new kind of microbes with will be resistant starins. Trditional antibiotics will not respond to these strains of bacteraia and doctors are forced to prescribe stronger and more expensive antibiotics. Sometimes the patients are treated so recklessly that the pattern of the disease changes, making it difficult to find the cure. Ultimately it is the patient who risks his life and loses his money for no good reason.

It is high time steps are taken to improvise the durg usage sysem in Nepal. Government has already made cler-cut guidelines as to whoshould do what in health management system. All prescsriptions except over-the-counter drugs should be made by licensed doctors. Ideally, concerned authorities should put up a strict vigilance to ensure that illegal distribution of durgs is not taking place in the community, but this does not happen in Nepal.

Still, it's better laste than never. I ruge the health authorities tostrictly monitor the drug usage nd punish the people found guilty. It is also importantto educate people about health and encourage them to tke ony those medicines that have been prescribed via television, posters andradios. Also, lower level health personnel could guide the patient to proper channel instead of guessing what he needs.

Finally I don't want to denounce health staff of any level because in a country like Nepal they play a major role in saving life inrural areas. But a proper referral scheme should be developed and everyone should abide by Health Act.

Whether we understand the science behind climate change or not, we are all facing climate change, whether we like it or not

An elderly women from Pragatinagar Village, Nawalparasai District in Nepal, struggles most of her day to collect a basket of grass for her few goats which survived with her during the big flood at Bahula Khola (transalated as Mad River) few years ago.

The deadly flood not only claimed a few hundred lives but a few thousand people were displaced by the flood turning fertile rice paddy into a sandy barren land. About two months ago when we, 13 members of parliament, visited Chitwan and Nawalparasi, I saw this woman wandering around on the barren land on the banks of the Bahula Khola, collectinggrass here and there for her few goats at home. Across the river is the border to Chitwan National Park. She is not able to go into the nationalpark to collect grass for her goats, not only because it's not allowed but also she is too old to run away to safety ifshe is attacked by wild animals. Also sheis afraid that if she takes her goats to graze in the national park, they will be attacked by tigers or leopards and she may lose her only remaining livelihood.

I tried to talk to the elderly woman about global warming largely caused by rich nations for their economic development; I obviously didn't make any sense to her as she didn't understand climate change.

Now the carbon trade debate has become one of the main discussion points for rich as well as poor nations and dialogue is already underway in rich countries to make a deal at the UNFCCC Copenhagen COP 15 meeting. The "Polluter Pay" principle has been discussed over and over again. Rich countries are still debating the terms of how this"Polluter Pay" principle has been discussed over and over again. Rich countries are still debating the terms of how this "Polluter Pay" principle should be implemented. As one can see from the scene in Nawalparasi, the old women, possibly with the most clean and eco-friendly lifestyle, doesn't understand what CO2 is, she may also not be aware that countries like America, Japan, China, UK, France exist and their economic development in recent decades has caused global warming for which she is now paying the price. She wears alrady worn out cotton clothes, her basket is locally gown bamboo woven locally, she is not even wearing any chppals (footwear), her grass cutter is made from iron with a wooden handle, also locally made. She doesn't use any plastic bags and uses cow dung to fertilize her vegetables. Will her eco-friendly lifestyle be considered when the rich counties negotiate carbon credits at COP15? Will her generation from poor countries get anything back for what they have lost because of te rich nations' pollution?

I asked her whether her livelihood was always like that? With a deep sigh she sadly replied pointing the barren land "This land used to produce more than enough rice and vegetables to feed our family. We didn't have to spend such long hours just collecting a basketful of grass for our cattle and goats. We had such a stable livelihood inur time. I see a harsher time for the present and future generation as I can't understand 'Nature' these days, which often acts Mad!"

Rich nations may not realize that the economic development they enjoy is causing such an impact on the lives of so many "Clean Climate Women". The price many such climate generationsare paying for doing nothing must be uderstood when the next carbon credit mechanism is decided at COP15. The carbon credit mechanism may not stop the richer countries from continuing to exercise their economic development but little justice will come to the "Clean Climate Women" in remote villages of Nepal or to the generation to come. Where is the environmental justice for many women who do nothing towards green house gas emission but rather contribute toa clean environment? Who will compensate for the lost livelohood of such a woman who has to suffer at her age for doing nothing wrong?
 

This is not an isolated example of a woman in rural Nepal impacted by climate change, many other people have experienced climate change like hotter summers and cooler winters no wter even for basic cooking, cleaningand drinking because of prolong drought in the winter nd dry season. Talk about villages or cities, the Tarai plains or mountains, whetehr we understandthe science behind climate change or not, we ar all facing climate change, whether we like it or not. Many herbs are disappearing in our mountains and parrots arrive early from the south, mango trees flower early, there's no or not enough rain to grow corn and plant rice, our drinking wter sosurces are dryingup in the hills and in the fields, all these have become parft of our life, part of our generation. Will it make sense ot look for answers of whether to accept this as our fate or beg the the rich countries do something for us (but what? -- as the changes are irrversible), or prepare for the worst by the present and future "climate genertions"?

The failure of Nepalese education is rooted in the development of an open and free economy

Although, we have experienced 37 years of the New Eduction System, education in Nepal has failed. We are not adequately preparing our students for professional and technical positions and are thus losing the technolgy race. We are not inspiring our students to think critically, to read, to study. Thus we are losing the intellectual fight as well. Ultimately, the problem is that education is viewed in Nepal as a degrded activity, completely alienated from more rewarding and productive activities and from more enjoyable pursuits. Thus, education is neither rewarding nor stimulating, for the student or the teacher. It i, in fact, a necessary evil, drudgery,like housework.

The failure of Nepalese education is rooted in the development of an open and free economy and reproduced in the socialization of our children. Thus we can trace the roots of the education crisis, historically, to the destruction of household crafts and subsistence farming, and in the experience of child rearing and eduction inj contemporary society.

Household craft production and subsistence farming characterized the Nepalese economy in the early 19th century. The family was the basic unitof production and reproductions. There was a gender and age-based division of labour, but the process of producing and consuming the necessities of life and preparing of adulthodd was experienced collectively as a unified whole -- the essence of family life. The distinction between productive and reproductive labourand the distinction between working and learning were difficult to maintain. The famiy produced essentially all that it needed, while teaching children the practical skills required in the domestic economy. Even thedistinction between labou rand leisure was difficult to sustain, sinceboth were family activities.

The development of commercial commodity production involved reorienting family production and reporduction(or subsistence) to the market for goods and services. The development of rational, labour saving deviecs and forms of collective enterprise involved , above all, the attempt to distill pure productive labour power (stripped from its human context in which it is indistinguish able from reproductive and leisure activities). As the market value of productive labour and its products becomes the basis for calculating the value of distinctive economc activities, productive , paid labour becomes increasingly imporant . At the same time,unpaid, reproductive labour and leisure activities become degradedas "women's work" that should not interfere with "more important" work- the paid employment of men.

As productive enterprise became increasingly complex, in the efforts to "rationalize" production, the technical training required become increasingly alienaated from the traditional process of child-raring. Particularly since child-raring had become more tor less the exclusive domain of the "non-working" mother, education and training beccame increasingly alienated from the reproductive efforst of the family. In this manner, school became the technical training site, as education became alienated from family. In the process, the reproductive and leisure activities of the home became increasingly degraded . School became more imporatant than household chores and family activitie, but not as imporant as work.

In contemporary society, we reproduce the alternation of productive labour, education, and reprodduction in socializing our children. Pre-school children live in a world of reproduction and leisure. Initially, they experience life in the family as a unified whole. Developing verbal, physical and and alytica lskills is a game. Housework is also experienced as a game. Todders enjoy playing with brooms and sponges and qwuickly (by age two)learn to clean up what they spill (or, at least, to get the sponge and spread the mess). They begin to distinguish housework from play when parents impose this distinction, "Go play in your room while I wash the kitchen floor." Washing the floor becomes defined as housework as the child learns to identify this as an adult activity that takes the parent away from the child.

Even at this early stage, the child has already experienced the alienation of productive and unproductve labour. Every weekday morning, father "has to go to work". The nature of this constraint becomes apparent. Work is something that fathers (and , increasingly, mothers ) must do. It takes them outside the home and is clerly more important than reproductive and leisure activities. When parents bring work home or bring children to work, alienation is equally apparent. Children must not interfere with work, which is clearly more important than play.

School is experienced, initially, as alienation from the world of reproduction andleisure thatchracterized pre-school family life. Childcare (pre-nursery) is not so different from the family in any ways. It involves a mixture of learning and play and even a certain amount of housework. the distinction between these activities is blurred even more than in the family because thechildren are involved inthe housework (the floors are cleaned afer they go home). What distinguishes school from home is the collecive, impersonal nature of the experience. It is, inthis regard, very much like work.

As children advance through primary schoool, they experience the alienation of labour and leisure, aclassroom activities become increasingly bruden some and play becomes incrasingly segregated into brief "recess"periods. The longest priod of leisure is lunch,duringwhich time the child must learn to manage" free" time that can be devoted to reproductive (eathing) and leisure (play) activities. School becomes increasingly burdensome, as homework begins to occupy more and more of the "free" time outside of school. Parents and teachers encourage the student to work hard at school and get good grades so that the child will be able to get a good job.

Thus children learn to compete for grades and to invest their time wisely. They develop a routine of investing hours of intensive school work, so that they will have time later time later to play. They also learn that eduction is not really work, but is necessary as prepartion for work. In this regard, children begin to realize that education is, in fact, a degraded activity that is necessary for children so that they can later engage in more rewarding , stimulating activities. The ultimate goal is not good grades but a good job. School working is like house-work, or women's work. It is necessary but not rewarding or stimulating.

At the same time tht school work become more burdensome, in high school and in college, it also becomes increasingly degraded as a means to an end. School thus becomes a necessary evil -- totally alienated from l eisure, which is largely relegated to weekend and vacations, and totally alienated from the ulimate goal of finding a good job. By the time education is completed, career interests haved been totally alienated from the pursuit of knowledge. Reading, writing and thinking are degraded - "Those whocannot do, teach. "The capacity for critical reflection has been stified. The person is then prepared to sell pure, distilled labour power - divorced from critical thinking, divorced from creativity, divorced from leisure and reproductive labour.

Capaitlism requires labour, and capital accumulation requires the reproduction of labour, including subsistence provided by the family and education provided at state expenses. thus include the refusal to reporduce: Childlessness, abuse, and neglect, and the refusal to educte or to be educated. The educational crisis is simple. Education is a degraded activity. Who wants to teach? Who wants to study?

The solutionto this problem must be found inreuniting the alienated components of human life: productive and reproductive labour, labour and leisure, thinking and doing. The problem is tht modern capitlism is predicated on the alienation of these tasksinthe interest of achieving greater efficiency in the exploitation of production labour.

There is no point of taking action aginst a civil servant when the prime minister himself flouts the law

Recently, it was reported that the Commission for the Investigtion of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) had taken action against four government officials for failing to submit their property detils in tiem. Earlier, it was also reported that the CIAA had directed public officials in the security services (army, police and intellgence service) to submit their property details. Every since the esstablishment of the Property Inquiry Commission in 2002, the property disclosure requirement has been an important plank in the anti-corruption drive.

Nepal's law on property disclosure by public officials is pretty tough. The law on controlling corruption makes the following provisions with regards to property declaratiions :(1) ALL public officials are liable to submit their property details within 60 days from the date of holdingofthe public position and they are also liable to update property details within 60 days from the laps of every fiscal year, failig to do so entails a fine of Rs 5000 plus a possible callfor further investigation into propertys details (2) In case of discrepancies in the reported property details the barden of proof rests with the public officials themselves. (3)There are penalties for incorrect disclosures. (4) Specifc provisions have been made to submit property details, including the National Vigilance Centre (NVC) to monitor the property details.(5) The reported property details will be kept confidential excepting cases related to property investigation. This is to guarantee property rights.

Given the harshness of the law, it is doubtful that only four offficials would have evaded the law. If one visits the website of the Office f the Prime Minister, out of 15 have so far posted or disclosed their property details. Including the prime minister, thefollowing ministers have not yet submitted their property details:(1) Foreign Affairs, Upendra Yadav, (2) Defence, Ram BahadurThapa (3) Agriculture and Cooperatives, J.P Gupta, (4) Commerce and Supplies, Rajendra Mahato, (5) Education, Renue Kumari Yadav, (6) Local Development , Ram Chandra Jha, (7) Labour and Transportation, Lekh Raj Bhatta, (8) Land Rreform and Management Mahendra Paswan, and (9) Women, Children and Social Welfare, Ram Charan Chaudhari.

When the Maoists headed the coalition government in Auguest 2008, the government signed a code of conduct where they have jointly pledged to furnish their property details within aweek not ony at the time of holding public positions but also after relinquishing their term. It is nearly to months that this government has been in power, and only 60 percent of the cabinet ministers have so far furnished property details- forget about the quality of the property declarations. Not only have the ministers flouted the law of the land, they have not abided by the code ofconduct which they have voluntarily pledged to follow. Even the rcently brought out anti-corruption ssstrategy speaks of strictly implementing the compulsory and regular declaration of asset-holdings by public officials; including investigations.

Definitely, actions speak louder than words; but had the actions been taken from the officials at the top, people would have admired the efforts of the CIAA. The current random action is nothing more than sending a message, now and then, tht "the CIAA is alive and kicking" in an otherwise dead world of the anti-corruption movement.

The idea behind public officials' property disclosure requirement is to put a check on illicit enrichment or corruption. By requring public officials to declare their property holdings and income sources and making hem accountable for the changes, abuse of authority by public officials. They system was first conceived by Robert Klitgaard. There were two elements in his conception. First, all public officials were subjected to compullsory declaration of their properties and, secone, to put a check on incorrect or wrong ful disclosure, the state was to have the riiight to acquire the declared properties by giving a compenstion of 1.5 times over and above the declaaared amount. However, the second part of the proposal cannot be realized due to the right to property, therefore, property declaration remained a half-baked anti-corruption cake.

Realizing the complications involved in property declaration, even the anti-corruption toolkit published by te UN Office for Drug Control (UNODC) speaks that "the major difficulty with disclosure requirements is that they must strike a balance between controlling illicit enrichment and invadingthe privacy of those required to make disclosure." Remember that our law on property disclosure rquires property details to be kept"confidential" while at the same time making such declarations to be "compulsory". This has often put the NVC in an awkwaard situation, having to monitor property details which are kept confidential. Actually, there are hosts of challenges in implementing the laws on property disclosure. Some of these include: (1) Identifying the persons to be included (close relatives and friends), (2) Complications involved in defining and valuing property, (3) Finding assets hidden abroad, and (4) Deliberate attempts at wrongful disclosure.

Actually, our legal provision on property disclosure requirement is also technically flawed. By subjecting all public officials to compulsory declaration and also regular updates, one is literally asking for an impossible ask.The system should have been applied only to specific officials in specific positions where there are potential opportunities for illicit enrichment or corruption. This would have made the law more sensible and practicable. What is the point of taking action against a civil servant when the prime minister himself flouts the law openly? There can be no exuse for Maoist ministers simply on the ground that their political ideology does not subscribe to private property holdings.

Instead of regular updating, the law would have been more effective had it required officials to declare their property before assuming office and after leaving it. This year, Ghana sought to introduce the following changes in the law related to property disclosure requirement. Some of these changes can be applied to our case as well. They include: (1) Provision for verification of the declartion by the Auditor General (2) Public disclosure to enable citizens to challenge the claims. (3) More frequent declarations, either yearly or bi-annually, as happens in many countries. (4) Publication of the names of thepeople who have complied and those who have not. (5) Sanctions for non compliance.

The moral of the story is how Dr Baburam Bhattarai is going to investigate the properties of former royal familoy members when Comrade Prachanda himself has not submitted his perporty details.

Although uncertain, many youths queued up for the new employment scheme of the government

Hundreds of thousands of desperte, unemployed youths queued up for three consecutive days outside the gate f Chambers of Commerce at Jamal, Kathmandu two months ago. One of them was Shankar Adhikari, 21, originally from Kailai in midwest Nepal. In the scorching heat, the bachlor's student was waiting his turn to submit his documen ts hoping to get interest-free loan from the government under the Youth-Self-Employment Programme (YSEP). The Nepal government has decided to provide interest-free-loans of up to two hundred thousands rupees per person under YSEP.Adhikari, a contender for self-employment loan has started counting his chickens although he is not sure if the eggs will hatched. He plans to start frming with the loan.

Shankar is one of those people who go through the vacancies in the newspapers everyday. But his attempts always lead to failure. "I took the examination for many government jobs but my name never came out onthe list, "Shankar said. "To get a job in Nepal you need rcommendation from someone 'big' but I know no such person." Youths do not believe they will be fairly trated while competing for job opportunities.

The uncertainly of jobs looms large in Nepal even for advanced degree holders. Most youths, includingstudents, feel the need dto secure jobs as early as possible. Youghs, especially those from rural areas, have to quit higher studies if they can't find a job to support their education.

Ranju Tripathi, 18, will consider herself lucky if she is selected for the interest-free loan. She is a plus-two student in a college in Kathmandu. She stands in the same queue dreaming of starting a small entrepreneurship to ease the financial burden of her parents. Her parents ae already in debt as they have to fund their children's education. "I always thought of financially assisting my parents but I could do nothing. I always grew up in scarcity, "Raju said showing her form. "I am filling this out, let's see what happens. "She also toldme whi she was lining up for the loan application when she was lining up for the loan applicationwhen she should be studying. "Our source of income is traditional agriculture but it is just a means of subsistence, my parents can't educate me without taking loans, "she said. Two years ago her broother, a college grduate, went to India in serarch of jobbecause he couldn't find employment inhis country.

As we all know, unemployment is a pressing issue in the country. Nepali youths have no alternatives to leaving their home for gulf countries where they do menial jobs and face myriad problem. "Going to gulf countries is not a choice, it's obligation",said Dinesh Thapa of Chitwan.

The government has planned to provide the loans after evaluating the applicant's capacity and skill. Howerver, youths ae not too confident about the succcess of the programme. Kathmandu resident Manoj Maharjan said he didn't apply as he was not assured of the faitness of the programme.

The goal of the YSHP programme is to identity and reach target groups. employ youth skills in productive sectors, utilise skills, dducation, capitl and entre preneurship in the rural areas, make the yough self-dependent and so on. However, being selected in the scheme is not as easy as one thinks. Questions have been raised over how influential the programme will be amidst the criticism that the Youth Ministry is doing nothing to address the unemployment problem inthe country. Minister for Industry Ashta Laxmi Shakya also concedes that the programme was implemented without enough preparation.

According to the Federation of Nepal Chamber of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI), around 3 lakh 50 thousand perople have submitted applications for the scheme, but the grim reality is that 80 fpercent of them are unskilled. Economists fear that investment in shrt-term training will only be a waste of money as the government has not seriously worked out the plan.

Although uncertain, many youths queued up for the new employment scheme of the government

Hundreds of thousands of desperte, unemployed youths queued up for three consecutive days outside the gate f Chambers of Commerce at Jamal, Kathmandu two months ago. One of them was Shankar Adhikari, 21, originally from Kailai in midwest Nepal. In the scorching heat, the bachlor's student was waiting his turn to submit his documen ts hoping to get interest-free loan from the government under the Youth-Self-Employment Programme (YSEP). The Nepal government has decided to provide interest-free-loans of up to two hundred thousands rupees per person under YSEP.Adhikari, a contender for self-employment loan has started counting his chickens although he is not sure if the eggs will hatched. He plans to start frming with the loan.

Shankar is one of those people who go through the vacancies in the newspapers everyday. But his attempts always lead to failure. "I took the examination for many government jobs but my name never came out onthe list, "Shankar said. "To get a job in Nepal you need rcommendation from someone 'big' but I know no such person." Youths do not believe they will be fairly trated while competing for job opportunities.

The uncertainly of jobs looms large in Nepal even for advanced degree holders. Most youths, includingstudents, feel the need dto secure jobs as early as possible. Youghs, especially those from rural areas, have to quit higher studies if they can't find a job to support their education.

Ranju Tripathi, 18, will consider herself lucky if she is selected for the interest-free loan. She is a plus-two student in a college in Kathmandu. She stands in the same queue dreaming of starting a small entrepreneurship to ease the financial burden of her parents. Her parents ae already in debt as they have to fund their children's education. "I always thought of financially assisting my parents but I could do nothing. I always grew up in scarcity, "Raju said showing her form. "I am filling this out, let's see what happens. "She also toldme whi she was lining up for the loan application when she was lining up for the loan applicationwhen she should be studying. "Our source of income is traditional agriculture but it is just a means of subsistence, my parents can't educate me without taking loans, "she said. Two years ago her broother, a college grduate, went to India in serarch of jobbecause he couldn't find employment inhis country.

As we all know, unemployment is a pressing issue in the country. Nepali youths have no alternatives to leaving their home for gulf countries where they do menial jobs and face myriad problem. "Going to gulf countries is not a choice, it's obligation",said Dinesh Thapa of Chitwan.

The government has planned to provide the loans after evaluating the applicant's capacity and skill. Howerver, youths ae not too confident about the succcess of the programme. Kathmandu resident Manoj Maharjan said he didn't apply as he was not assured of the faitness of the programme.

The goal of the YSHP programme is to identity and reach target groups. employ youth skills in productive sectors, utilise skills, dducation, capitl and entre preneurship in the rural areas, make the yough self-dependent and so on. However, being selected in the scheme is not as easy as one thinks. Questions have been raised over how influential the programme will be amidst the criticism that the Youth Ministry is doing nothing to address the unemployment problem inthe country. Minister for Industry Ashta Laxmi Shakya also concedes that the programme was implemented without enough preparation.

According to the Federation of Nepal Chamber of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI), around 3 lakh 50 thousand perople have submitted applications for the scheme, but the grim reality is that 80 fpercent of them are unskilled. Economists fear that investment in shrt-term training will only be a waste of money as the government has not seriously worked out the plan.

The money is pouring in, but where does it all go?

Foreign aid has been the mainstay of the Nepalese economy ever since Nepal entered the era of planned development. It has been contributing more than 60 percent of the development budget and around 30 percent of the total budget. A savings-investment gap has been one of the major reasons for resorting to foreign loans. The economic survey of the fiscal year 2008/09 shows that our gross domestic savings is 11.5 percent while the gross domestic investment is 32 percent, widening the gap between savings and investment to 20.5 percent of the GDP. However, gross national savings is 32 percent of the GDP implying openness of the Nepalese economy.

Similarly, another major - reason for taking foreign loans is to bridge the gap between demand and supply of foreign currency rsulting mainly from a gap between demand and supply of foreign currency resulting mainly from a gap between imports and exports, which is 22.6 percent of the GDP (exports 7.3 per cent and imports 27.3 percent). The current ratio of outstanding foreign dept/total revenue and outstanding foreign debt/exports are 202.8 and 362.6 percent respectively. It shows that all is not well in the Nepalese economy. However, total foreign loans to the GDP amounts to around 26.1 percen, and governments has to allocate 2.6 percent to debt servicing. All these figures show that though the situtaiton seems to be under control for the time being, it may post serious challenges in the near future if appropriate measures are not taken.

There is no denying the fact that foreign aid has contributed a lot to the socioeconomic development of Nepal. The reduction in the poverty level from 70 percent in the 1950s to around 30 percent inthe 2000s and increase in infrastructure such as roads, irrigation, electricity, telecommunication, water supply and sanition along with education and health facilities are some vivid examples of its effectiveness. It has also contributed to the field of governance and community development. Foreign aid has also been instrumental in developing internal capaticy and transfer of technology.

However, excessive dependency on foreign aid not only stifles indigenous initiative, but also develops a dependency syndrome in the recipient nation besides the possibility of the occurrence of symptoms of the Dutch disease. Moreover, there always remains the danger of exchange rate fluctuations in accepting foreign loans. Many critics argue that there is a trade-off between foreign aid andpolicy independence of a country. there ae very few instances where recipient countries have successfully utilized foreign aid in their national development.

As for Nepal, development partners have time and again reiterated that lack of ownership, capable leadership and sufficient participation of the stakeholders at the local level are the main reasons for the poor performance of fodreign aided projects. Add to that political instability, poor law and order situation, top-down approach and frequent unwarranted interventions from the political and bureaucratic levels. Lack of clear prioritization of our requirements which results in accepting whatever donors give us has also contributed to poor utilization of foreign aid.

The tendency of judging the level of a government's international support by the amount of foreign aid received, no matter whether it is essential ornot, has also contributed to unscrupulous borrowing. It is said that a large part of foreing aid is channelled back to the donor countries as per the aid conditionalities in the form of salaries and procurement of aid-related goods and services. In some projects, this expenditure accounts for more than 60 percent of the total budget. As our priorities are not well defined, our aid utilization capacity is quite low. If it were not so, Nepal would have been one of the leading developing countries of the world with so much foreign assistance being pumped into the national economy.

Now, with the next round of the Nepal Development Forum (NDF) meeting just around the corner, it is theright time to reconsider our foreign aid policy. The success achieved in mobilizing internal resources in this fiscal year has paved the way for investingin our own prioritized projects and contributed to developing confidence in policy makers that our over dependence on foreign aid can be reduced if we act with proper determination and dedication. The timing of this achievement its significant in the context of the global economic recession with the possibility of an adverse impcat on foreign assistance. However, low utilization of the stipulated capital expenditure and excessive recurrent expenditure remain a matter of grave concern for all.

It would be unwise to conclude that we no longer need foreign assistance in the present scenario. But the time has certainly come to be selective about it. In this context, proper care should be given to the adoption of various international declarations on aid not only in words but also in deeds. More emphasis should be givern to increasing foreign trade and foreign investment rather than depending heavily on fodreign loans. For this, a better investment climate needs to be created. frequent closures of industries due to various reasons do not augur well for the future. In the long run, it may lead to capital flight.

The long queues observed at the share market and exorbitant land prices and transactions, especially in the capital city, show that Nepal does not lack capital. Rather, it is in dire need of utilizing her own reasources in productive sectors. Only then will our dream of a modern, prosperous and just Nepal materialize, otherwise there always remains the danger of falling into the vicious circle of dept and the poverty trap.

Manual for Bureaucrats

If we want to change ourselves to assume a more professional character, we hve to head three things.

A brupt and unexplained transfers of government secretaries--whose tenure is not fixed at two years like that of junior officials and are, therefore, immune from legal scrutiny-- have become common place in the Nepali bureaucracy. the transfer of other officials also often becomes controversial even though it may have been done according to legal provisions. In some cases, such decisions are never executed by the host agencies. Such transfers humiliate employees, and those who have made the decision find themselves on the defensive. Even donor agencies routinely complain that the haste shown in moving out incumbent staff without finding a good substitute in time hinders implementation of projects. So, why has this been happening in an institution which is considered to be the country's most mature and which possesses a rich pool of talent and abundant rules and regulations?

It is evident that Nepal's buraucracy is anything but professional. We have people who are exceptionally competent and can sell themselves in the global job market, we have institutions and instruments built over time with hard work and costly experimentation, and we have fine laws drawing on the best international practices. If we examine the present day bureaucratic excellence and performance found mostly at the institutional level,we will refute the allegation of former bureaucrat Bihari Krishna Shrestha that the Nepalese bureaucracy was "competent but non-performing". Events in the past have clearly shown that our bureaucracy can perform if driven with motivating incentives. And what little of it we possess is mostly confined to individuals, and it is not collectively internalized or institutionalized.

Nepal's challenge in professionalizing the bureaucracy is, therefore two-pronged: to widen and deepen professional competence and character among civil servants enmasse, and to institutionalize these values through their collective internalization. The first task is up to the "employees" at the individual level. They need to learn and internalize level. They need to learn and internalize professional values into thei attitude and behaviour both in their professional and personal lives. This means they need to learn, specialize and continuously up date their knowledge at the most competitive level, cultivate and treasure a high level of integrity, and be humble and dedicated to their job, the government of the day and ultimately the country and the people. To ensure that they have been successfully treading on this difficult path of professionalism, they need to reflect upon their deeds at least once a day when they return home. Self-introspection coupled with optimism, a positive attitude and readiness to correct wrongs is the first recipe of professionalism.

The second requirement is joint responsibility of the "employeees" and the "employers" including the secretaries and the ministers at the apex. This, in fact, is a collective task demanding collective efforts and initiatives at he institutional level. This requiresclarityof understating regarding what is meant by professionalism, what its attributes are, why it is required at the institutional level and how it can be internalized collectively and enforced with success. It would bebest if such matters werethoroughly debated amongall the members of the institution; and once agreed upon, were codified in writing through a manual such as the Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs).

Take the case of transfers. We have cvil service laws that regulated the movement of personnel from one office to another. But like all laws, they have built-in-exceptions. Secretaries and all special class officers are beyone their reach. Their movement is left totally to the discretion of the cabinet which listens mostly to the mnisters who are intent on removing them for reasons best known to themselvs. No explanation or justification is ever provided officially, nor does it get recdorded in the minutes. Everything is left entirely to individual guessing, much to the embarrassment of those who have been subjected to the decision. Why does this happen?

The problem is that most of our decision, specially those related to personnel mangement such as transfer,placement, promotion ,reward and punishment, are not sufficieently transparent. There is hardly a dialogue or two-way communication between the decision makers and those affected by such decisions on the rationale of the decisions made. Thre is no culture of professional interaction involving the affected stake holders in the organization on such sensitive issues. Staff meetings provide a forum to ventilate staff grivances to some extent, but the decisions already made do not normally become part of the agends.

It is not that the state's central personnel agencies like the Ministry of General Adminisstrtionhve not done anything; they hae. the Civil Service Act and Regulation, forexample, have been amended servaltimes focusing onthis particular issue of transfer alone. explanatory manuals have also been enacted. But the problem persists as ever because we have never been seriousenoughon the harm unceremonious and unexplained transffers inflict on the morale of public servants. What we have been doing is simple taking the decisions for granted saying that government employees have to go wherever they are sent because they hve partaken of the proverbial "state salt".

Transfer is only one fact of the larger problem which ralates to the personnel management aspect of governance. Personnel administration, being directly concerned with the people who are the most dynamic yet complex entities both within and beyond th organization, is one key aspect of governance which projects the frontal image of the government to the people and outsiders. Reforming or restructuring governance which projects the frontal image of the government to the people and outsiders. Reforming or restructuring governance would, therefore, require changing the thinking and actions of the people within the government system. They, in principle, involve both political and administrative executives; so both actors need to change. Howerver, we cannot suddenly cause politicians to change. It takes time and probably a different approach too. It is after all their electorates at large who keep the legitimae mandate to change politicians. The bureaucracy has no such mandate,nor does it have that authoriity. Therefore we should think of chansing ourselves-- changing our ways of dealing with the job, the service beneficiaries, the stakeholders and also our political masters-- rather than going beyond our mandate.

If we want to change ourselves to assume a more professional character, we have to heed three things. One, we must always observe a completely a political and non-partisam posture while performing our job. Two, we must excel in honing our knowledge and skills. There, we must preserve our integrity and self-respect. What is important is that it is acceptble and natural for a public servant to support one or the other political idelology or a party as a conscious citizen and a vigilant voter, but such subscriptions to a particular belief or organization must not influence his or her actions at work. An employee's personal political faith is immune from any punitive action as long as that faith is kept purely at the personal level.

"Professionalization" does not, therefore, mean unqualified and indiscriminate "de-politicization" of any non-political public entity. It rather means de-politicization of the actions and behaviour of the people working in such entities. These entities may exend even beyond the bureaucracy, and include non-political institutions such as civil society organization, the academia and the media. It is hightime that we tirelessly made all possible efforsts to move in that direction. After all, New Nepal is also a Nepal with professionally competent, honest and non-partisan public institutions.

Reform Public Transportation of Nepal

Are the public vehicles of Kathmandu Valley really accountable to the public? The answer is, in most cases, not at all.

It is not esy being passenger of public vehicles in Kathmandu. For instance nearly all vehicles are over loaded during rush hours. All passengers including women with children and elderly persons re forced to stand up. The seats designated for them are usually occupid by healthy, macho men. And no matter how overcrowded the vehicle, the condutor some how makes room for new passengers. The rest of the passengers ae usully squashed and suffocted. Similarly, during off-peak hours vehicles stop for a long time t every intersection. Sometimes they wait for 30 to 45 minutes just waiting to fill up as if the passeengers on board have nowhere to go. But if passenger takes a long time getting off at a stop, the conductor will off at a stop, the conductor will snap at him/her for being slow.

Passengers are usually at the mercy of the driver and the conductor. In micor-buses, normally three or four persons ae foced to accomodate in a two-person seat. If the passenger makes an objection, the conductor anddirver will yell at you. "Take a taxi if you're uncomfortable!" or "Go ctch another vehicle!" are some of the common responses.

Most of the vehicles are in a very poor condition. Seates that are falling apart, a decrepit, deafening engine and broken windowpanes are recurring features. Another problem is unreliable timing of operation. In the evening hundreds of passengers are seen in the major hubs of the city waiting for vehicles. Howerver, none of then can be certain whether or not they will catch one because there is no fixed schedule for public transportaion.

When the price of fuel goes up, public transport enterepreneurs rush to increase the fare. But when the price goes down, they rarely bother reducting the fre. In the past, they hve repetedly refused to implement the fares announced by the government. Transport entreprnuurs almost always resosrt to strikes and bandas to make their demands heard. Whether it's a sscuffle with the traffic polici, or a with to increase the fre, they must bring the services to a halt, notwithstanding the impact it hsss on the public. So much for "consumer's rights"!

Every concerned group must realize that public transport is an indispensable service for hundreds of thousands of Nepalis from every walk of life. Many people spend at least several hours of their day waiting for, travelling in or walking towards bus and tempo stands. The micorbuses, safa tempos and buses ae an integral parft of many of our lives. How they are operated makes a huge difference in our mental and physical state of being.

Business is not all about amassing profits; it is also about providingthe services which the consumer has paid for. Ensuring this is the primary responsibility of entre-preneurs. And to the new government, I'd say reforming public transport system would be a solid steps towards building new Nepal.

New Citizens

Change in political circumstances has led the country in a "new" direction. Every thing that happens these days is qualified with the epithet "new". Nepali people are facing price hike like never before and the weather forecast tells us there is going to be a "new" draught which sugests "new" sufferingfor the Nepali people. The present coalition government fers "new" insurgency. And all this at a time when the whole world is suffering a "new" recession.

But here I am about to tell you about the new citizens of new Nepal. These days the internet cafes are packed with locals who want to fill up "Self Employment Scheme" forms. This is a new scheme initiated by the new government. the owner of the cafe is a new friend of mine as we were only introduced four months ago. The other day as soon as I entered the cafe, he wispered in my ears that some people filling out those forms on the computer were "new" citizens of Nepal. I was taken a back by this information. Who are these "new" citizens? When he saw my baffled expression, he explained that they had just received their officials Nepali citizenship before the CA election. As the "new" citizens anxiously filled their forms, I requested the owner to ask them a few quetions for me in the local language. As the conversation continued, I found it hrd to believe their true intentions.

These new citizens of new Nepal were (or still are) the old citizens of our beloved neighboring country. It was quite obvious that the dual citizenship would be beneficial for them as they could buy land and settle in Nepal in case of crisis. It would be easy to buy land in Nepal because it would cost less than in India (because of exchange rates).

Eearlier, I had heard rumors that the citizenship certificates were being given out indiscriminately but I didn't expect to witness its consequencs so soon. When asked what they would do with the money from the scheme (if they did get it, or course) their simple answer was that they would start a business in India.

Now the big question arises" What happens if the money intended for the development of the country goes into the wrong hands? I am not a blind nationalist but I can't help seeding this as a loss fof the country, at lest in economic terms. The government may have done good thing giving out citizenship papers to millions of Nepalis who had been denied their rights as citizens for a long time, but it should have done so more carefully.

Creating new Nepal is not easy job. Politicians who have taken this bruden have to be appreciated and supported. What will the new government do to cope with this very new problem? Let's hope it will soon come up with new solutions!

Nepal's hospitlity inducstry is loking at tough days ahead!

Expecting the unexpected is the worst part intourism as the rulesof the game are quite different in this industry. The tourism industry, popularly known as the hospitality industry, has to stay alert scanning every possible threat all the time because of its voltile nature. Mrfeover, a country like Nepal needs to take extra caution, or precaution to be precise, for many kinds of eventualities, emerging within r beyond its jurisdiction, for its survival.

Tourism, termed as everyone's trade in commonparlance(elongated from urbanto rurl), made a gradual ascent with good performance till the end of 2007 rcording a growth of 37 percent after the success of Jan Andolan II followed by the peace process. Largely, one of the major factors tht contributed to this unprecedented growth was the lukewarm political stability in the aftermath JanaAndolan II. However, this euphoria could not lst long enough to provide sustainabe dividends.

As the global financial melt down has started to show its effect on travel activities in the U.S.A and Europe, the Nepalese tourism industry is feeling that it is not immune to recession. This is clearly evident in the recent arrival figures (minus 16 percent in March 2009). This negtive growth in tourist arrival is an indicator of tough days ahead for the tourism industry. One intersting thing to be noted in this context is that opulent Western countries which used to engourage their citizens to travel abroad are now disseminating notice through their national medi to apply a moratorium on their travel expenses. They have now started thinking twice before embarking on leisure tours unless it's very essential. Tourism and thirftiness which are supposed to be contradictory are now a harsh reality for them. Hence, theconsequence of the on going recession creates a cascading effect on trourism fora fairly long period theworld over, ad Nepal is no exception.

The economic hegemony(or tourism hegemony) that Nepal has been patiently enduring from many nations due to its topographical and economic compulsions and political myopia will snatch away the opportunity of attracting a greater number of tourists in the days to come if we do not consolidte our national and regional efforts to reach out to international marketplaces with innovative ideas. Many Southeast andSouth Asian countries, in their despertion, have been offering many special pckages to lure tourists as part of a promotional gimmick because of lck of tourists due to both domestic problems like terrorist attacks and airport closures and the financial recession.

To stimulate Nepal's tourism in a similar venin as Visit Nepal Year 1998 (VNY98), the celebration of Nepal Tourism Year 2011 (NTY11) has been mooted with the notion of consolidating the efforts of all sections for bringing more tourists to Nepal. Many professionals having different mindsets and inclinations still do not acknowldege that VNY98was successful enough to inspire another edition. Howerver, tourism s an industry always demands one or the other type of gimmick to provide impeturs when the industry slows down.

Hence, the newly launched campaign for 2011 basically aspires to strive for a number of fundamental elements: Increasing the number of tourists to Nepal from defined tourism markets, stimulating domestic tourism ctivities, enhancing the community's capacity in srvice delivery, capitalizing on a

Nepal specific tourism brand for transforming Nepal's image with a definite idenity, and lastly, maintaining solidarity in the tradeby enveloping the efforts of all public and private stakeholders to wipe out the bottlenecks to caer better to the consumers.

Tourism cannot flourish in isolation, it drags other development activities in tow to keep it going. This sort of campaign indeed tries to create vibe and renewed energy among varied players in order to remove the prolonged desperation and despondency. This sort of campaign helps rechrge the spirit and redrw the ttention of local nd international tourists and the medi towards sthe trdition of tourism friendliness that still pervades every-where. Moreover, this will also be an example to rpove that stbility arises after instability.

The great chasm witnessed among the people, society, ethnicity nd religion and region in the course of chartging a federlsystem wil also be possibly abridged through harmoney maintained in the course of treating guests according to our tradition. This means tourism cangain thestatus ofa people's industry in terms of its pervasive presence and direct and indirect nexus with all strata of people.

At a time when one European country after another is being trapped in the rcession, our priority in promotion should be affordable regionl markets with sufficient access potentialities. Geographic proximity and cultural ffinity also provide us immense leverage to enhance coopertion among the compertion among the competitors. At this juncture, there isnoother wsaythan maintaining solidarity; hence, the united we stand, divided we fall doctrine holds great meaning in destination promotion too.

Investment always follows opportunity, and opportunity is hovering above us. To capitalize on it, potential investors need friendly politics. And it seems that the environment can't be changed by enforcement or acts, rather they should be nullified through our collective activities. Therefore, collabortive ventudres with regional and global players will unleash enormous avenues for broader engagement ininvestment relms, Nepal, endowed with bountiful natural diversity, should be the kingpin in capitalizing on it for its benefit.

For tourism purposes, stability is a utopian philosophy in the global or regional or even national perspecstive. We should perennially strive to create vibesinorder to energize the spirit of entrepreneurs by creating innovative programmes and activities of diffrerennt colours andshades so tht our collective effort generates renewed energy nd dynamism to support the recently created image of New Nepal. To combat the global recession locally, the tourism industry must come out with concerted promotional plan to avert possible calmities that may fall on us.

The everyday struggle for basic needs coupled with impunity and disorder have compounded the frustration of Nepalis

Among the numerous commentswe received about our last ariticle "Reinventing Nepal" published in The Kathmandu Post on March 19, there were some that were positive, some stated that our article was only a conglomertionoflofty ideas, and others said tht it is virtually impossible to reinvent our country. Looking at the responses, it occurred to us that there has been sharp decline in the people's hope for reinvention. It is explicable why people have reachedsuch conclusion. The everyday struggle for basic amenities like ffod, water, electricity and petrol coupled with bleak career prospects, distorted politics, rising insecurity, impunity and disorder have compounded the frustration.

Variablestht hve made us frustrted hve remained with us in some form and scale for decades. But why have these variables impcted us today in a way it never had before? Is the current hopelessness natural or have we have been forced to believe that everything has come to anend now? At the crux of this question lies thte Moist Agenda of cdretinganarchy, which would result infrustration, through which they wish to complete their revolution. Addressing a recently orgnized gatherin at Butwal, Dr. Baburam Bhattarai said, "Through disorder comes order. Revolution is successful only through anarchy. We are here to maike anarchy. We are yet to capitalise power. And we are moving forwrd towards power capitalisation in a complete different fashion. "The Maoists want to crate anarchy in order to seize power. andinthe process of creating anarchy, they are breaking the people's hope for reinvention. And by virtue of believing in the impossibility of reinvention, we the people of Nepal are directly supporting the Maoist agenda.

Waiting for Rain

In about forty years time, the monsoon may be the only source of water for much of the Indian subcontinent's one billion plus people

"Are you eating meat again? says my nephew to me disapproveingly each time he sees me eating fish or chicken."Don't do tht. You'll get bird flu. "My nephew is five years old. He is brought up by parents who are both vegetarians. His mother is pretty cool about childrearing -- she decided that he should make his own chice about meat or no meat, and that forcing children to follow a certain path would certainly lead to them doing the exact opposite. So the upshot is that besides a few brief episodes of rebellion whenmy nephew was in his terrible twos, when he stuffed his fce with chicken at wedding feasts and embarrassed his parents, he seems to have accepted, voluntarily, the lifestyle of a committed vegetarian.

After opening a FAO website in which they talk about how many liters of water is needed to produce one hamburger (2400 liters, as opposed to 25 liters for one potato), I realised may be my nephew may know more than I do. Sometime in the past, I had lived in an environmentally sensitive co-operative house during college in the USA. The people who lived there were religious about not eating meat , and some so were extreme they would even make their own vegan chewing gum. So for a few yers I was an enforced vegetarian, coming to learn that a vegetarian had less of an impact upon this fragile earth. Cattle require more water than plants to grow. For a few years, I was not only healthier but had a lighter footprint upon the earth.

This, winter Kathmandu, besides its usual shortge of dirinking water, hd zero rainfall over four months. That winter rain was crucial to plant winter crops. Without rain, how will the farmers grow their wheat and barely? Friends of mine disagree with me about my perception of global warming. I'm being overanzious and ov erly dramatic, they think. When I say that we may have to move to agriculture that requires less, water, they ccuse me of being bourgeois and restricting water accessto the poorest of the poor. But even the bourgeoisie have no control over rainfall and cannot really turn rain on and off like KUKL -- and without rainfall, how can the farmers grow water intensive crops?

Our collective longing for rain the past few weeks was evident. Facebook was full of profile messages of people longing for an waiting for rain. We knew the planet was warming but we didn't know it would hit us this fast.

Scientists have already predicted that the melting of Himalayan glaciers, which act as fridges to keep water frozen till the spring, will impact reiver flows during springtime. In about froty years time, the monsoon may be the only source of water for much of the Indian subcontinent's one billionplus people. The drams of those predictions are already coming true for many people who depend on rivers and rainfall to irrigate their crops.

For diehard traditionalists, the lack of water has provided the perfect platform to proved their own theories. During a recent conversdtion, one mn told me that three factors-- the collapse of the Machindranath chaariot, the enraged Indra Jatra committee who turned the Kumari chaariot in the counterlockwise direction, and the nine days of missed pooja at Pashumatinath were all responsible fort the dry winter we've dhad so far. Therefore, he opined, we really need the monarchy back. Not ony that, he said, but thelack of basic necessities like water and electricity was somethig that people couldn't do without, but freedom of speechand the medi could be dispensed with. So therefore, he said, hewas willing to take his pick of an autocrcy which provided basic necessities over fdreedom of speech, and he challenged me to prove that people wouldn't make this choice. Also, he said, without gurantee of private property rights and a stable middle class, democracy couldn't really flourish. Benin has democracy but Singapore doesn't, but which country would you pick to live in, he challenged me.

I really had no answer to all this except to say that basic necessities and freedom of speech were not mutually exclusive or opposing categories, and could co-exsit together. But his point, of course, is well taken. As environmental conditions get more extreme andpeople start to face more andmore shortages of basicneeds, how will this affect our political landscape? Will we move towardsa more autocratic regime that may be able to guarantee at least some modicum of basic needs like water and electricity? And if so, how can we guarantee that the present urgent need to institute a democratic system goes hand in hand with leders who recognize the need for, and are cpable of deliveringon, basic services?

But the government is not the only one we can trun to as we face the challenge of a hotter planet. As the planet warms, we as citizens of democratic countries must think more and more about whatwe can do about water shortage, and our own responsibilities and obligationstoa broader world.

Mindy Lubber, present of Ceres, a coalition of investors and environmental groups working with companies to address sustainability challenges such as climate change, writes inthe Havard Business blog that many key water intensive industries, including "technology, beverage, food , electric power/energy, apparel biotechnology/ pharmaccuticls, forest products and mining,"will be affected by water shortages. She recommends tht companies start to measure their water footprint, and to elevate wter as a governance priority for executives and board members.

Companies, like households, can do a lot to minimize their water footprints. In paticulr, it may be time for us to start selling those Pajeros and putting the money back into water harvesting tankswhich store rainwater from the monsoonfor the dry winter months. Hotels, schools and other businessestht uswater intensively should, by regulation, have to have a water harvesting tank built fffor their own water needs . I'm sure all the apartment buildings of Kathmandu will protest when their budget for elegant Italian bathroom tiles goes down but may be they don't really want elegant Italian tiled bathrooms with no water, do they? Pershaps in the long run the tank may make sense.

As for my nephew, he's already designed a house tht has six solr panels ( one for computer, one for lights, one for water pump, one for tv, and one for hot water), a natural gas mechanism that lights the cooking stove, a solar car which runs on solar batteries,a windmill to genrate electricity, a screcrow to scare away naughty crows, and a fan to keep away ghosts. Ok, I forgot to mention the scary mask for keepin gaway big bad ghosts. Needless to say the last three are his favorities.

"Do you know that by the time you are my age, there will benomore petrol and much less water? " I ask him, "I know!" he answers jumping up nd down at his ecolgically sound model. If a five year old can understand this, how come we have so much trouble?

Real Intentional

Paras, by distancing himself from his father's regime, feels hecn regainpolitical credibility

Former Crown Prince Paras recently gave an interview to the New Paper of Singapore. The series of articles that were published bsed on the interview were reprinted, translated and widely circulated here in Nepal. Inboxes at newspapers in town have been inundated with reactions to hte published stories. Journalists have sought out sources to ascertain the veracity of those articles. And indeed, it is not surprising that Paras' comments have attracted so much interest. This is the first time in yers tht he hs given a public interview, and innone ofhis previous public remarks has he opened up to this degree. The interview he gve to the Singapore newspper, it appears, was his attempt to display to the world his version of the events of the past few years, and so gin public sympathy for himself. And although given to ewspaper in Singapore, where the story would have ony a titillating value, the interview was meant for the public in Nepal.

The one question that has consstantly been herd in kathmandu is "Why now?" Why did the former prince, after waiting through all the political turmoil of the past few years, including his banishment from the palace and his fight to Singapore, choose to speak to the press at this time? nd like the question, there is an oft heared nswer on everyone's lips: "Because the prime minister said he would reopen the investigtion in his interview. And it is natural that Paras should choose to speak in Singapore rther thanNepal. Burdenedby his position in Nepal, burdened perhaps by the event itself, it would have been easier to speak out in country where he is merely a private citizen and where a historical legacy and a public reputation does not precede him.

Various knowlegeabe sources have , here in Kathmandu, disputed some of the assertions that Paras has mde. In particular, his claim that one of the reasons tht Dipendra murdered his family was because King Birendra did not allow him to pursue an arms deal through which he could have made US$ 15 million has been dismissed as having to validity at all. Paras' account of the events of the fateful night in June 2001 is likely to be contested and debated for some time to come.

But if Paras' intention was only to clear his name regarding the murder of the Nepali royal family, he could have chosen to speak specifically about it. Instead, he spent hours with reporters, showing them around his apartment and having them take pictures of him playing music with a group of Nepali friends from school. He even spoke of his family, his life back in Kathmandu and his future political ambitions. Paras sttes that his fther surrooounded himself with advisors who were too old, much to the dis-appointment of the son. He states that one of the reasons he left his father weren't very good. Then, Paras reveals his intention to return to Nepal someday and start a political party.

Besides cleraing his name, the major reasons for Paras' interview is to distance himself from his father,and from the autocratic regime led by him. He seems to think this will allow him to regain some political capital here in Kathmndu. He has made his intentions clear,and the Nepali public can expect to her more from him soon.

Educational Excellence?

Educational excellence will reamian a dream until party politics is kept away from college campuses

Last week's sstudent elections in colleges across the country were miniature versions of state and local elections. What with the political heavy weights, including ministers, joining in the canvassing campaigns, one can conclude that political parties and their leaders unabashedly use students for their policical ends. The scenes we watched to television were similar to those from non-student political elections. Many campuses witnessed violence, which is never a part of free and fir election. there were also reports tht attempts were made to capture ballot boxes. Counting of ballots were put off at a few campuses due to tension between student groups aligned to different political patties. The violence took a more serious turn in east Nepal when one student was killed in police firing. The state run television reported that four persons including a college principal were abducted in west nepal. It seems for political parties, the student elections aaare as imporant as other elections in obtaining political offices and seats. No wonder there were allegations tht the students who used subsidised transport and other facilities spent lots of money on elections. The open involvement of political parties in student body elections gives rise to suspicions that the aim of student elections goes far beyond improving the quality of education in colleges.

Most students go tocollege to pursue higher education and become abe citizensof the country andthe world. But there are others who, in the guise of students, are there to indulge in politicics and to keep the banners of their parties afloat by winning in union elections. And this kind of student power is seen mostly in least developed countries like Nepal and also in developing countries like India. It is not tht students do not take part in politics. They do. For instance, in Nepal they were active in the pro-democracy movements of 1990 and 2006. During the Vietnam War, the unually peceful college campuses in the United States erupted against the establishement. In other countriestoo, students have been a potent force in the change of gov ernments or even political system. But once these goals are achiev ed, the primary concern of students is education andit is here that they need to concentrate. Places of learning should be kept away from power politics. The distrubance caused by elections based on party lines cannot bode well for the future of sthe students . But it is true that students bodies must be elected by te students to ensure tht their academic life is not marred by poor quality educatio, incompetent teachers, absence of extra-curricular activities, and other distractions such as unnecessary politicisation of student bodies. Student unions work for the welfare of students in their respective campuses and should try to keep politics away from academic affrirs.

The way political leaders, including top Maoist ministers, went on to campaign incampuses to ensure the victory of panels loyal to their parties is a development tht must be deplored in no uncertain tgerms. the general feeling as this writer perceived in the course of talks with ordinary people was that this kind of political interrence in student affairs should not set a precedent for the future. this puts at stake academic freedom which is necessary in allacademic institutions worth the name Student unions, aprart from working for the welfare of students, can help their respective instituiions strengthen their reputations and stand alongside the world'd best institutions so that their graduates are respected everywhere and their degrees and diplomas not cosidered inferior, as they are today in many countries.

Students alone can not and should not be blamed for what has happened to our present education system. Politica lparties that unscrupulously use students through their student wings are more to blame. Our political parties arfe a bane to our students quest for educational excellence. The parties lack vision and do not seem to realise the long term implications of their present actions. Otherwise they would not be using students for their own political ends despite knowing that studentds would best serve themselves, their families, their country andeven their parties by concerntrating n studies and on campus activities insssstead of party-driven student politics. Student politics during the recent elections took a violent turn. Curfew had to be imposed in some places. and votes could not be counted in a few campuses till Sunday afternon. But this is less a reflection on the students themselves than on the parties that condone and encouragesuch activities. Things ae not going to improve unlesspolitical parties make it a point to stay away from student affarirsandnt to sue students in any gains. But itwould be futile to expect our leaders to take decisions that would benefit the nation in the long run at the cost of their short-term party interests. But unless this kind of decision is taken by political parties, we are doomed to 0see students used by political parties evenfor petty political activities. Educaional excellence will reamain distant dream for us until party politics is kept away from college campuses.

Village Bhaujus and Urban Women

Unlike their urban counterparts, village bhaujus cannot speak up, cannot complain and cannot rebel

There are women dressed in office uniforms or Western outfits walking assertively on the pavement during rush hour, colleges and universities. Fulll if aspirations and dreams and determined to achieve them. Talking on their cell phones and as much in a hurry as anyone. Whizzing on private vehicles or commuting by public transport. Needless to say, this is a scene from Kathmandu. It is part of reality for urbanwomen. They are the ones who compete with male counterparts and out do them. They mock the state's reservation policy by battling such weakening schemes with their strength and potential.

Here in Kathmandu, you would not be wrong to believe that women are coming up. Some of them are running corporate houses and educational institutions as efficiently as their male counterparts. My employer, for example, is one such woman. I often praise her for her smartness and way of working. It is her humility though that she smiles and says I am flattering her. A number of colleagues at my workplaace are women pursingtheir careers, awre of their rights and no less than their male counterparts. All this strongly lures me into making a conclusion; the days of genderbias are gone, women have come up. But then, predicaments of my bhaujus (sister-in-laws) from the village force me to dispel this utopian belief.

My next door bhauju, recently married, must work all day long. Since she is the buhari (daughter-in-law) of the household, she must wake upearly in the morning, fetch water from the near by tap, rain or shine, and then coat the porch with cow dung. In the day, she must go to work in the field for parma (a system of labour exchange). But once when she wanted to visit her maita (mohters's house) she was not given permission. Rather, her mother-in-law verbally abused her. The situation clamed down ony when her husband intervened, though she was left in tears for he was ultimately on his mother's side.

Another bhauju from a neighbouring village is a favourite of everyone except her family. Some how immune to diseases despite her poor nutrition, she is used to working long hours in the field. She is very scared of her husband and mother-in-law. Last month, however, she feel terribly ill having worked a full month at a stretch. Upon hearing so, many went to see her. I made a visit too. She was lying on a small bed outside on the porch. She showed her happiness at seeing us with a faint smile. She had cought typhoid. I accosted her husband, "Dai, you should take her to the hospital. She is very serious. "To my utter shock, he retorted, "Who are you to say that to me? Do not come here to advise. She's not your wife. "I was embarrassed. I wanted to give him a nice reply. But bhauju signalled not to argue, and I complied. Mean while, her mother-in-law believed that she was just making a scene. It took bhauju two months to recover.

Unlike with their urban sisters, for these village bhaujus, wicker baskets filled with grass, water jars, sickles and slings make reliable companions. They tolerate all forms of injustice and oppression at the hands of their husbands and in-laws. If a servant is suspected of things he has not done or merely oppressed, he may quit the job, a son may leave his father and a friend may sever all relations. But a wife/buhari must keep quiet even if she suspects her husband of infidenlity and suffers oppression. Village bhaujus cannot speak up, cannot complain and cannot rebel. Their husbands are usually drunkards and lechers. And there is hardly any diversion from the monotony for them. There are certain things a buhari is not supposed to do. She should not smile, or she will be lewd; if she cries, it is a shan and when she quietly acquieses she is responding with meancing slience.

I am also aware of how urban women aer made fun of if she acts smartly. She may be called unwomanly, overconfident, an amazone or a virago. Male gossip, especially, when they are drunk, usually involves women, the art of wooing them, seducing them into physical intercourse and finally getting rid of them. "Never be serious about girls and women, they are to be used up and thrown, "I have herd them say. Most men I know consider themselves Don Juan when they are drunk, and take pride in bragging about having had relationships with more than one woman and being unfaithful to their wives a their wives and girlfriends.

A reality we all must take into account-- these women living in two different words of one nation, hardly aware of each other's fate, have much to do to make one world of their own. While women in the metropolis still have much to fight against, those in the villages have miles to go before they come on a par with their Kathmandu sisters.

Good intent not enough

Nobody seems to be willing to make small short-term adjustments for the big gain in the long run!!

The just concluded festival of Holi epitomises thefact that even actions planned with good intent, when carried out in a wwrong manner, can have undesirable consequences. Keeping with the norm of previious years, It was not uncommon to see girls and young women cursing in blind anger or crying helplessly when caught at the end of lolas and water-filled plastic bags hurled at speed. On the day of Holi itself, around 300 motor-bike drivers were apprehended for drunk driving orover-load in the Kathmandu Valley alone, while three were critically injured in accidents.

According to Hindu mythology, Holi is celebrated as the triumph of good over evil from the time Holika, the sister of demon king Hiranyakashipu burnt to death while trying to set the king" s son Prahalad on fire. But over the years, the festival has been given a bad name of he reckless action of overzealous youth. The intent behind the celebrtions is good, but most methods of celebrtion leave a lot to be desired of our youngsters.

Likewise, the reason sky bridges were built in Kathmandu was a noble one: to cut the number of accidents pedestrians met with while trying to cross the road. But most people are inured to scurrying across the street, never bothering to cast their eyes on the traffic lights (if they work at all) or take the arduous route of climbing up theose noisome steps.

The road dividers too seem to be doing more bad than good. When under the influence of alcohol, most bikers traveling at night never see them and end up crashing against the big concrete blocks.

And so with the talk of federalism. there is now a consensus among political parties tht a federal set up is a sine qua nonfor Nepal. But all that vehement advocacy for federalism in Nepal has beensuccessful inachieving so far is stoking nationalist and ethnic sentiments which are nw threatening to undermine the country's sovereignty.

Just months after the supposed success of Jana Andolan II, which was supposed to be the final fight Nepalis would fight against every kind of oppression and discrimination, the Madhesi community had to take the violent course yet again in order to secure their rights. Now, thanks in large part to the lack of government fore-sight, people of the Tharu community another minoritiesin the tarai are up in arms against their inclusion under the government sobriquest of "Madheis".

The concept of federalism is neither good nor bad in itself. For a multi-ethnic country like Nepal with varie-gated geography it is nt a bad bet-- if applied right. The problem in Nepal is that nobody seems to be willing to make small short-term adjustments for the big gain in the long run.

What is the cause of such short-termism? The political leders, who, either for the sake of popularity or to garner votes, make lofty promised is a utopia, next Switzerland of Asia, a 20 percent annual GDP growth, to wipe away entrenched practices of all forms of feudalism and discrimination with a swipe of a hand.

Whether you are a supporter of American president Barak Obama or not, there is one quality about him that you have to admire. Whenver he promises Americans something, he is quick to remind them that the government cannot do it alone, nor should people expect miracles of him Governance is hard work and people should be realistic about what can be achieved amidst the global financial downturn. He sends a clear message and according to most polls , the majority of Americans trust him.

Why cannot Nepali politicians exercise similar restraint while addressing their countrymen? Why make pledges which cannot be honoured? Why not instead set realistic goals and work hard towards them? If they are successful in surpassing their goals, so much the better. If not, they won't have fallen behind by much.

Prime Minister Puspa Kamal Dahal is a notorious yes main, quick to promise everything to everybody.In this sense, he has an uncanny resemblance to Indian Railway minister Laloo Prasad Yadav who is a great crowd-pleasure but a heart, a corrupt and self-serving politician well aware of his perfidy towards the people. During hard times, people. During hard times, people need some hope. These people are quick to provide it -- in bulk. Whatever the short term gains of such quick fixes, false hope, by be getting unrealistic expecttions, leads to a situation where not even feasible, realistic solutions, when achived, seems good enough to the promised so much more.

Good internet, without the foresight of the consequences of their implemention, is not enough. Highfalutin rhetoric, irrespective of its immediate impact, can be even more dangerous. The fruition of good intent calls for earnest effort on the part of those who harbour them. At the end of the day, what matters is not what one promises, but what she does.

There is a dire need for inspection and repair of all physical infrastructures across the country

Newspaper headlines of recent weeks give the impression that no new physical infrastructure has been constructed in the country since at least the mid-1990s, some time before the Maoists began their armed revolt. Nepal has had to make do with whatever infrastructure was constructed during the Panchayat years and the early years of the post 1990 democratic experiment. Although this infrastructure has been in continued operation, very little attention has gone towards its maintenance. The lack of maintenance went unnoticed for many years, but it seems that its consequences are now suddenly being felt in all areas. We were warned recently that over 1,000 of the 1,500 bridges on the East-West Highway are on the verge of collapse. The highway itself is not that the hydroelectricity plant operated by the Bhote Koshi Power Company had to shut down suddenly due to "electro-mechanical problems". This happened, of course, after months of warnings that the Kulekhani power plant would soon have to be shut down.

It is clear that most of the blame falls squarely on the state authorities for gross negligence and dereliction of duty. While repair and maintenance of bridges is undertaken annually in most countries, in Nepal the bridges on the East-West Highway have hardly been maintained or repaired since they were constructed two and a half decades ago. They are currently in a state where all the bearings are in need of immediate replacement. Further, sand excavation around the bridge sites has continued day in and day out throughout the past two and a half decades. This has led to severe weakness in the foundations of the bridges, leaving them vulnerable to collapse at any time. It is shocking that no efforts have ever been made to ban or regulate sand mining at such sensitive sites.

As for the hydroelectric projects, it appears that the problem is not so much direct negligence. After all, the Bote Koshi and some other projects are run independently of the state. But it seems that after constructing a certain number of power projects, the government stopped producing any more. But as demand for power only increased across the country, these projects were forced to operate at maximum capacity, even at the expense of their physical condition. Although state authorities constantly blame lack of rainfall for the electricity shortage, this is at best a partial truth. It is negligence towards the construction of new projects that is the chief cause. Confronted with major political issues that consumed all their energy, in particular, the Maoist insurgency after 1996, the political class seems to have had no resources to plan and invest in infrastructure.

Now that the insurgency is over and the Maoists are heading the government, greater efforts are being made in planning various kinds of physical infrastructure. However, many of these plans are highly ambitious and political complications make it difficult for the government to go ahead with them. In the meantime, the government plans to somewhat ease the power crisis by importing electricity form India. However, unsatisfactory a solution, this is inevitable in the short term. But all state agencies responsible for infrastructure should also immediately begin inspecting and repairing all infrastructures in the country so as to prevent their collapse or malfunction. this is unlikely to be politically controversial, and if the Finance Ministry releases funds for the task, it is one thing that can be achieved relatively easily.

Some people are on a looting spree here!!

By now, Dr. Bhattarai must have realized that managing the Nepali economy is far more complicated than waging a people's war. At least, during war, if you are short of money, there are banks to be looted and properties of the "fleeing feudal class" to be captured. If there are no banks, you have other methods of extracting money. And they all worked with military precision. It will be fascinating if somebody some day did research on how the Maoists financed their people's war. If the Maoists are practical enough, there is immense scope for exporting their financing techniques, not their political ideology.

Unfortunately, war time methods do not work during peacetime. Dr. Bhattarai must be doubly frustrated as he encounters a series of bottlenecks while implementing revenue generating schemes like VDIS, tax revenues and recovering bank loans. He is also working hard to introduce austerity measures to control extravagance in public spending. In the coming days, I will take up the issues of how corruption has churned out public revenues, expenditures, and assets. In this issue, let us look at the faults of bank defaulters.

On June, 30, 2006, A daily Newspaper of Nepal "Kantipur" had carried small news item in its business and economy section. The gist of the news goes like this: A group of bank debtors in Nawalparasi unionized themselves demanding that interest payments on bank loans up to Rs.1 million be waived besides relaxing repayment of the principal. If their demands were not fulfilled, they threatened to release the names of bank managers and other staff members who took bribes while issuing loans. In his budget speech Dr. Bhattarai did waive loans up to 30,000 and interest and penalties on loans ranging from Rs. 30,000 to Rs 100, 000. He is now pointing his guns at the big borrowers.

The recent naming and shaming of 339 bank defaulters showed that they collectively owed a cool Rs.16 billion, excluding interest which may total several times this amount. Segregation of the bank defaulters showed that nearly 30 percent of them (101 individuals) owed over 81 percent of the loans (Rs.13 billion). This nearly resembles the 80:20 rule - 80 percent of the problem is being explained by 20 percent of the causes.

The problem of massive loan delinquencies came to light in the early 2000s when Nepal went into a deep financial crisis, and the donors pushed for country fiduciary risk assessments prior to making their commitments on budgetary support. The businessmen were drawing massive loans without ever bothering to pay them back.

The picture becomes clearer when one looks at the high degree of financial leverage (high debt/equity ratio) in Nepali business companies. Literally, with corruption, debt capital was coming as risk-free capital. By 2004, defaults exceeded Rs.40 billion, representing 30 percent of all credit flows in the country. This implied a serious impending financial disaster. Defaults on loan repayments by 1,159 debtors who had borrowed over Rs 2.5 million each from two major banks, Nepal Bank Ltd and Rastriya Baniya Bank, reached a hopping Rs.15.67 billion. Nepal's Credit Information Bureau still carries a listing of the 2,225 defaulters (www.cibnepal.org).

The largest corruption case ever filed by the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA), dubbed Mangutaram Group, involved a sum of Rs. 1.2 billion. To add insult in injury, even the then sitting president of the Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI), the apex body of the business community in Nepal, was accused of a major bank default.

Last December, while evaluating a private sector led anti-corruption project in Nepal, implemented by the FNCCI with DFID (UK Department for International Development) money, this scribe was informed, in a hush-hush tone, how British taxpayers' money was going to be justified by supporting an anti-corruption project headed by an accused bank defaulter. When it comes to anti-corruption, donors are as much confused as we are in discerning remedy from malady and malady from remedy.

By December 2006, over 2,000 cases were pending at the Debt Recovery Tribunal. Out of them, 962 cases totaling Rs 13.48 billion were from Nepal Bank Ltd alone. The massive default on loan repayments was one of the several factors that pushed the then government to award management contracts of the banks of foreigners. The then finance minister Dr. Mahat knew cledarly why he was doing this amid opposition from the unions and the private sector. Definitely a foreigner without social attachments can better recover debts than a native manager.

The then government went to the extent of blacklisting the defaulters, boycotting them socially, seizing their passports, and sending letters to foreign embassies requesting them to deny travel visas to the listed defaulters. Businessmen tried to divert attention by asking the government to define willful and non-willful defaulters.

All average Nepali would hardly get an opportunity to see a bank note of Rs.1000 denomination. Talking of millions and billions of rupees is definitely a mind-boggling exercise. Therefore, to simplify the matter, here is an anecdotal evidence related by no other than Suryanath Upadhyay himself in his recently published memoirs: A piece of land bought today for Rs. 9.5 million to be used as collateral for a bank loan. Got my point? Some people are on a looting spree here.

Open sesame

It is natural that there be curiosity regarding the inside of the Narayanhity Palace complex

Early in the morning of Feb 27, a crowd of thousands of Nepalis assembled outside the Narayanhiti Place in Kathmandu. There was a palpable sense of excitement and anticipationin the air-- much like the day when the monarchy was abolished when huge crowds had gathered to witness the royal flag being brought down. But on that day, the crowd's mood had soured after the bringing down of the flag was delayed; and the police started clearing the crowds off the streets. There had been clashes between groups of young men and the police. Yesterday, however, no such event occurred. It was the day after the Narayani Palace Museum had been inaugurated by the prime minister, and there were thousands assembled outside the palace gate to get a glimpse of what was inside. As the crowd was vast, and ony a handful of people were allowed entry at a time, those keen to enter the palace gates had to wait for an inordinately long time. Yet spirits remained high and the anticipation was infectious.

It is natuaral that there should be such a high degree of curiousity regarding the inside of the Nararanhiti Palace complex.Inhabited after the Kot massacre of 1846 by members of the Rana oligarchy, it became home to the Shahs since the time of Prithvi Bir Bikaram Shah. Over the past century and a half, there have been various demolitions of buildings within the complex and construction of new ones. The most rcent addition to the structure, which includes the facade of the palace visible from Durbar Marg, was constructed between 1963 and 1969. The people of the valley, however, remained distant witnesses to the buildings that were periodically built and razed, and could only imagine the riches within and the lavish lifestyles of the place's inhabitants.

Up to the period when the interim government constituted after the 2006 Jana Andolan slowly started power from the monarchy, the Narayanhiti complex ramined a walled city within a city. It remained isolated and mysterious but inside lived and work thousands of people-- soliders and cooks and others to protect and serve the royal family. Political leaders were summoned to the palace to hold crucial consulations with the king. Visiting heads of state stayed at the palace as personal guests of the royal family. Rumours about what transpired within the palace boundaries floated across the city, but those with access to the palace remained tight-lipped and these rumours went largely unconfirmed.

If there is a single event that took place within the palace complex that shook the entire Nepali polity, it was the royal massacre of 2001. On June 1 that year, sleeping residents of the Kathmandu Valley were awoken in the middle of the night by urgent phone calls informing them that the royal family had perished. As with previous occasions when rumours came out from the palace information was scant; and a thousand speculations regarding what had happened spread across the valley.

When visitors go to visit the Narayanhiti Palace Museum, they will doubtless be most curious to see the area where the massacre took place. They will be in for a disappointment: the Tribhuvan Sadan, the hall where the killing occurred, was demolished by Gyanendra, the last king of Nepal. But this will be compensated for by the sight of the various halls, launges and bedrooms in which the royal family lived their daily lives.

Shivaratri in times of upheaval

Considering the plight of the Bagmati River, it becomes quite clear that the more things change here, the more they remain the same.

Crossing terriorial boundaries, they arrived in droves. Sadhus with tangled hair and ash smered all over their bodies, descended onthe premises of Pashupatinath one of Hinduism's holiest shrines. Smoking marijuana and occasionally sipping tea boiled on bonfires, they relaxed on both sunny and shady-- and at times windy and chily--lawns in the temple vicinity. As divine tridens lay by their sides, they observed the changes occurring in the centuries-old temple traditions -- and, possibly, the revolutions sweeping the once "Hindu kingdom".

Back againfor this year's Shivaratri celebrations, many Sadhus probably didn't realize the changes that have occurred on Nepali soil since they last visited. Groundbreaking events like the end of the world's 'last Hindu monarchy subsequent transition to a secular, federal democrftic republic; the country's descent into further chaos and and anarchy despite the ongoing peace proccess; attempts to modernize Pashupatinath's centuries-old tradition of having South India high priests for daily worship and prayers.

'Ganatantrik Shivartri'

Or they did realize the changes? This year, the locals of Pashupati area felt, a slight decline in the number of Sadhus and Indian pilgrims visiting the shrine of Shivaratri, one of Hinduism's great divine nights. The Pashupati Area Development. Trust (PADT), which is responsible for the upkeep of the temple area, now enjoys the patronage of U-CPN- Maoist-led government. Its officials seemed content with the number of Sadhus -- around 3,000 -- that" arrived this year.

"Jay Shamvo, bom bhole!" a skinny Sadhu, who came form Rajasthan, said loudly, as he smoked his pipe on a rcent afternoon. Surrounded by other Sadhus from different corners of Hindustan, the Sadhu probably didn't want to reveal his name to curious onlookers (a reporter amongst them) when he said. "My name is Pashupati baba." That response was met with peals of aughter prompting one bloke to say: "May be this Baba is high on gunja."

Interestingly,this time around, no Sadhus, or Naga (nude) Babas, danced, chanted slogans and demonstrated support for, or for the return of, Hindu monarchy,. One reason why there was a slight drop in the number of Sadhus is this: according to one report: weeks bedore Shivaratri, Sadhu circles accross India were abuzz with rumours that "the Maoist -led government was debarring Indian Sadhus from visiting Nepal, in the sameway it recently attmpted to replace the temple's Indian high priests with Nepali ones".

Harmoney

Yet the rumous didn't deter the thousands of Sadhus from coming here for their annual pilgrimag. They didn't deter the ascetics formspending some days in the sahadow of Pashupatinath or the various Debalayas nearby. As sweet-smelling incense burnt alongsidefragrant flowers, melodious Bhajans added to the colours of the Sadhus and visitors. In visiting the temple, the President replaced the former king. As the temple bells range for the evening arati, the temple's golden roof dazzled. Barring few freak instances of commotiion, hooliganism bylocal young revellers, the great festival went off peacefully.

With Rudrakshya malas dangling around their neck, the Sadhus with tangled hair will be homebound soon. Unlike that of most materialistic or ordinary worldly beings, theirsis a journey of patience and perseverance, of compassion and tolerance. soon after disembarking from the Indian train near the bordering towns, most of them begin their arduous and long journey to Pashupatinath on foot. People onthe East-West or the Mugline highway can spot them pass by and perservere until they finally reach the sacrd Pashupath Kshetra. Yer after year, that has beentheir way of living, their way of travelling.

Time flies, yet that tradition lives on.

"Holy" Bagmati

When the Sadhus and pilgraims arrived, and as the sages lay by the ghats across the temple, it seemed as if the stinky banks of the 'sacred' Bagmati river sprang to life for a while. Rising temperatures dried the river waters up a little bit more. Yet people touched and a sprinkled and even sipped the black-coloured holy Bagmati waters, despite thefact that the waterlooked visibly dirty and undrinkable, if not completely untouchable.

There must be something there. People continue to revere and have a lot of faith in the "holy river" despite the fact that countless studies condutced in the past decade point out that the Bagmati waters are unsuitable even for irrigations, let along drinking or washing or rearing aqatic beigns. After the "great and glorious people's war of the past decade things may have changed much on paper. But considering the plight of the Bagmati River, it becomes quite clear that the more things change here, the more they remain the same.

Whose responsibility?

Its headwaters high up on the Shivapuri hill, the Bagmati flows down the heart of Kathmandu Valley. Isn't she the mother of the ancient Nepali civilization? Doesn't the state that the river is in today mirror the state that then river is in today mirror the state of our environment, the state of our polity and rnance? Doesn't today's Bagmati lay bare the level of our commitment to our faiths and future generations?

Whose responsibility is it to make sure that not a single industry or housedhold (sprwled along its banks right form Sundarijal to the north to Chovar to the South) discharges its solid or liquid waste into the holy river? The Bagmati is just one amongst many rivers flowing down the once serene valley. Only after Bagmati is cleaned up, can other rivers-- like Trishuli, Bhotekoshi, Narayani-- be prevented from going down then Bagmati way.

This Shivaratri, the Bagmati's worsening plight made it even clearer where Nepali politicians and their voters stand today, and what all the recent "positive, pro-people, political changes" that have occurred here indicate. Many Sadhus with tanged hair, for one, did n't notice any visible difference in the Pashupati or the Bagmati landscape. And there aren't any signs of that landscape changing for the better before next Shivaratri.

The state has been unable to improve security in the past two years!

Almost three years after the end of the conflict, murder and other human rights violations continue to occur on a large scale across the country. INSEC, a human rights organization, has recently released its Human Rights Year Book 2009, in which it catalogues the violations that have taken place in the past year. During 2008, the report states, 541 individuals were murdered and 729 abducted. Exactly the same numbers of people - 541 - were killed during 2007 as well. The number of murders has fallen dramatically since 2006, the last year of the conflict, during which 926 people were killed. What this demonstrates is that although violence has, as expected, decreased substantially since the end of the conflict, the state has been unable to bring any reduction in the low-level violence that prevails across the country.

In fact, the number of people being murdered annually has been decreasing since 2002. That was the year when the conflict escalated dramatically, leading to the deaths of 2,900 people. It is interesting to note, however, that during 2001, in the midst of the conflict, 633 people were killed-- not much of a difference from 2008. Further, the number of people killed by non-state actors was higher in 2008 than in 2001 - 491 and 390 respectively. This is surprising given that the perceived level of insecurity - at least among those living in urban areas and district headquarters - was much higher in 2001 than it was in 2008. This fact is a clear indication of how inured people across the country have become to bloodshed, and how little effort the state has put into bringing improvements in security conditions.

Of course, the nature of the violence has changed. Before 2006, it was the state and the Maoists that were responsible for a vast majority of the killings. In 2008, these two parties were responsible for only a fraction of the killings - the state killed 50 people while the Maoists killed 12. This is still too high a number. And among the political parties, the Maoists were responsible for the highest number of murders and abductions (304). But the fact remains that there have now emerged in Nepal other groups that have been engaging in violence on a scale much larger than that of the state and the Maoists. In particular, and not surprisingly, violence escalated considerably in the districts of the Tarai in 2007 and 2008.

If there is one lesson to be learned from INSEC's data, it is that the state has been unable to reduce the low-level violence that has persisted after the end of the conflict. The state's security continues to be limited across the country, and the security forces are unable to discharge their responsibilities. Hence the rise of ethnic movements, it is quite possible that the level of violence will only increase this following year.

Lessons to learn

Nepal's eductional system seems to have given low priority to value education

Despite the state's attempts to align the education system as per energing changes in the international socio-technical system, the end results do not appear to be highly engouraging. Actually, what are the issue that are preventing the eduction system from functioning at its full potential? The issues as we perceive them are four major pillars of education (UNESCO 1996).

Pillar No.1. Learning to live together

The education system of Nepal seems to have given low priority to value education.  In other words, curricular progrmmes do not seem to have recognized the need for fostering values such as mutual coexistence and respect for each other's culture, language, lifestyle, trditions and history among the students. what we witness incontemporary Nepalese society is generally ethnic intolerance, lack of harmoney in society and indifferent  attitude towards ethno-based history and traditions. Above all, the current situation gives a sense that a multi-level ethnic conflict is in the offing in Nepal.

Therefore, in order to inculcate enabling values among the students from the basic to the tertiary level, both content and pedagogic aspects must reflect the importrance of value education in the curricular programmes which give rcognition to our growing interdependence and common perception about the future needs and spirit, and their fulfilment.

Pillar No. 2, Learning to know

The rapidity of technological inventions and innovations necessarily requires the learning domain to be proactive while designing and implementing educational programmes. In other words, educational programmes mustrun alongside the process of change, failing which the development of pertinent human capital as a potent force for ensuring overall development will be defeated. The contemporry eductional context of Nepal, to a large extent, seems to have fallen behind in maintaining the blance between the overall change context and reciprocal educational programmes. 

To clarify this point further, the distribution of equal opportunities to all-specifically those livng in remote and difficult context in having change responsive education as enjoyed by others living in privileged locations-- is less than justifiable. This is a glaring issue associated with egalitarianism in education. Actually,  this non-egalitarian eductional practice has persisted despite the state's massive reform initiatives. This reality has contributed to widening further socil sstratifiction nd eventually inflicting  massive loss in social energy formations. 

Pillar No. 3. Learning to do

Acquisition of competency that enables individuals to perform efficiently in diverse situations where the demands are more challenging must be the prime drive of any eduction programme. Moreover, curricular objectives must give increased priority to building the learners' capacity to articulate clearly, form teams, work in teams and develop visionary power. These expectations tend to emerge tangible if the pedagogic process makes it essential to involve the learners in practical and experiential lerning.

Nepal's educatinal context in terms of substantiating all these imperatives will be an interesting field of study. However, the impression we get is that the entire educational sector is submerged in less practical and subfunctional domains instead of moving on the productive tract. The issue here is that Nepal's educatinal dynamics is much dominated by the "principle learning to learrn" instead of "learning to do".

Pillar No. 4. Learning to be

If the objective of learning in the 21st century is to foster the talent, quality and competency of each individual larner so that the individual can assume the power of independent, autonomous and self-actualized existence, the learning realm must incorporate  and research -based innovative and exploratory parameters. Actually, the education system must adopt the idea of turning "every society into a lerning society" so that productio, processing and disseminatinof knowledge  becomes a continuous course of action which essentially will contribute to expanding the knowledge economy, a major thrust commonly adopted by every nation in the 21st century. 

What level Nepal's education sector has reached in the actualization of all these imperative linked to "learning  to be" is a major issue. As we see it, we do not seem to have accomplished even fairly on this front. The present day's pathetic scenes on every front of the national system amply indicate that the eduction system has deviated from addressing  relevant lerning needs of the 21st century. A few exceptions may be noticed  in some privileged contexts, but the prevalent reality is frustrating.

Apart from these major concerns, one can identify equally important issues bedevilling Nepal's education system. Some of the major ones can be listed as follows:

1. The education sector is vulnerable to  partisan politics. Educational premises and students are being manoeuvred to play party-specific political games. 

2. Despite massive investments in the improvement of quality in education, the outcome shows frustrating results.

3. Though progress in providing eductinal access to those falling  behind seems to be engouraging, the enrolment scenaario does not provide a satisfactory picture.

4. Emphasis on reaching the unreached has paid some dividends, but not impressively.

5. A stereotypical  approach to implementing the currficulm in diversely situated  context could not realize the expected educational out-comes. 

6. Productive and entrepreneurial skills are critically important for economic development; and for this to happen, increased investment in this sub-sector is pertinent. 

7. Despite some initiatives taken to reform financing modalities in education by adopting the Mid-Term Expenditure Frmework (MTEF), there are still numerous drawbcks. In the main, the tertiary education sub-sector  is unjusstifiably subsidized. 

8. Nepal's educational management is heavily influenced by mechanistic bureaucracy; in other words, bureaucratic  hegemony prevails over the educational management process.

9. The leadership of educational  organizations is found to be very lack-lustre. They have little or no knowledge and skills about what leadership style is appropriate in an educational orgnization.

Nepal has got good deals with private developers in the recent agreements of Arun-III, Upper Karnali, and West Seti.

The issue of hydropower development is once again in the spotlight. Unlike in the past, the present government seems quite serious about the development of hydropower in the country and attaining the much talked about goal of generating 10000 MW in 10 years and two digit growth figures within the next three years. Honestly, water resources is by far the only resources we can really bank upon; since other resources such as petroleum are out of the question, and the industrial resource is still a far cry. Similarly, our experience with tourism shows that we have not been able to actually leapfrog in economic development as expected.

Nepal's water resources have been by far a wasted asset. Though its potential is never undermined, we have not been able to tap into this goldmine and reap the benefits. Although water resources have seemingly unlimited uses, looking into the picture, and the overall development of the nation at stake, hydropower seems to be the only option. That is, if we are talking about being export oriented and such. The much hyped 83,000 MW potential and 43,000 MW which the experts believe to be economically viable indicates that our power market must be export-oriented. And given Nepal's geographical location, it is clear that India is our only market. The chairman of Power Trading Corporation of India (PTC), MR T.N. Thakur, during his visit to Nepal has clearly indicated that within the next 10 years, India is looking forward to develop 50,000 MW of hydropower, though it will need 140,000 MW of power within that time. It doesn't need of rocket scientist to understand that there should be supply when there is demand in the market. It is estimated that the cost of generating 10,000 MW of energy would cost about NRs.200 billion. Since such a huge investment is not quite practical for a fragile economic like ours, and for the local investors. Investing in hydropower is regarded as too big a gamble. This is where the issue of attracting foreign investors comes in.

In the last decade, the country has seen some landmark agreements regarding foreign investments in the hydropower sector. In 1995, the government of Nepal signed a deal with SMEC for the development of the 750 MW West Seti Hydroelectric project. This agreement was signed as a Public Private Participation (PPP), with the government of Nepal investing 15 percent (with loan from ADB). Similarly, the past year saw the agreements reached between the government of Nepal and Sutlej Jal Vidyut Nigam (SJVN) for the development of 300 MW Upper Karnali Project.

The issue of water resources management has been fiercely debated. Some people have present notions about the dealings with India and have repeatedly raised the issue of past deals such as the Koshi, Gandaki and Mahakali Treaties where Nepal did not quite receive the benefits it was entitled to. During his visit to Nepal, the Indian State Minister for Energy and Commerce, Mr. Jairam ramesh said in a televised interview that we must not spend our time pondering over the past; tht we must look into the future and work towards it. India will try to reap as much benefit from a deal as it can. It is their duty towards their people. That's what we too must do. It's our duty to get good deals out of our agreements. In the recent agreements of Arun-III, Upper Karnali, and West Sedti, I think our country has got good deals with the private developers. These projects are to be implemented on the Build Own Operate Transfer (BOOT) principle, where the projects would be handed over to the Government of Nepal "in good running condition" after 30 years of operation. So, if the goal of 10,000 MW in 10 years is attained and all the power is exported, we will have at least 1000 MW for free, which is nearly double what we have been able to generate in the past 100 years.

However, to attain such goal, the challenges need to be met. Investors are a sensitive lot. The government needs to ensure that there is an investment-friendly environment so that they can feel safe to invest here. Having potential alone doesn't guarantee investors. For example, we could not find any investors for the 650 MW Budhi Gandaki. Even after calling the Expression of Interest (EOI) twice, no investors turned up. We must take an example of the Tata Motors pullout from Singur after investing billions; we cannot afford to bear such a letdown. We must work our best to convince the investors that investing in Nepal wouldn't be risky. The issues regarding displacement of locals and ecosystem are in place; but we must look for the proper management of such issues. An example can be made of the 18,200 MW (stated to be finally 22,400 MW). Three Gorges Project of China, where 1.2 million people were successfully relocated.

Lastly, after the recent political breakthrough, it's high time for the country to attain an economic break-through. As Mr Jairam Ramesh had said, all this time we have been born members of the NATO (No Action Talk Only). Now we need to change that perspective. Concrete measures need to be taken to transform this decade into a decade of economic revolution, as finance minister. Dr Baburam Bhattarai hinted in his budget speech. It's imperative that we now do something so that the next generations will regard the first decade of the 21st century as the down of development.

As kids we were all taught table manners, social skills, personal hygiene, group discipline, etc. As adults, we follow these codes to be seen as civilized members of society. In this development from a wild child to a civilized adult, however, something is amiss in the case of most urban Nepalese. Or perhaps this has to do with our busy lives, a lack of sense of belonging, ignorance, and a blaze attitude. But I think this seemingly small deficiency significantly reduces our social worth.

Yes, I am talking about road etiquette Kathmandu's road etiquette. Kathmandu's road scene is in a bad way. Out Here, vehicles do sometimes get a ticket for violating the traffic rules and parking randomly but the pedestrians always steer clear of charges. Nobody gets a ticket when they cross the street right under the overhead bridge and miles away from the zebra crossing especially when the green light for the vehicles is flashing.

In Kathmandu, the roads are narrow and the vehicles too many. This is the major cause behind hours long traffic jams. Moreover, time and again, we are forced to struggle our way across mountains of garbage piled at every nook and corner of the city which is enough to make anybody sick at sight. In addition, there are numerous stray dogs and cattle lounging about the place, accompanying the files and crows that are already enjoying the feast. And there are the big holes dug in the streets, usually without permit, for canalizing water to the residences.

The sight of some one spitting or picking his nose on the road is a common one. And there are people just dawdling around, blocking the road and gaping at God knows what People do not think twice before littering the street or using it as a public lavatory. No one heeds the few fading notices urging us to keep the city clean. A tree or a shade of greenery is rare in the capital. There is so much air, water and sound pollution that the worn out slogan 'save the environment' seems to be staring at us out of our school text books, baffled and beleaguered.

Doesn't this heart breaking portrayal of Kathmandu bother us a wee bit? Would we do the same thing to our private property? Isn't this city our very own? Isn't it our duty to take care of it? If the answer is yes, then it is high time we learned a few road etiquettes. Let's give it a serious thought!

Greater efforts are needed to educate the public about constitutional issues

One of the chief objectives of the Constituent Assembly (CA) was to avoid the mistake of having the constitution drafted in a closed room by select politicians and experts. It was partly on the ground that the Nepali citizenry was excluded from previous constitutions that led the Maoists and other leftist parties to demand an elected CA soon after the 1990 constitution was drafted. Those responsible for drafting the Rules and Procedures of the current CA thus took great pains to ensure that as wide a section of the Nepali population as possible was consulted and their opinions incorporated in the new constitution. As part of these consultations, the CA secretariat has, in the second week of January, issued a public notice soliciting the people's opinions by telephone, letter, or email by Feb, 26. In addition, members of the various committees of the CA have formed teams that will soon visit all 75 districts in an attempt to actively seek the views of the people.

But there has always been a great disjuncture between the political class and the populace in Nepal. The political parties had, before the elections, succeeded in disseminating information about CA election across Nepal, and people in the most remote areas of the country were made aware that this was the most momentous of events in Nepal's history. But outside of the urban centers, few understood why the country needed a new constitution and what would be in it - indeed few understood what a constitution was at all. Since then, political leaders have similarly had relative success in spreading the rhetoric of federalism and state restructuring, but there have been few efforts to spell these out in detail to the people.

This state of things is reflected in the opinions that the CA has received from the public. Or rather, in their lack. As of Feb 10, two weeks before the deadline for submitting opinions to the CA secretariat expires, hardly any suggestions have been received by the committees of the CA. The few that have been received demonstrate that their is still widespread ignorance regarding constitutional issues: most of the comments are in the nature of demands for employment and services such as electricity and drinking water.

At a time when political parties are putting forth diverse and confusing views about federalism and other issues that should be included in the new constitution, it is perhaps not surprising that there is lack of proper knowledge regarding the constitution among the citizenry. This is unfortunate. The CA is an historic opportunity for the public to be involved in the future state structure of the country. When the CA members go to collect opinions from people in all 75 districts, they should ensure that there are mechanisms in place to educate the public about the constitutional issues that will affect their lives. Only then will it be possible for them to make informed opinions that will be of benefit to the CA.

The way we live seems to have lost the dignified touch. It's more to do with the resignation that we greet our lives. The challenges are supposed to be faced and overcome. But, no, the individual nature builds up suggests something else. There seems to be those grey cells inside that doesn't go of the steaming else. There seems to be those grey cells inside that doesn't let go of the steaming bubble to get that upright posture that has the hue of self-reliance.

It looks like living more on doles than what one scratches out of the earth. The matter is simple to understand because everyone knows the hassles that go with the daily grind of life. Accustomed to shortages and scarcities is our bit of the journey. The desire rises, but the steps are measured all because of the assurances that pour in of better times to come.

When the news flashed that the load shedding hours would be slashed by a quote of four or five hours daily out of the present 14 hours, there was a smug smile on many a face despite the in born nature of being suspicious of everything. There were many promises, but hardly any one has come to fruition. Yet, we keep on hanging to the best of strings, and that is hope.

The idea was to make a rendering on the load shedding spree that is being witnessed by all of us. When the talk comes from an authority, the first reaction may be one of disbelief that the spree is stopping and rather reversing. It's hard to believe, but the hope had always been there to see the bulbs, could be the CFL type glow by pressing on the switch any time of the day. And that is one luxury that we've been denied.

To top the topic is another hope of a power out-age free scenario five years later. A sensible citizen can understand that five years in the life of a country is a very short time frame. May be the responsible people are being broadminded and advising us to be ready to sacrifice a significant part of the day to learn to live without power. It does not seem a tough proposition because barring the initial rise; it comes to the same resigned state as mentioned before.

So that is our style of moving ahead with life. It's living by the measured dole outs of optimism and pessimism. The energy part for us is too over-whelming an issue to be disposed off lightly, yet there's nothing that one can do but let the chosen people come out with the steps that they think are fitting to give satisfaction to the herd that follows.

Last time, when World Bank President Wolfowitz resigned from his post under allegations that he used his influence to get his girlfriend a promotion, I was thinking about such incidents in our country. Amazingly, incidents such as this, which triggered a huge public outcry elsewhere have blended into our society to such an extent that when confronted with such facts one just whisks them away with the cliché "Son, this is how things are done here."

I just kept wondering - malpractices such as corruption and nepotism are rampant in our country. But why do such facts go unseen, in fact unnoticed here? Why do we all turn a blind eye and a deaf ear to such facts? Why is there no public opposition to such practices so as to ensure that these incidents never happen again? This is all due to lack of a magic thread that we call ethics.

We have seen drivers zooming across roads like maniacs, never caring about the safety of the pedestrians. We have also seen bikers driving through footpaths to evade traffic jams, shamelessly blaring horns at the pedestrians to clear the way for them. It is not a rare sight here to see vehicles even passing through a red signal and the traffic police least bothered to stop it. We have never seen any action taken against culprits except a few. Neither have we seen any effort to counter these practices nor have we noticed any decrease in them. However, when we say ethics, it doesn't just mean for the people in authority to stop taking bribes, or for others to do their task properly. It also means that all of us fulfill our public duty such as speaking against such practices. Even a thing as minor as throwing a chocolate wrapper into a dustbin comes under ethics.

Have we even wondered why we are still undeveloped? It is not because nature has not been kind to us. It is also not because we lack expertise and will power to rescue the country from this quagmire. What we lack is ethics. Most of the people of the "developed countries" maintain their ethical standard and follow the law of the land. This is what we have failed to do. We take pride in breaking the rules. Mocking the law is regarded as a sign of greatness. That is why we are literally at the same place as we were fifty years ago. The situation will not improve till we change ourselves.

Edmund Burke once said "The thing necessary for the triumph of evil is good men to do nothing". As we can see now, evil is triumphant in our land. So we, the good men have to do something about it. Let the day never come when we lose courage to look at the mirror and share directly into our eyes and be ashamed of our own self.

India wants to minimize regional disputes to focus on the larger picture

Nepal and India trading accusations over contested border areas is a pretty routine matter. But it is definitely not wrong for one side to accept it. That is exactly what India has done after a team of the Parliamentary Committee for International Relations and Human Rights (PCIRHR) on Sunday concluded that India had encroached upon Nepali territory at various places. The team led by Padma Lal Bishwokarma is back in Kathmandu after an inspection tour of disputed areas in eastern Nepal. The PCIRHR delegation had visited the eastern region after media reports accused the Seema Surakha Bal (SSB), an Indian paramilitary force deployed along the Nepal-India border, of setting up its camp inside Nepali territory at Shri Antu of Ilam. The committee will now prepare a detailed report of their itinerary, which, among other things, will detail Indian encroachment at Manebhanjyang, Pulkhola at Pashupatinagar, Simana, Fatak, Hile, Gufapatl and Chhabishe at Shri Antu of Nepal.

The PCIRHR has also deemed incorrect past measurements carried out in the border areas. In an interesting turn of events, the PCRHR team had to return from Shri Antu after the Indian Embassy barred them from entering India for security reasons. The group was scheduled to study the border from Sandakpur to Falto of Panchathar district. Sandakpur can ony be reached through Indian Territory.

As always, the unceremonious return of the PCIRH is being hyped as yet another example of India's high handedness against Nepal. It is possible that India, in this instance, failed to take Nepal's interests into account. But it would be wrong and disproportionate to view the latest incident as part of India's grand design (or any other terminology Nepali politicians routinely evoke to fan anti- India sentiments) on Nepal. The fact of the matter is that Nepal is surrounded by India on all sides except the north. Unfortunately, the country cannot choose its neighbors. Stoking Panchayat-era nationalism, defined, first and foremost, by bashing India when it suits their ends, is a perennial favorite spot of Nepali politicians. But such self-serving, knee-jerk reactions can only serve the purpose of antagonizing India even further.

With India's increasing clout in the international arena has come the realization that it can play an even bigger role internationally. Whether we Nepalese like it or not, border disputes between India and Nepal are far, far down on the priority list of the Indian foreign policy establishment. India wants to minimize petty regional disputes to focus on the larger picture. In this spirit, it seems more and more ready to make concessions on the regional front, as its acceptance of encroachments into Nepal illustrates. Hence, it is the perfect time to review past treaties and boundary disputes between the two countries through proper diplomatic channels, and amicably. This is not the time to bash India but to take as much as we can while India is willing to give.

A fall in remittances is not the only cause for concern for Nepali labourers working in the Gulf

The construction boom in the Gulf States, responsible for creating tens of thousands of jobs for labourers form South Asia over the past six years, is now grinding to a halt. The combination of the credit crunch and plummeting oil prices have dealt a blow to the economies of the Gulf States, and the property market has been one of the most dramatic casualties. Even the most brash and ambitious real estate dev elopers in the Emirates have been forced to admit that they are feeling the pinch. Major state-backed players such as Nakheel, Damac and Omniyat announced at the end of last year that they were lay off up to 15 percent of their staff, and would put high-profile projects on hold. A faltering construction sector in the Middle East brings with it the threat of pay cuts and job losses for Nepali labourers employed in the industry, meaning less money to send to families and communities back home.

But a fall in remittances is not the only cause for concern for the tens of thousands of Nepali labourers working in the region. Tougher economic times mean a real risk that construction companies will start to cut corners, scrimping on wags and accommodation for labourers, and failing to implement safety regulations.

While the price of building materials may be subject to increases and financing more difficult to obtain in these post-credit crunch days it appears that human life is the one thing that still comes cheap for construction companies.

Construction companies in the Gulf have a poor record on upholding workers' rights at the best of times. Bans on work on construction sites between the hours of 12 and 4 p.m., when temperatures can soar to as high as 50 degrees Celsius in the summer, have regularly been ignored by contractors in the U.A.E and Bahrain, and labourers can often be seen working without hard hats or proper safety harnesses. The death toll among Nepali workers in the region is already unacceptably high, and is a grim indicator of the poor working and living conditions that many have to endure. Around 700 Nepalese died in the Gulf States in 2007, 49 percent from "natural causes" and the remainder from cardiac arrests suicides and industrial accidents. Disputes over pay are another hurdle for migrant workers, and there are many incidences of wages being with-held for the first two months of employment.

Nick McGrehan, founding member of human rights group Mafiwasta, which campaigns for the rights of migrant labourers in the Emirates, believes that the outlook for working conditions in the Gulf will only get worse as a result of the economic crisis. "Work's going to go, contracts are not going to be borne out, and there will be even less concern for workers' condition," he told this writer. As job are inevitably lost in the construction sector, workers could find themselves in a "legal no-man's -land" according to McGeehan. Repatriation of workers that are no longer needed is an expensive business, and he fears that cash-strapped corporations could neglect their responsibilities to pay for workers to return home. This could leave thousands stranded in the Gulf without enough money to return home, or a valid work permit to find alternative employment.

Corporations increasingly use the financial crisis as an excuse for failing to implement new laws to protect workers' safety, saying that new measures will be too costly. Construction companies in Bahrain, known to be one of the more progressive countries in the region in protecting workers' rights, are now dragging their feet on putting a ban on the dangerous practice of transporting workers in open trucks into action.

The ban was initially proposed by the government in November 2007 after it emerged that eight workers were killed and countless others injured in the first half of the year as a result of traffic accidents involving open trucks, where they are crammed like cattle. A government proposal to outlaw transport of staff in open trucks from Jan 1, 2009 onwards was met with outrage from the private sector. One leading business man even made the overblown claim that it would cost the construction industry over BD 1 million (Rs.206 billion) to buy modern buses, apparently an unacceptable burden given the economic climate. The ban was implemented at the beginning of the year despite the out cry but companies have paid lip service to the ruling.

"The ban on transporting workers in open trucks is far from enforced", Esra'a al Shafei, a Bahrain based human rights activist and director of Mideast Youth, a regional blogging platform, told me. "Instead of open trucks, some companies have surrounded the trucks with wooden boards, which I would assume is seriously uncomfortable and most likely just as dangerous. It's a very cheap attempt at a 'solution."

The government,, it seems, is all too willing to turn blind eyes to violations of the new law. "Now we don't know what we as concerned activists for migrant rights can do. If we go to the government, they will say the law is there, and that it's up to the companies to abide by it, "she explained. "If we go to the companies, they will provide the same justification that they have been providing for years-- it's too expensive and unnecessary."

Discussion of the impact of the financial crisis on migrant workers has tended to focus exclusively on a drop in remittances as overseas employment opportunities dry up. This is unsurprising in the case of Nepal, where remittances account for over 17 percent of GDP. However, a view from the roads and construction sites of the Gulf States shows that dire working conditions are another looming threat for overseas Nepalese. There is a very real danger that the Gulf States will become a more dangerous place than ever for migrant workers, ass construction companies view basic rights and safety as just another area for cutbacks. The shocking treatment of labourers in the Gulf is a sobering reminder that the global financial crisis should not only be viewed as a threat to remittance flows, but also to the basic human rights of labor migrants.

Have you ever visited Thamel after 8 in the evening? It is certain a place where you can go wild with your friends or partner but I doubt many will dare to share their Thamel stories with their children in the future. The late night environment here will certainly not improve your character, though it will undoubtedly tempt you for the next visit.

You shouldn't be amazed seeing those dolled up ladies wearing mini skirts in the freezing cold weather. This is what Thamel does to some; it increases their desire to look good, to attract attention even at the cost of getting goose-bumps all over their skin. The live music bars, dance bars, and restaurants hardly have a family enjoying there. These places re only meant for tourists, pack house-bunkers, young people and late night office workers. The common pose is to lean against a chair, hold a cigarette between your lips, a drink in one hand and a partner in another.

'Born to the wild', 'We don't need no education' - you'll hardly miss these songs in any of the bars. If you hold a glass of soft drink, you are a mere baby; so at least drink beer. You are not a man if you don't have a partner who embraces you while dancing and riding a bike. But just stop and think: does all this bring you real fulfillment? Does this help in your growth?

It seems the westernization adopted by the youth in developing countries does them more harm than good. We try to imitate the lifestyles, customs, music, and food of people in rich countries. The westerners are educated and advanced, we think, their way of life must be superior to ours. So we blindly imitate them. But we do forget that those westerners not only play hard but work hard too. Even those we see in Thamel are there on a holiday, spending their hard-earned money for relaxation. They will go back and resume working. We, on the other hand, spend our parents' hard earned money and make them distressed at the same time.

It is no good aping the superficial aspects of another's life. We must learn to go beyond such shallow interests and aspirations. We must think about how to develop our minds and become independent. If we have n o self-awareness and self-control, the shallow fun of night-life will only be counter-productive. It will make us a chain smoker, a drunkard, an HIV transmitter, and an irresponsible citizen. Those virtual enjoyments do not last. We must seek joys that endure longer and enrich our lives in a true sense.

The reduction in load-shedding provides Nepalese with some optimism

The reduction of load shedding from 108 hours to 96 hours a week does not bring any substantial change to the lives of Nepalese. After all, power outages have merely been brought down from 16 to 14 hours per day. The two extra hours of power mostly come on in the dead of night, when a majority of the country's in habitants are already asleep. But still, the very fact that blackouts have decreased, however in significantly, provides a psychological boost to the nation's citizens, giving a sense that the worst is over, and that at least this year, things are going to get better.

Nepal witnessed the worst power cuts in recent history this year. This caused severe inconveniences to the country, leading to the closure of industry, decline in productivity and extreme difficulty in carrying out domestic chores. The government was no doubt correct in appreciating the scale of the crisis by labeling it an "emergency". The most curious fact about the load-shedding, however, was the psychological impact it had on the country's citizens. Initially resentful and distraught at the hardship posed by the crisis, there gradually developed a sense of quiet resignation. the per perpetual power outages almost came to seem normal. So when people went home in the evening to discover that they had power for a few hours, or when the lights came back on when they were supposed to be out according to the schedule, their spirits were lifted. Electricity, which everyone had considered to be a basic necessity, gave rise to feelings of great comfort and luxury.

This year, the worst power cuts coincided with a period when a revolutionary party, with grand visions for economic development, is at the helm of the country. When the crisis arose, the government thus announced that it would take measures never before taken in Nepal to bring an end to the power crisis. In the immediate future, it stated, it would establish diesel-operated thermal plants. The idea was widely ridiculed, and after the government realized that it was unfeasible, it shelved the plan. The reduction in load-shedding that has recently taken place could happen not because of any new and innovate plan, but through continuing policies that had already been established by previous governments. The long-awaited Marsyangadi Hydroelectric Project recently came into operation. The government is now taking measures to repair the transmission lines between India and Nepal that had been damaged in the Koshi floods. But while the idea of installing thermal power plants was revealed to be unfeasible, this does note that all innovative ideas for electricity generation should be similarly impractical. There is, in fact, a great need for innovative ideas, just not hasty and ill-conceived ones. The recent experience should be a lesson on the government. Let us hope that the next time around, they will consult widely and take the advice of as wide a range of experts as possible. This should help them come up with various original policies that will indeed lead to their goal of ending all power cuts by next year.

A shortage of vision and commitment is responsible for today's darkness in Nepal

The word "power" is a proven anathema in the context of Nepal. After the irreparable infliction by a decade-long power struggle among mainstream political parties, the people of Nepal are now victims of a severe nationwide power crisis. During the past decade, administrations changed in harmony with the varying water level in the reservoirs; but an acute power shortage always remained in the country.

Surprisingly, the acute power shortage of the past has now transformed into a grave power crisis. The absence of a long-term energy policy with regard to the security of the power supply is the crux factor behind this undesired outcome. A shortage of vision and commitment is responsible for today's darkness in Nepal. The Nepalese energy policy has never been designed with a long-term view to deliver secure and reliable power at competitive terms. Such truth might be too bitter to be palatable, but the veracity of the claim remains as is evident from the anticipated 18-hour daily power cuts.

Nepal predominantly depends upon conventional wood and biomass for power while our energy choices are also limited - 86 percent of the power supply comes from biomass and conventional sources, 9 percent is met through petroleum products, hydro-electricity account for 2 percent and renewable sources supply 1 percent. It is necessary to mention that small-scale Pico hydropower and micro hydropower stations generating up to 100 KW are also considered to be renewable energy sources in the Nepalese context. India supplies 10 percent of the domestic electricity demand with political strings attached. Similarly, around 97 percent of the coal used in the country is imported from India. Thus, Nepal's energy security is ever vulnerable; but the growing reliance on Indian imports is what worries me the most.

It is often claimed that the new load shedding schedule is a consequence of the prime minister's visiting China first instead of India. However, the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) has blamed the breakdown of the Kataiya-Duhabi 132 KV transmission line for the current power shortage and not any artificial supply restriction by India. On the other hand, Nepal is a net importer of petroleum products. Like Europe depends upon Russian natural gas and oil, Nepal has no choice but to rely on Indian supplies. While energy independence is a utopian concept under the present circumstances, ensuring a secure supply of energy is certainly achievable. However, it requires prudent actions and not just false promises.

Developing energy networks is essential in order to provide sustainable, secure, and completive energy. Energy networks are the infrastructures needed to transport electricity, gas, oil and other fuels from producers to con-summers. The wind in Jomsom is ideal for generating energy, but the lack of arteries to transport it nullifies all hopes of benefiting from such green energy. Our existing networks are also ageing and are in dire need of replacement. Aging networks lead to inefficient power transmission. As a result, the NEA lost 25.15 percent of its total capacity due to power leakage in 2007/08.

Topographical difficulties have resulted in slow expansion of the electricity grid in the country. Out of the total population, 40 percent has access to electricity with 33 percent being connected to the grid and 7 percent using alternative sources. Access to the grid is marked by regional disparities. In urban areas, 90 percent of the consumers have access to the grid as compared to 27 percent in rural areas. Thus, there is a marked need for coordinated use of renewable energy sources. On the other hand, lack of suitable network links is also a barrier to investment in renewable energy sources and decentralized power generation in Nepal.

Lack of investment in energy sources is surprising in the context of Nepal as we have a pure cost-based approach to electricity tariff determination. When investors are given a guarantee of getting full compensation of the costs incurred along with a fixed rte of return, we can expect a flurry of investments in our energy sector. However, the level of investment in the energy sector is not increasing in line with the rate of increase in the end user electricity prices.

A major reason could be that electricity prices in Nepal are demand driven. In December 2008, the country was generating only 336 MW out of a total capacity of 770 MW. Furthermore, the demand for electricity is expected to increase by 60 MW annually. However, it also signals market inefficiency as basic economics is not working; and the market is not delivering accordingly. Corruption, both in financial and political terms, coupled with world-wide investment pessimism due to the financial meltdown might have foiled planned investments in the energy sector. Nonetheless, Nepal's energy market has a lot to learn from the mistakes made as a result of its immaturity.

Moving the energy market towards, the right and desired direction requires an effective regulatory framework. The advantages of having an effective regulatory framework include investment to expand infrastructure to support changes in demand, improved service quality, lower network service costs, and competitive markets. After all, an improvement in the security of our energy supply is a step closer to energy independence.

I don't know if jay-waking is illegal in Nepal but it is certainly a sign of uncultured behavior. To be specific, I am talking about those who cross the busiest of roads right underneath overhead bridges. Then there are these who cross the road at red light. It seems that an increasing number of pedestrians feel the need to take a short-cut to the other side of the road. Everyone seems to be in a hurry.

Jaywalkers have developed their own set of signs to communicate with the oncoming traffic. For example, they will raise their hand indicating to the oncoming vehicle to go in that direction. Some have already mastered this art while some seem to be rookies and have a hard time communicating such signs to drivers on the road. Whatever may be the case, it is never safe to cross roads in such a risky manner because in such case the pedestrian, not the driver, will hold accountable for any accident. It is fairly understandable that people have no choice to cross the roads randomly in most parts of the city but it is very annoying to see people shamelessly crossing roads right below the overhead bridges built solely for this purpose.

So why are they not using them? Reasons may be anything from ignorance, habit, impatience to lack of common sense but whatever the reasons, it is high time they changed such behavior. Let me point out some benefits that I hope will persuade people to use the infrastructure and raise awareness among others. Well, the most significant benefit of using overhead bridges is to get to your destination safely and on time. Instead of risking your life by walking amidst speeding vehicles hoping to save a few minutes, it is much safer as well as faster to use the bridge. Walk from above and you don't have to wait or make frantic attempts to stop the oncoming traffic. Now moving into the health benefits, walking up and down the bridges will burn some calories, and if pursued on a regular basis, will perhaps allow you to forgo your morning exercise. Doing so would also help, to some extent, the drivers to cruise freely without worrying about crashing into jaywalkers.

People blame the traffic authorities for not enforcing such rules strictly. However, my view point is that the authorities can only show the way, it's up to the people to follow or ignore it. With some commonsense and a change of attitude, we could make our travel around the city safe and comfortable both for drivers and pedestrians.

Anarchy in the Tarai and the flourishing of impunity led to journalist Uma Singh's murder

The murder of Janakpur based journalist Uma Singh, even by the standards of the lawlessness-stricken eastern Tarai, was exceptionally brazen and gruesome. A gang of attackers barged into her home on the night of Jan 11, dragged her out and assaulted her with knives and other implements. Seriously mutilated, she died on the way to Kathmandu where she was being taken for medical treatment.

It is still unclear who was responsible for the attack. A hither-to unknown group, the Tarai Ekiata Parishad, has apparently taken responsibility for the murder, and has stated that it took action against her on "corruption charges". However, locals do not believe that this is a legitimate group. In 2006, Singh's father and brother were abducted by Maoist cadres and remain disappeared. This has led to suspicions that Maoist cadres responsible for those disappearances were responsible for the killing.

There is no evidence to indicate the culpability of any persons, and it is premature to accuse any group of evolvement in the heinous crime. Suffice it to say that a preliminary investigation reveals a complex web of possible involvement of various actors. Some of the motives appear to be personal - certain groups harbor enmity towards Singh's family. There is also suspicion that she was targeted because of some of her writings criticizing certain groups.

The murder is first of all indicative of the anarchy currently prevailing across the Tarai. In the absence of properly functioning state and its security apparatus, various criminal groups have proliferated. Criminal bands camouflage themselves as political entities, and cultivate contacts with locally influential politicians who protect them. Those who have personal feuds against other individuals or families get the support of such groups to threaten or murder their enemies, and then invent a politically inflected name of a group which then takes responsibility. Insecurity reigns acute fear prevails and people lock themselves into their private worlds when acts of violence occur around them.

The state has to receive its share of the blame for Uma Singh's murder. There has been, for at least two years now, complete apathy towards controlling the anarchy in the Tarai. But even more than that, the murder took place because of the climate of impunity that has flourished over the past few years. Impunity extends to the top of the chain - all the way to the highest political leaders in Kathmandu. This state of affairs emboldens criminal gangs to commit brazen acts of violence - ensure that they go scot-free.

Singh is the fourth journalist to be killed after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed. Those responsible for the three previous murders still haven't been brought to book. One of them, in fact, continues to occupy a fairly prominent place in the Maoist party. Recently, media houses have been attacked in Kathmandu. Journalists, especially in the outlying districts, continue to work in an atmosphere of great insecurity. This state of things is unacceptable, and urgent institutional changes are required to remedy it.

Even after the advent of democracy in Nepal, the existing system does not ensure education for all. Of the millions of children in the age group of six to 14 years, only a small percentage attends schools. Even those who are educated are often not capable for employment.

Every year, thousands of engineering and other graduates pass out of colleges. However, only a small percentage of graduates are competent for job. Most of them need to be re-skilled so that they can get job in formation technology and other industries. Even those who find jobs need further training for their skill development.

In Nepal emerging sectors such as information technology retails, banking financial services and insurance are facing short-age of skilled manpower. There is a need to develop skill of many working executives.

Despite increase in the number of jobs, the number of educated unemployment in Nepal is on the rise. By 2020, Nepal is estimated to have millions of surplus unemployed population, with educated youth forming the largest share.

Although urban Nepal has witnessed a growth in jobs, many children still drop out from school. Many girls, especially in rural areas, are not sent to schools, and youngsters take up jobs instead of completing their graduation. The way out is to begin substantial work in semi-urban areas and villages. For this, Nepal requires effective public private partnership.

Today, the developed world requires plenty of workers and skilled professionals. According to an international report, by 2020 the developed world will have a shortage of 1 to 10 million working people. Also, a recent study by Global Human Resource Consultancy Manpower Incorporated says that 41 percent of employers worldwide are having shortage talent in their markets. For the developed world, this is a serous matter. It is because manpower shortage can reduce economic growth. It can escalate wage rates, thereby reducing the competitiveness of these countries.

Blessed with surplus work-force, countries likes Nepal can meet the manpower shortage of the developed world. However, the existing education and training infrastructure cannot meet the standard of the skilled manpower needed for the jobs. It is essential to begin from the primary schools in villages and cities, work with underprivileged children, and encourage them to get educated. Moreover, it is indispensable to implement innovate education system and focus on job-oriented courses with a sharp focus on global talent need education and vocational training have to be more market-driven.

In fact, talent able to compete in the global market can be developed both at home an abroad. However, there is an urgent need to act in this regard. Actually, Nepal needs to transform itself into a repository of talent that can feed global demand for a skilled work force. However, the concerned authorities of both the governmental and non-governmental organizations should pay special attention to this fact as soon as possible. If this effort is successful it will help not only to mitigate the growing unemployment problem but also to enhance the economic growth of this country.

Maoist Assaults on Various groups appear to be part of a calculated strategy

Events of recent weeks have shown that the Maoists are bent on antagonizing all sections of society they have traditionally seen as their "enemies", the various political parties have been driven further apart, and the politics of consensus appears more elusive than ever before. First, there was the attack on Himalmedia House and disruptions at Kantipur Publication and APCA. This soured relations between the Maoists and a media that was cautiously watching them and rethinking its position on them. Then, there was the row between the Nepal Army and the Maoists over recruitment into the army. Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ordered the army to stop its recruitment process midway, and Chief of Army Staff Rookmangud Katawal raised his voice against the directive. And while the army row was in progress, the government decided to replace the Indian priests at the Pashupatinath temple with Nepalese. This offended the religious sentiments of many, and when the temple Bhandaris registered their opposition, the Supreme Court issued a stay order on the replacement of the clerics. The Maoists, however, initially appeared to disregard the order and force their way through with the help of the Young Communist League (YCL).

There are those who suggest that all these assaults occurred, not through any decisions taken by the top-level Maoist leadership, but rather at the initiative of interest groups within the party. The attack on the media was orchestrated by the Maoist traded union. And the decision to bring a halt to army recruitment was taken by the top leadership after it came under heavy pressure from their People's Liberation Army (PLA), which threatened to recruit thousands into its own ranks. According to this view, Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal is committed to the politics of consensus, but is struggling to balance all the demands emerging from within his party with those of other parties.

It may suit the prime minister to present himself as a man struggling to manage a balancing act. This enables him to disclaim responsibility when he faces criticism for the actions of his party. But it also makes him seem hollow: as a man who wishes to be many things to many people but lacks a man who wishes to be a highly elusive personality. Unlike most others in the Maoist party whose political positions are transparent, Dahal's positions never are. Is he the moderate be seeks to depict himself as, struggling to bring his party into mainstream non-violent politics? Or is he a master tactician, who approves of assaults meant to weaken various social groups, while outwardly presenting a conciliatory face?

The more of these assaults occur, the more it appears that they have the direct approval of the prime minister and are part of a calculated strategy. Other political forces become more antagonistic towards the Maoists, and the more likely it is that the peace process will collapse. Perhaps that is the Maoists' aim. If it is not, immediate remedial action by the Maoist leadership is required to demonstrate otherwise.

A mid all the gloom and the not-so-occasional bad news about exploitative and abusive bosses of Nepali workers in a Gulf, remittance on the whole has been good for Nepal. That explains why one of the more obvious sightings of a brand in remote Nepal is that of Western Union; the black-and-yellow bard is stuck on the wall of grocery stores and pop-and-mom shops across the country. While international flights receive heavy bookings during the peak tourists seasons, the Gulf bound fights are near-full round the year. Tens of thousands of Nepali laborers are working in the oil-rich region which has seen a huge construction boom in recent years.

According to Nepal Rastra Bank (RRB) data, remittance contributes to more than 17 percent of the GDP. Remittance contributes heavily to the balance of payments of the GDP. Remittance contributes heavily to the balance of payments and hence to maintain macroeconomic stability. The NRB officials were upbeat in the last quarter when the remittance registered an 80 percent growth. But the recent evidence indicates a turn for the worse. NRB said last month that remittance growth is likely to decline by 40 percent over the previous quarter, which ended in mid-October.

According to the Nepali Embassy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the demand for foreign laborers has gone done by 50 percent in the past two moths, though the Emirate government hasn't yet given an official notice to the Embassy to cut down on laborers. The early assumption that the Gulf economies, and their construction and housing boom, would remain isolated from the global meltdown and the falling oil prices has now turned out to be misplaced.

The decline in jobs in the Gulf will likely lead to a number of ill-effects on Nepal. The first and most obvious is that large numbers of Nepali workers will be forced to return to Nepal. Thousands of families who are dependent on income sent from family members in the Gulf will find it hard to meet their daily needs. Since most of the Nepalese who go to work in the Gulf come from rural areas, this means increased insecurity in precisely those parts of Nepal that are already vulnerable. The return of many workers to a country that cannot provide them with adequate employment could also led to social unrest.

Things are likely to be bleak for those who continue to work in the Gulf. In recent years there have been moves to improve conditions of migrant laborers in their host countries. Now that Gulf countries require less migrant labor, this call for change is more likely to go unheeded by policy makers in those countries.

This is a time for the government to formulate policies - ensure safety nets for those returning, use embassies to push for better working conditions - to mitigate at he ill-effects of the declining employment opportunities for Nepalese in the Gulf.

Orphanages in Kathmandu

As a volunteer working in one of the hundreds of orphanages in Kathmandu, I have noticed a startling common phenomenon, several months ago I was working in a children's home just outside Kathmandu that claimed to be caring for forty orphans, but in fact, the majority of the children had parents. Even more starting was the fact that the children were relatives of the people running the "orphanage". It was certainly less of an orphanage and more of a boarding home for rural children.

According to an article published by the International Council for Friends of Nepal, over 50% of children living in orphanages in Nepal have both parents alive. One of the main causes of this high percentage, excluding the fact that some parents are too poor to feed their children, is the lack of quality education in the countryside. It is almost guaranteed that if a child is placed in one of the orphanages within the Kathmandu Valley, they will receive a free quality education.

Parents bring their children to Kathmandu from the countryside and hand them over to these orphanages, perhaps pretending to be the child's aunt or cousin, and claiming that they are too poor to raise that child. This is a serious issue that seems to get little or no attention. These children are being separated from their families and their community for the sake of being educated.

This is no way for a child to be raised. Education is important, but so is having the love of a parent and knowing the history of your family and culture. Families should not have to choose between handing their children over to strangers for the sake of formal education, and keeping them at home with little opportunity of a brighter future.

It would due to the advantage of Nepali society if the new Maoist government implemented a rural outreach program that would place teachers in these far flung villages. Given the high unemployment rte in the country, the government should encourage students to go to such schools to become educators. Incentives would be put in place to encourage new teachers to work beyond the Kathmandu Valley. The easiest and most effective incentive is financial. In exchange for the undesirable placement, these teachers would earn a higher salary than their peers working in Kathmandu; the difference paid for by the government.

At alternative option would be to pay the tuition costs of the future teacher. In exchange, the teacher would serve two years in the countryside and earn a rural salary. By lifting the burden of raising children who have parents and by easing the financial toll it takes on society, the government would be able to afford such an outreach program.

The issue of breaking families apart due to a lack of rural education needs to be addressed. With access to quality education in the rural areas, the orphanage homes in Kathmandu would be better able to care for the children who really need to be there. Nepali people have chosen this new government with the hope of positive change. For the sake of our children, isn't it about time?

With the onset of winter, it is usual for people to buy warm clothes and haters to warm up their rooms and snuggle up in the quilt till late morning.

However, looking at skimpily dressed street children, you may wonder how they survive the freezing cold of Kathmandu. But they have heir own way of keeping warm: they sniff dendrite.

Bibek Moktan, 12, who hails from Hetauda, warms up his winter morning by blowing into and inhaling from a plastic bag containing dendrite.

"I sniff one tube (50 grams) of dendrite a day," said Moktan. "When I first tried sniffing, I felt a current flowing inside me, but slowly I got used to it."

Kale Paariyar, 15, form Kalimati, was also sniffing from a dirty plastic with glue inside it. "I sniff, because I want to enjoy as others do," said Pariyar.

Bebek and Kale are not the only ones who sniff glue to keep warm and to be happy. There are hundreds of children on the streets of the capital addicted to glue despite various health hazards associated with it.

According to a research conducted by Child Workers in Nepal Concerned Centre (CWIN), glue sniffing affects various organs including the brain, nervous system eyes, blood, lungs and heart and even causes death.

However, the number of glue sniffers has gone up dramatically not only on the streets of the capital but also in other urban areas.

According to a CWIN survey, around 95 percent of 1,200 street children in the capital sniff glue, whereas there were only 51.7 percent street children who sniffed in 2002.

Director of Voice of Children, an non-governmental organization, Krishna Thapa said, "Street children suffer various psychological problem in society before they end up on the streets. They think sniffing glue empowers them to face any vulnerable situation on the street. "

Director Thapa also said, "Dendrite is easily accessible in both hardware shops and from street vendors at a very cheap price."

"We have seen street vendors selling small packets of dendrite targeting other street children. But we have no authority to take legal action against them." "The government does not have any legal agency to discourage such acts."

"Until and unless the government builds a strong mechanism to control the sale of glue; and until all organizations working for children ally to create pressure on the government, the problems will not be solved," said Sanu Giri, Programme Officer at CWIN.

Two important steps to ease the plight of Nepalese migrant workers have been taken

The government has undertaken two major steps that will doubtless ease the plight of the over two million Nepalese labouring in the countries of West and East Asia. First, the Department of Labour and Employment Promotion has been divided into the Department of Labour (DoL) and the Department of Foreign Employment (DoFE). While the former is to deal exclusively with labour matters inside the country, the latter has been created to look after issues related to migrant labour. Recognizing that the scale of migrant labour has increased dramatically, the number of staff at the DoFE has also been raised. Second, the cabinet has decided to appoint labour attaches in four countries where Nepali migrant workers face myriad problems: Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (U.A.E).

Migrant labourers from Nepal, most of whom lack knowledge of the countries they find themselves in, often face culture shock. Their disorientation is compounded by the call our treatment they receive and their poor living conditions. Laws protecting them in the countries of the Gulf are weak, and the host population barely aware of their existence. These conditions enable the unscrupulous to illegally exploit them: by cheating them of money by providing fake assurances of a job, for instance, or paying them much less than what was promised. The only recourse migrants have is through the Nepali embassies in the host countries. The Nepali embassies in the Gulf often do what they can to help, but are often understaffed and overwhelmed by the volume of requests they receive. Surya Nath Mishra, our ambassador in Doha, has revealed that the embassy receives as many as 100 requests per day for intervention in disputes over pay and conditions. The appointment of labour attaches and the establishment of a separate department to look into issues of migrant labour will no doubt ease the load at our embassies abroad and help solve problems that Nepali migrants face with more efficiency.

The next step the government should take is to establish embassies in the Gulf countries that host large Nepali populations but have no diplomatic mission. According to the Foreign Labour Act of 1985 (reviewed in 2007), Nepal is required to have embassies in all countries where there are more than 5,000 Nepali migrant workers. However, there is no Nepali embassy even in countries like Kuwait and Bahrain - both epicenters for Nepali migrant labour. Consequently, migrants who find themselves in trouble have to travel to Saudi Arabia and try to gain recourse at the embassy there. Deterred by the length and cost of the trip, many Nepali migrants often fail to seek recourse. Having taken some measures to ease the plight of Nepali migrants, the Minister for Labour and Transport should bring to the attention of the cabinet the necessity establishing embassies in such countries.

I am still hesitant to get into crowded vehicles because of one incident that is still fresh in my mind. That day I was heading toward Kuleshwor from Maitighar in an over crowded bus. I had reluctantly boarded the bus as I had an urgent business and had no time to wait for another vehicle.

Like other desperate passengers, I was squashed from all sides and barely managed to stand on the aisle. The bus conductor was still urging people on the road to get into the bus as if it were a magic vehicle that would stretch to any length to accommodate passengers.

As I stood in the middle of the aisle, particular group of youths drew my attention. The group was distinct because they wore similar clothes and behaved in a similar way. The bus started moving and stopped at several stations. My attention was constantly diverted to the group of boys. At Kalimati, a neatly dressed middle-aged gentleman got up from the back-row seat and made his way to the door. Obviously, he had to pass trough the youth group.

I was still observing the group. As he passed, some of the group members shook and nudged each other. One of them quickly slipped his hand into the back pocket of the gentleman and removed the wallet. The unlucky passenger got out of the bus without the slightest knowledge of the incident. I watched dumbfounded.

A co-passenger, who was a witness to the incident, was shocked as I could gather from his expression. But we could not n nothing. After all, you cannot risk your life messing around with a mighty group of youths, especially in a country where law and order has virtually disintegrated.

Such cases are common-place in crowded busses in Kathmandu where commuters are forced to travel in over-crowded vehicles. The consequences of such incidents on the gullible victims, already reeling under soaring market prices, hardly needs explanation. Even though there are plenty of buses or other public transports, they are almost always crowded because drivers wait for a long time at each stop and pick up passengers not only from designated stops but also from any-where on the road. Laxity in enforcing traffic rules is the main cause of overcrowding, traffic rules violations, and accidents. Strict enforcement of traffic regulations and checking of crowded vehicles can end the menace of pick pocketing, thus would also contribute significantly toward lessening the number of road accidents. This is the only way to ensure a smooth transportation service where commuters would not have to be harassed by pick-pockets.

End of impunity is the only solution which means such criminals should be arrested and punished according to law. And of course, if there had been plenty of employment opportunities, those pick-pockets would also prefer to engage in a gainful employment instead of living off petty crimes.

Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) website "http://www.nea.org.np" has a listing: Reports for "Solving Load Shedding Problem". I was really expecting to find steps toward resolving the current power crisis. But to my utter disappointment I found that it was an outdated report of 2064 Falgun in pdf format in five separate documents and one has to click five different times to get access to each item in the table of contents (a. b. c. d. e.). Why couldn't NEA put it as a single document? One wonders whether it was done on purpose to annoy the readers so that they do not bother to read the relevant section by accessing to it in such a state of snail like internet speed available for most internet users of Nepal. Besides, we the public are not interested in the past reports and recommendations that were never seriously studied and implemented, hence the crisis we face now. By the way, the only item up to date in the website is the notorious Load Shedding Schedule (18 Dec 2008). We the public have a right to know what is happening now and what are the measures taken by the concerned bodies including the Ministry of Water Resources and the power monopolist Nepal Electricity Authority to provide relief from load shedding.

Now it has been reported that Kaligandaki "A" hydropower plant is on the verge of breakdown. What would be consequences of this breakdown? One wonders where all the money goes. Is corruption to blame? For insufficient planning, implementation, development and maintenance of power plants (hydro or thermal), one agency blaming another has also become a public mockery. How long does the blame game go on? Politicians, political parties, the cabinet of ministers, Constituent Assembly members and so on are no exceptions. Out of their lust for grabbing power and other selfish gains in different forms, they all seem to have forgotten that their first and foremost duty is to serve the nation, that is, the people of Nepal. But they in general have utterly failed the people of Nepal to whom they are accountable. At this juncture we the sovereign public, only in name's sake, cannot but patiently bear the yoke of the record breaking 63 hours of load shedding. But our patience is running out. "Enough is Enough" and we cannot go on living in darkness any more like primitive jungle folks even in the 21st century in the world's second richest country in water resources. What a shame! Is this what New Nepal is like?

Moreover, in the NEA website out of nine sub-headings only the first "Home" and the last "Access Road" are active, and the rest are dormant. We have a right to know what such good for nothing information is doing there on the website. Is not NEA making a mockery of itself eve n in the era of advanced information technology?

Our dear leader has promised his beloved country-men up to 18 hours of load shedding a day if the government fails to offset the power loss through new thermal plants. The proposed 200 MW plant will cost a pittance of Rs 18 billion for generation of 100 MW. If the plant is to function at full tilt, the costs will double. And Nepal is arguably the second richest country in 'hydro-electricity generation potential' behind Brazil. Ever the revolutionary, his highness also keeps threatening other parties to quit the government on various pretexts.

Is it just me or are things really taking a farcical turn in the revolutionary New Nepal? The dire power warning came days after the completion of the 70 MW Mid-Marsyangadi project. Likewise, the irony was clearly lost on the supreme leader when he blamed "some erroneous elements" that have infiltrated the party for the hooliganism at Himalmedia House on Sunday.

This must be the only country in the world where the head of the government threatens to quit if everyone else in his coalition doesn't agree to toe his line; where the completion of a mega-power project stokes, not hope, but further fears of more dark hours. Where else can the country's home minister pledge to protect journalists at the same time as policemen under his control are raining batons on unarmed scribes?

This is indeed a new Nepal, every facet of it riddled with so many contradictions it is impossible to keep track of them all.

"Toleration and liberty are the foundations of a great Republic," American architect and author Frank Lloyd Wright once said. The question arises: What makes a bad one?

It is utopian to mull a peaceful marriage between extreme left and liberty. What the Maoists are trying to do in Nepal is have it both ways, which, as things stand, is impossible.

For every Pushpa Kamal Dahal there is a Mohan Vaidya in the Maoist ranks who make reform impossible. There are even rumors, not without some foundation, that it might be the Maoist chairman himself who is goading Vaidya to spew venom.

Similarly, compromising on liberty, after the decade-long civil war that saw the loss of over 13,000 Nepalese lives, and the sacrifices Nepalese have readily made in course of Jana Andolan II and Madhesi uprising, is simply a non starter. Nepalese have spoken in no uncertain terms that they can compromise on many things, live under crushing poverty, but cannot forgo their freedom. Not surprisingly, the Maoist talk of a "disciplined democracy" jars on most ears.

The more I try to see a way through, the more lost I am in the Kafkaesque maze of Nepali politics. Everything makes so little sense. Yes, a thousand examples of how peace processes are messy affairs and the period of transition for any country the most difficult time in its existence, might be put forward to justify the snail-paced proceedings of our own country. The debacle over the formation of the Army Integration Special Committee (AISC) is the latest case in point.

But, at the same time, there is also no escaping the fact that Nepal's is a unique case. Its geo-politics, varied geography, abundance of ethnic groups and nationalities... There is no country which has undergone similar political developments under similar constraints. This makes any kind of prediction regarding the on going peace process even harder.

Another big paradox is how little things have changed post Constituent Assembly Election and formation of a "government of the people". It was "my way or the highway". It was "my way or the highway" for our erstwhile prime minister, both in his party and the government. Things are no different now. The CPN -UML plans a massive revamp of its party structure in its upcoming national convention. What will come out of it? We will have to wait and see. But what about the two largest political parties in the country; Why does every things that the Nepali Congress does reek of anti-Maoist bias and everything the comrades do smell of haughtiness and total disregard of any dissenting view?

Hope is hard to find in a land where hooligans can barge into a respected publication house and beat up journalists, mutual respect be damned. Where thousands have been deprived of their lands for holding differing political views

But hope is what Nepalese cannot afford to lose if the political developments of last 12 years are to be consolidated and the political process taken to an agreeable end. Thus, New Year at hand I can still find something to cheer about.

Amid the uncertainties, as easy as it is to spot gloom, with some effort, it is not that hard to see the glass as half full. If Nepal manages to rise phoenix like form this deep hole, ad is successful at drafting a viable constitution and resolving the peace process amicably, Nepalese will once again have looked every odd in the eye, and faced them down, one after another. No two ways about that.

In rural Nepal, women are subjects to discrimination and abuse during childbirth or menstruation. During their most troubled days, the poor women have to live in a cow-shed. Women are considered untouchables during the four days of menstrual period or eleven days after childbirth. Thus these women pay the price of child bearing what is considered a "gift of nature" has almost become a curse. Traditional Hindus consider women's menstruation and post-delivery period unclean; this belief is most prevalent in rural areas. Women are not supposed to touch men or food or water during this period. These are the days when they are extremely vulnerable both physically and emotionally. They need a lot of care but due to people's superstition, they are kept in a miserable condition. Rule women, mostly in Hindu families, are victims of patriarchal beliefs that regard women as inferior beings. Laws are formulated almost every year for women's emancipation. Even in the budget, a large chunk is allocated for their empowerment. Yet the stories of these women remain unheard.

In medieval times, black magic was a social taboo in Europe. Hundreds of thousands were burnt alive on charges of practicing black magic. In Nepal, however, women are still victims of such accusations. People's bigotry and ignorance remain one of the root causes of violence. In many parts of the Tarai, women are tortured on the charges of practicing witchcraft. The wretched women, mostly in small towns or villages, are beaten and fed human faces as punishment. The perpetrators of such gruesome acts sometimes included their relatives.

Dowry deaths have been reported in the media even in recent times. It is surmised that such killings are on the rise even though most cases go unreported. Marriage has become a pompous affair and dowry a part f the ceremony.

It's okay if parents give gifts to their daughters, however, what do you say if the groom asks for it? In-laws who are not satisfied with the dowry vent their wrath on the daughter-in-law. No one has definite solutions to this problem. It is true that every issue cannot be addressed by formulating laws.

Politically, women's representation has got slightly better in recent times. Incursion of women in every sector is a regular topic of discussion. However, in reality, we can see that women remain the primary targets of aggression, both in the rural and urban areas.

THE NEPALI WOMEN'S CRICKET TEAM'S VICTORY IS AN OCCASION FOR CELEBRATION

The Nepali woman's cricket team has crated history by winning the first Asian Cricket Council (ACC) U-19 women's championship held in Thailand. With this win, Nepali cricket has reached unprecedented heights: previously, the highest achievement of our women's team was when they reached the finals of the ACC Women Championship held in Malaysia in 2007, where they lost to Bangladesh. Our country is passionate about sport, particularly football and cricket, but its success record in the international arena has been very poor. This win, therefore, is a major cause for celebration for Nepali sports enthusiasts.

This win is gratifying especially when one considers the hardship that our women's cricket team has had to face. This team, like many of its counterparts in the developing world, faces a host of challenges, ranging from lack of support from friends and family to apathy on the part of government authorities. Trainings are often ad hoc, and the facilities provided to athletes meager. If this is not to remain an isolated victory, to ensure that Nepali cricket continues to flourish and demonstrate success in the international arena, measures need to be taken to properly institutionalize the sport.

First, participation of women in cricket needs to be widely encouraged - the unfortunate tendency to view this sport as domain of men still persists. This has to be done in various institutions, starting from schools and colleges, the breeding ground for budding cricketers. Second, a pool if cricketers needs to be established, which will allow the country a wide selection of players to choose from to send to international tournaments. Presently, there is no such pool of permanent players. It is astonishing to note that many of the members of our women's cricket team come form professional backgrounds in other sports such as athletics and badminton. This makes their win all the more remarkable. Third, more tournaments need to be held domestically. Currently, there is only one major tournament through which players for the women's cricket team are selected. More tournaments would certainly help in raising the caliber of players. Forth, more attention needs to be paid in training female cricketers. The only training they current receive is in the close camp which is organized a mere month before the tournament they are to compete in.

With this win, it is to be hoped that the concerned government authorities will feel more positive towards women's cricket and increase the support they provide. A little more support would do wonders towards raising the morale and caliber of our women's cricket team. As a preliminary step, the funds provided to the Cricket Association of Nepal (CAN) should be increased as a reward for the recent victory. Business houses should also be encouraged to sponsor games. Wai Wai noodles have done a commendable job in supporting the game so far. Others need to follow suit.

The Nepali women's cricket team truly deserves accolades for its latest success.

During my early days in the US, whenever someone asked me about my country, I could not help gushing. "Don't you know Nepal? It is the country when the tallest peak Mr. Everest lies. Eight out of the top to tallest peaks are in Nepal. Although it is about 63 times smaller than America, it has very rich biodiversity and natural beauty. About 850 species of birds and 643species of butterflies are found in Nepal. It is known as Switzerland of Asia. The founder of Buddhism, Gautam Buddha, was also born in Nepal. Although a landlocked country, we are the second richest country in water resources. We also have a very rich cultural heritage and so on and so forth. Thus I grabbed the opportunity to describe my country of which I was very proud.

But my excitement did not last too long. A few months later, I noticed that whenever an Indian or a Chinese was asked the same questions, their answer would be quite simple. They would say they were from India and China respectively. No further description was needed. I never heard an Indian saying "Do you know Taj Mahal" or a Chinese saying "Have you heard of the Great Wall or anything of that sort. So why was I so desperate to assert the significance of my country? Weren't they as proud of their national identity? Of course they were; just that they need not try too hard to prove it. The world already knows who they are. So why is our country, despite being situated between India and China, not half as recognized? Is it because we are a small country and they are huge?

Well, that may be one of the reasons but that is not all. India and China are developing in such a fast rate that they have already made a statement to the world about who they are. I can see fear in my professor's eyes every time she says that either India or China (most probably China) is going to be the next superpower. Our identity, however, is lost in the world. What have we achieved besides the natural beauty we have got? And that, too, is being gradually destroyed in our hands. We can no longer claim Hariyo Ban Nepalko Dhan (Green forest is Nepal's wealth). We are rapidly destroying our forests. Similarly, although we are rich in water resources, we have long been facing water scarcity in our everyday life. We have to buy electricity from other countries despite our capacity to provide electricity to nearly all of Asia. Also, it is a known fact that every Nepali is born Rs.13 000 in debt, and the amount increases every year. The true picture of Nepal contains its political instability, unemployment, lack of opportunity, low income, and failed development. Can we oppose America or England tomorrow if they take a step against our national interests? Of course not, because we are dependent on all powerful nations.

It is embarrassing to learn that Nepal is often seen as apart of India. "So you guys have the same cultures Indians. That's cool," said one of my American friends. Another asked, "So which part of India is Nepal in?" Have we ever thought why we feel the need to call ourselves "Switzerland of Asia" instead of thinking of Switzerland as "Nepal of Europe"? We really need to analyze these things and work on it, or else our identity will not matter to anyone and we will be lost in the world.

The financial crisis may have major implications for Nepal's stability

Representatives of the state and state-affiliated bodies have been unconcerned about the effects of the global financial recession on Nepal. On Dec 4, Finance Minister Baburam Bhattarai said that as Nepal was not well integrated in to the world economy, the downturn would have little impact. He was even dismissive of concerns that the crisis would have an indirect influence. Responding to fears that remittances might decline due to lower employment opportunities in the Gulf, he stated that the financial meltdown would not affect the kinds of jobs that Nepalese were engaged in. Indeed, if anything, remittances have increased since the financial crisis started. Their growth rate was 80.7% in Mid-October. However, this upsurge was not due to any increase in earnings or employment, but simply due to the accidental reason that the Nepalese Rupee had significantly depreciated against the dollar. As such, the growth rate is set to decline when the rupee appreciates. Even this, according to acting governor of Nepal Rastra Bank Krishna Bahadur Manandhar, is not a source of worry as it is unlikely that employment in the Gulf will fall. Apparently, the Gulf countries have made huge savings as a result of the high petroleum prices that prevailed until a few months ago, and they will use these savings to tide them over till prices rise again.

There are indications, however, that the forecasts made by the Finance Minister and others in government are too optimistic. Independent economists and entrepreneurs are skeptical of the government's claims, and there are empirical grounds to believe them. The savings from the period of high petroleum prices will only be able to keep the Gulf countries afloat for a short period of time and all indications point to the fact that the financial crisis is going to last a while. Besides, the crisis has already begun to have a negative impact on the oil-rich countries. The real estate and construction market is witnessing the beginnings f a slow-down. It is likely that quite soon a large number of mega-projects currently under construction will be brought to a halt, and the thousands of laborers employed on them lay off. Needless to say will include a large number of Nepalese!

So, instead of continuing to exist in a state of denial about the possible adverse affects the financial crisis could have on Nepal, it behaves the government to start planning for possible eventualities. First of all, increased unemployment will lead to a fall in remittances. This will have a major impact on the banking sector, particularly as Nepal's economy is so heavily dependent on remittances - the money sent back by migrant workers accounts for 17.4% of this country's GDP. Loss of jobs in the Gulf may mean that large numbers of Nepalese will return home, only to remain unemployed. This has the potential to lead to social unrest. These issues have major implications for Nepal's stability, and the Finance Ministry would do well to begin exploring options on how to tackle them.

Prepare yourself for weak sunshine, clear skies, and interminable darkness

With the month of December begins a new phase in the yearly cycle in the life of the city of Kathmandu. By now the memories of the festivities of Dashain and Tihar have faded, and the city's inhabitants have returned to sober lives of work and study. The clear skies that marked the end of the monsoon at the beginning of the festival season in October still persist, but its novelty has faded. So, the clear sky, a cause for celebration until Tihar, is far less so now; the sun sheds less warmth. The mornings and evening are now chilly. In the mornings, we stay in bed a little longer than we used to, unwilling to give up the warmth of congregate than we used to unwilling to give up the warmth of our blankets. And in the evenings, groups of people will soon congregate around makeshift fires, rubbing their hands together, exchanging gossip, and exhaling visible streams of vapor into the night air.

The onset of December every year is accompanied by increased load shedding. The rivers flowing down from the mountains have by now reduced to a trickle and do not possess the same volume and force to produce enough electricity for the nation's citizens, at a time when they perhaps need it most. The electricity authorities announce new load shedding schedules so the city's inhabitants will be able to regulate their lives according to them, or at lest be aware in advance of those hours they will be forced to spend in darkness. Long term plans for electricity generation are also announced, as are short -term plans to important electricity from India. these are public efforts by the government to somewhat assuage the resentment of the city's inhabitants at being essentially incapacitated by the government's efforts, and the long hours without access to television are spent complaining about the incapacity of the government that force all to spend interminable hours in darkness.

Some in the Kathmandu valley particularly those who are wealthy, have installed generators the new rave is the Chinese-made soundless ones). Their houses stand in the midst of the darkness as bright beacons of private prosperity. "We have the means to live outside the system", the lights seem to state. "We have the means to make us independent of the facilities the state provides us with". We Worse still are those who have invertors installed in their homes. During the daylight hours they suck off energy from the electricity grid for storage and use when the lights go off. By siphoning off a limited source of electricity for private use, the owners of these invertors do not seem to realize that they are overburdening the system and making the energy crisis worse. Their behavior is inconsiderate and parasitic; they need to be discouraged.

Winter is here. The city prepares itself for a three long months.

Brace up.

The new tax on private education may be a good thing.

In this year's budget the government has imposed an additional five percent tax on private education to help ensure education for highly marginalized and Dalit children across the country. The tax would be paid not by parents and students, but by educational institutions from their profits. This would help sustain some of the efforts that have been implemented this year. These include free primary education for all, free education up to grade eight in public schools and free education up to grade 12 in public schools in Karnali region. Proprietors of private institutions are, however, heavily opposed to the additional tax imposed on them. They claim that the extra five percent will be a heavy burden on them as they are already paying of 25 percent tax on their income in accordance with the Company Act.

It is estimated that the new regulation will generate approximately Rs 10 million, which is a modest sum compared to the total income of the private education sector. So why the outcry? The International Revenue Department claims that the actual reason behind their objection is that the additional tax would force the institutions to be transparent. Out of the estimated 8500 private institutions in the country, only about 2000 are registered in the International Revenue Department. This means that very few educational institutions in the private sector come within the government's tax net. The five percent tax will, however, compel them to be accountable to the state.

Part of the anxiety of those within the private education sector seems understandable. In particular, the Finance Minister's goal of nationalizing all private schools does not bode will for a section of the population, mainly urban Nepalese, who can afford private education and for whom it is the only path towards a globally pertinent career. Despite (or because of) their high fees, a number of private schools in Kathmandu have been able to provided Nepali students with education of international standards.

Yet the fact remains that private education in Nepal has come to be identified more as a lucrative, money-minting venture than with genuine public service. The yearly transaction of private institutions amounts to approximately Rs 18 billion in total. Yet, even the Inland Revenue Department has no statistics for education tax. Besides, the innumerable private schools and colleges that have sprouted in Kathmandu over the last decade have barely enhanced the overall educational status of Nepalese. If implemented properly and leakage controlled, the five percent tax would help the private education sec tor to become more transparent, and contribute to the education of those from deprived communities. The plan should not therefore be opposed outright. Instead, its details should be questioned carefully to ensure that the benefits of the tax reach its purported beneficiaries.

The proliferation in the number of 'martyrs' has made the word almost meaningless

In nature there are no martyrs; there are simply the dead and the dying" said an anonymous author, perhaps a cynical evolutionist. But what is making cynics of common Nepalese is the proliferation in the number of 'martyrs' in the last few years. Adding to the tally, the government on Friday agreed to declare two youths (Nirmal Pant and Pushkar Dangol) whose bodies were found in Dhanding district on Tuesday as martyrs. The two had gone missing since October 20, 2008 allegedly whisked away by Maoist-affiliated Young Communist League (YCL) cadres from Malekhu. The civil struggle committee set up to protest against the killing took to the streets after the two bodies were discovered, demanding, among other things, compensation for the bereaved families and declaration of the deceased as martyrs. On Friday, the government obliged.

There is no denying that the state must do everything in its ambit to protect the lives of its citizens. But when the same state actors readily give in to the demand of declaring someone who lost his life through no fault of the government, say, in a freak accident, as martyrs, something is clearly amiss. For most living Nepalese the likes of Dharma Bhakata Mathema, Shukraraj Shastri, Gangalal Shrestha and Dasharath Chand, all killed by the brutal Rana regime for raising their voice against state injustice and oppression, once embodied martyrdom and their names were held in awe. How complicated have things become since then! The Maoists are adamant that all their cadres killed in the decade-long insurgency should be declared martyrs, while the Madheshi community is demanding that those who died during the Madheshi uprising be honored as martyrs too. Complicating things further, it is now almost a norm for the kith and kin (and often the political outfits they are close to) of every other person who dies in a road accident or is killed in course of an inter-party feud, to insist that their loved one be declared a martyr.

We are not against the concept of martyrdom per se. Indeed, there are some who deserve to be called martyrs for sacrificing their lives for the sake of the country. What we don't subscribe to is various agitating groups using martyrdom as a bargaining chip against the government. And the government, in turn, by accepting these demands, is guilty of playing a cynical political game of easy pacification. If the proliferation of martyrs continues at the current rate, those attaining martyrdom risk being a laughing stock for posterity. And this certainly is no laughing matter. Martyrs personify patriotism and are sources of inspiration for generations to come. They are the symbols of unity and brotherhood and lives (and deaths) committed to the greater good of society. Only those who give up their lives while fighting for the sake of the country should be considered martyrs. No one else!

Implementing the new alcohol regulations will be difficult.

For decades Nepal has been known across South Asia as a place where alcohol is readily available no matter where one goes or what time of the day. Not anymore. The government has decided to regulate the sale of alcohol, with the objective of curtailing excessive drinking and raising revenue. Under the new regulations, shops that sell alcohol have to procure licenses from the government and demarcate a separate area within the shop for storing alcohol. In addition, sale is to be allowed only between 10 am and 10 pm, and all customers who wish to buy alcohol will have to show ID cards to prove they are of drinking age.

Since Finance Minister Baburam Bhattarai presented the budget stating that the sale of alcohol would be regulated, there has been much speculation around town regarding the precise nature of these regulations. Given the Home Minister's harsh crackdown on dance bars and the night-time entertainment industry, it was thought that the new alcohol regulations would be equally harsh. But the regulations that have just been revealed are in fact much more lenient than what was envisaged by the populace. Nepal's alcohol regulations remain much laxer than those of its neighboring countries. The sale and consumption of alcohol is banned outright in Pakistan and Bangladesh. While regulations vary in severity across the different states of India, even in the most lenient states only specially licensed "wine and beer" shops are allowed to sell alcohol. In fact, the new regulations in Nepal are so lenient that they are unlikely to lead to any decrease in alcohol consumption.

In the best case scenario, the new regulations will curtail underage drinking and will raise funds for the state coffers. This, however, is completely dependent upon the government's ability to implement these new measures. For this the government has to first specify the type of ID cards. This is a challenge. Nepalese are used to the easy availability of alcohol, and it will require a change in culture and mindset before shopkeepers begin checking IDs regularly. But the major challenge is to ensure that all alcohol imported, produced, and sold comes under the purview of the government so that it can be taxed. Measures to ensure that have to fall within the broad framework of other measures to curtail revenue leakage. On the downside, these regulations may harm small shopkeepers and business owners who may find it difficult to procure a license or have enough space to create a separate liquor section. The regulations could work to the benefit of the country if effectively implemented. Or it could become yet another meaningless inconvenience. This remains to be seen.

Ideal Wishes

I wish Nepalese people stop inviting Ministers and other high officials to inaugurate development programs and campaigns. It's high time we realized that it hardly helps any programs deliver any better results. I also wish those ministers and high officials refused such invitations with a realization that they are merely being pawns in the hands of the media.

In the first place the question that needs to be asked is. Do we need to formally inaugurate each and every program, venture, or imitative? In fact, great programs don't need formal inauguration; they just need better planning and effective implementation. There has been hardly any established correlation between grandness of inauguration and level of success of a program. Results and long-term impact are what count, not the media attention which some-times rather turns out to be more damaging for the program.

I wish politicians, ministers and people in high places stopped clamoring for their plans, politics and views whenever they get an opportunity. It would be more impressive if they 'quietly implemented' their plans and policies.

They can easily get popular if they use the initial outcome of implementation to boast how successful they can be. There has been enough talk about plans and policies. People are waiting for effective actions, not speeches. They want to feel it, not hear it; they want results, not advice.

I wish political leaders stop using public forums to challenge or exchange dissatisfactions with each other. They should resolve their differences directly through face-to-face interactions, saving debates in the public media for the most important issues.

I wish the media stop highlighting the same circle of influential people professionals, and celebrities all the time, obviously due to their personal connection to media. Readers will be bored or irritated reading or hearing about the same personalities again and again. It creates negative impression of both, the media and the people who are highlighted. Those involved in business should understand that over publicity does more harm than good to their business.

I wish audiovisual media like TV's stop doing self-mockery by conducting stereotype public polls, with naive and leading questions; they are simply undermining public's intelligence. These polls, if not properly conducted, only devalue the channels in public eyes. The media should stop conducting such polls, if they can't do it with more seriousness and sincerity.

I wish people working in offices stopped patronizing each other, by addressing each other bhai, dai, bahini (equivalent to addressing colleagues as "bro", "sis"). However harmless they may seem, these naive gestures basically undermine and compromise professional integrity and respect, especially for woman staff. It does not help create the professional environment which is so much lacking in Nepali organizations.

I also wish that the television hosts-anchors, organizers of some popular programs stop presenting themselves as some kind of media celebrities. Their success lies in properly conducting interviews, and getting the best out of the celebrities or interviewees, not unnecessarily trying to project their own image, which irritates the audience.

Take responsibility

Recently I had to go to Lagankhel, one of the busiest and crowded places in Kathmandu valley. As soon as I got of the bus, the storm of reeking air attacked my senses of once in such a way that it took me some time to breathe it out. It had emanated from the garbage and all srts of rubbishes thrown at the corner of the road. It seemed like it had been days since the Mttropolian vehicles last came to pck them up.

Then there were these two seemingly local gentlemen, buying vegetables and chatting with the same vegetable vendor that I was trading with.

One was complaining about the government for the rubbgishes-and-god-knows-what and then the ther was accfusing the local authority for the same. They had their business done with the vendor and left but without missing to throw a plastic bag and the empty packet of cigarette in the same garbage-moutain. I should be laughing... for their silly and wanna-be-aware-citizen complaints or whether I should be sad...for their ignorance and sheer lack of realization. But they are not the only two when it comes to complaining on such matters or are they?

Why is that, when it comes to taking responsibility, we move a step backward and don't hesitate to point the accusing finger at others, mockingly? Petty things matter, even if it is just avoiding plasitc bags or keeping stuffs in your bag and not letting-them flutter here and there. Especially in such sensitive matters like pollution and environmental degradation,which is so much intricately proportional to our health and wellbeing, it is almost fatal to think that you just can't help it.

True, that the metrop[olitan vehicle didn't come for days to collect the garbarge, but the local people could have prevented those hurling away the rubbishes from their 'clean' abodes to such sites like roads, parks etc. Why doesn't any one think about recycling it? Why don't people use decomposable rubbishes in producing fertiliser? I bet there are many who know about all these things. But still, we have no time for it. Actually the only thing that we have time for is accuse and blame each other,when the foremost culprit is we ourselves.

We love to gossip and mutter a lot, voicing our complaints, about the authority and its weaknesses but are we less responsible that them? Who would suffer most, if the pollution reaches the peak? Of course, we would. It is indeed shameful to think that it is only the responsibility of the government and the local suthority and we don't have any accountability when it comes to protecting our environment from getting grimy. Awarness is something, I believe that ts already there, but adapting it is something which is almost alien to us. Why don't we take responsibility of safeguarding our place from right here, right now?

The number of Nepali youths looking for overseas jobs is increasing and so are incidents of fraud.

Rajan Ghimire from Lamjung paid Rs.1.4 million to Rajan and Rajiv Puri after the duo lured him with the promise of a high-salaried job in Canada. Ghimire was taken to Bangkok and then Cambodia, but returned to Nepal after spending three months in Cambodia with the promised job nowhere in sight. Similarly, Krishna Pariyar of Chitwan paid Rs. 140,000 to RS Overseas hoping to find work abroad. A few months later, he found the office of RS Overseas locked. Five months ago, Nepal World Concern, another overseas employment agency, had sent Rajesh Kumar Baitha of Rautahat to Malaysia to work at a cement factory. The manpower agency had assured him a job at a mineral water plant with a monthly salary of 750 Malaysian ringgits. To add insult to injury, when he asked for his pay, his proprietor called the police and had him arrested on charges of entering Malaysia on a fake visa.

These are a few examples of how manpower agencies and their foreign employers have deceived thousands of innocent Nepali laborers looking for overseas employment. More than 600 job seekers obtain overseas employment permits form the Department of Labour and Employment Promotion (DLEP) every day. And Nepali laborers work in 65 different countries around the world. In the last fiscal year alone, over 83,000 Nepali workers left for Qatar and more than 50,000 for Malaysia. The figure number of Nepali's working in the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia has also shot up. But there is no data as such of how many of the Nepali laborers working abroad die every year and how many are languishing in foreign jails. The number of youths looking for overseas jobs is increasing, and so are the incidents of deception. This year alone, the DLEP received over 800 complaints of fraud. Half of the cases are related to manpower agencies.

Like in other government offices, unscrupulous manpower brokers have established strong links with officials at the DLEP. Some of the agents are apparently cadres of the Young Communist League who hang around government offices on the pretext of providing services to the people. Obviously, brokers are the ones who deceive laborers. Government officials are not above cheating even though their duty is to provide service to the people. The tragedy is that laborers pay taxes to the government. Yet government officials do not process any file without taking a bribe first. We know how much the country receives in remittances every year, but we do not know the paid of Nepali laborers working abroad. We know effective enforcement of laws that are in place will minimize cases of fraud and exploitation. But when?

Self Medication

One of the first duties of the physician is to educate the masses when not to take medicines. "A famous English philosopher-physician Sir William Osler had thus expressed his idea on how to control the over usage of medicines about a century ago. Even today, self medication is an ever-expanding concept which refers to taking medicines without consulting doctors. In our society in Nepal, every one will be there to suggest you this or that medicine when you fall sick. Though, most of the times, nothing untoward happen on following such advice, it can be quite dangerous.

Before going to hazards of self medication, everyone must understand the basic principle drug prescription. Every single drug (medicine) does have some good as well as some bad effects. Good effects of a medicine are utilized to cure a disease, but at the same time, the patient has to tolerate its bad effects, also called side-effects. So, while prescribing a medicine, a doctor not only chooses the right medicine to cure a disease but also excludes all the other medicines which may harm your illness. Sometimes, to reduce the side effect of a medicine, another medicine is to be prescribed. Hence, prescription of medicines should be done only by the doctors.

There are many hazards of self medication among which dose-adjustment; side effects or contraindication; drug resistance; and drug allergies are the ones that are worth paying attention to. Dose requirement of a drug varies with age, sex, body weight, and disease. So, pills left over at your drawer may not be a suitable dose to use them for your kinds and vice versa. Contraindication means the condition in which a drug must not be prescribed. For example; paracetamol, a widely used medicine in fever, can not be used in fever with liver diseases as it may harm liver; and aspirin should be avoided as painkiller if you have bleeding problems. Irrational and unnecessary use of antibiotics gives rise to drug resistance which means the medicine will no longer work against the microorganism it was previously working against. If you have history of allergy with a drug, you must avoid the drugs having similar chemical structure which is beyond the knowledge of non-medical authority.

Dangers of self medication can be avoided or minimized only by adopting a systematic approach. Firstly, common people should educate about such dangerous consequences through proper awareness programs. Secondly, the physicians should be more judicious on prescribing drugs. Thirdly, a proper statutory 'Drug control' must be implemented, rationally restricting the availability of drugs to public.

So, it is essential to initiate necessary steps from individual, community and country level as soon as possible to reduce the incidence of problems due to self medication. Let's use medicines properly to remain healthy.

Kathmandu is growing very fast, which means more people and wheels on the road, and houses sprouting everywhere. In this city it has been like burning finger to find a nice space, either for living, or building a house, or even parking. Wherever you go - in the post office, hospital, temple - you have to pay for parking. Bank or cinema, police office or immigration office, or even at the place of funeral rites or pilgrimage, you are expected to pay, albeit, tickets you receive at such place tell operators are not responsible for loss or damage of your poverty. Urbanized Kathmandu has some problems, which nobody seems to bother thinking, merely the commoners.

The other exasperating fact about parking in Kathmandu, an irksome trouble is, the difficulty to find parking place in the congested traffic area, most of which are no-parking zones. Most of the times people don't find their vehicles, and they have to go to the traffic police office where they have to pay penalty to get back their vehicles. As far as the traffic police are concerned, they are too reluctant to look at the real problems. It is evident that such illegal parking lots in many cases are a nuisance for the smooth running of traffic.

All the affairs in the capital city are supposed to be managed by the office of Kathmandu Metropolitan City. Yet most of the things we find in total mess, like collection of garbage or operating parking lots. In retrospect, it is high time they looked into the matter so as to resolve the parking predicament ensuring, there be organized manner for parking, charging reasonable rates, and granting the security of the vehicle. Authorities must ruminate why any one would pay for parking on public place with no promise for the safety.

One has to pay fro parking to those who do not have permits. These attendants claim representing local clubs and welfare organizations. No wonder the money they take for parking is also definitely illegal, creating havoc for traffic congestion. That these anomalies have escaped the notice of those with the authority to act is difficult to discern. Obviously, it is high time they acted and stopped the illicit venture of those operating such parking zone, making mandatory to get approval from the concerned government bodies. From this racket the attendants running such illegal-parking zone, making hefty amount, ironically are arguing they provide services to the public.

Anyway, we have to park our vehicles, but there you see plenty of no parking zones. Or even if you find the parking area, they do not promise security. The riders and drivers are on the predicament which no one seems to solve.

A part from parking woes, there are also multiple problems on Kathmandu streets, for instance, traffic jam and noise pollution. However, traffic jam is not that grave as in other countries. But the manner in which Nepalese honk, is actually a great problem.

In the Western world, the horn is used in a gentler manner--to announce someone's arrival outside their house is common. On a more positive note, when taking leave of a gathering, members stand waving good bye at the door as the vehicle pulls away, whilst the driver acknowledges the friendly nature of their departure with one or two beeps. There are macho usages too. A horn doubles up as a whistle of appreciation or a cat call when a beautiful woman walks down the street.

The sound of the horn blends perfectly into the natural ambience of Kathmandu. Many different tunes can be heard on the streets, producing symphony that can be interpreted as irrationally as the noise actually is. The horn is obviously an expression of impatience. A vehicle halts for a moment to disgorge a passenger unmindful of the traffic behind. There goes the horn. But what good is this shrill sound when the trouble spot is at lest 100 meters, as if on a cue others pick up from the first honk ended. The result is unbridling cacophony.

The horn is also used as an expression of annoyance, interpreted as 'why on earth did you pull out in front of me', accompanied by animated gestures and a flood of choicest expletives. Though there was no malice involved, the ego has been dented. The retaliation is noisy. Annoyance and anger apart, honks can be humanitarian too. It is used to gently warn a child or older person of the fast approaching vehicle.

I have found the horn as a multi-purpose instrument in Kathmandu. Nepali riders and drivers use the horn in the following ways:

- I'm behind your vehicle (though you can see me in your mirror)

- I'm behind you pedestrians (I'm so important, you ought to get out of my way, through there is no pavement beside this road.

- I'm approaching you on the other side of the road.

- The vehicle in front of me has slowed down or stopped.

- The -The traffic lights have turned green.

- Aha! I see my friend. -Oh! There is a very attractive person on the pavement.

- There is a pothole and I would better warn it I'm coming.

- I'm very important and I want every-body to recognize that fact.

It seems that to press the horn of one's vehicle is but an automatic and absent-minded action, or the extension of a thought in the mind of the driver. Petty or macho, what's the difference if the sound is shrill as ever? On a more serious note, if it is to be used in such an exaggerated fashion then surely its quality, type, and tone should be chosen with special caution by testing it rigorously before purchase. After all if one is to spend so much time listening to its music on the streets, then its sound should not be irritating.

On May 7, 2008 the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) stated that there were serious lapses in the measures Nepal took toward air safety and that this was largely a result of a lack of trained human resources. This warning was presumably made in the hope that Nepali authorities would take measures to prevent the series of air disasters caused by bad weather and human errors. Beginning of March 31, 1975, there have been 40 air crashes in this country. Five months after the warning, the De Havilland DHC-6 Twin Otter plane, belonging to Yeti Airlines, crashed and burst into flames when it tried to land in foggy weather in Lukla airport. All but one of the 19 people on board died.

Although bad weather has been blamed for the crash, it is likely that difficult terrain and human error contributed to the crash of the Twin Otter plane as well. The Airport at Lukla is one of the busiest in Nepal, especially during the tourist seasons, as it is the gateway to Mt. Everest. This tiny airport, which lies in the midst of breathtaking mountains, is carved into the side of a mountain at an altitude of 9,200 feet. The length of the up-sloping runway is only a few hundred meters, and thus poses peculiar problems while landing and taking off. The Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN), which is responsible for flight safety, operations and maintenance at all airports, is thoroughly aware of the precarious conditions that aircraft in Lukla face. It could have done more to equip the airport with necessary communication, navigational, rescue, and fire-fighting facilities.

In 2005, a Gorkha Airlines plane crashed at the airport. Although the 12 passengers survived, it was surprising that CAAN had no rescue and fire-fighting facilities at the airport at the time. Many passengers who died in the October 09, 2008 crash could perhaps have been saved if there were adequate fire-fighting facilities at hand, as the aircraft caught fire at the airport after its wheels snagged on a security fence during the approach. If here was a well-trained and alert fire-fighting force at hand, they could have responded immediately and perhaps saved lives. The negligence is particularly, striking, not only because Lukla's location is precarious, but also because of its importance as the gateway to Mt. Everest. It is a crucial entry-point for thousands of tourists every year. It is a shame that better security conditions were not in place. Continued negligence of this kind can only ensure that Nepal develops a reputation as a hazardous destination which tourists may look to avoid.

Run for Border

On Sept 16, 2007, over 20 people in Kapilvastu district lost their lives in a communal clash that followed the killing of a local leader, Mohit Khan. Subsequently, thousands of Nepalese fled their homes and sought refuge across the border in India to escape the mayhem. In August, the Koshi deluge displaced tens of thousands in Nepal and in the Indian state of Bihar. Many of the displaced people from Bihar crossed over to Nepal for shelter. The open frontier has certainly been convenient for local residents who can cross back and forth at will. Thousands move everyday across the border for shopping, employment and to see their relatives. But the free movements can sometimes have an adverse effect. The open border, for example, has been proliferated all sorts of criminal activities such as robbery, theft, murder, smuggling, trafficking, and abduction of local businessmen for ransom.

Some Tarai districts have especially been on the receiving end of the cross-border criminality. Robbers frequently raid villages and loot property before fleeing to India. Every evening, Lalita Sah of Bardanga, Morang district, crosses into India along with her belongings including cattle to evade murderous dacoits. Like her, most residents of Doriya, Jhukiya and Kutumgunj of Bardanga villages are too terrified to spend the night this side of the border. Frequent incidents of armed looting have forced them to seek sanctuary across the border. Most of the locals have set up makeshift huts on their relatives' property or on the no-man's -land between the two countries. Nepali businessmen are also a target for marauders from the other side. Unsurprisingly, Indian villages located near the open border have not escaped the scourge either. Criminals operating from Nepali territory mount raids into India to kidnap children and businessmen for ransom.

For the governments in New Delhi and Kathmandu, the criminal activities taking place in a faraway Tarai, Uttar Pradesh of Bihar village is little more than nuisance. They make headlines only when the little incidents lead to massive exodus as it happened in Kapilvastu. But these incidents, big and small, highlight the complexity of the cross-border ties, their intimacy defined by shared cultures, markets, and natural resources. Of course, it's futile to engage in the political blame game for a cattle theft on this side of the border or abductions on that side. Yet the cross-border crime needs to be contained. Kathmandu, New Delhi, and indeed Lucknow and Patna must give these issues a more serious thought than they are currently receiving. Such criminal activities may have political fallouts that extend beyond border villages.

President Ram Baran Yadav is in a dilemma over whether or not to continue the age-old tradition of dispensing Tika to the general public during Dashain, Past kings carried on the sacred tradition of putting a dab of red paste on the foreheads of well-wishers who came to receive their blessings. Now that the country has gone secular, it would be unwise to continue the practice which would give credence to the belief that the king was an incarnation of Lord Bishnu. On the day of Tika, there should be no procession of people marching to the gate of Shita Newas to receive Tika and blessings from the president.

Successive Shah Kings practiced the system of giving and receiving Tika as if they were the savior of the country and people. Various cultural experts, including the Ministry of Sports, Culture, and Education, have urged that new Nepal should end such customs. They are unanimous in their view that preserving such a tradition would only bolster feudal practices. As far back as 1958, the first democratically elected Prime Minister, B.P Koirala, had tried to end the custom of receiving Tika from the king. His protest created quite a stir, but he did not succeed in eliminating the tradition. The present debate surrounding Tika is a result of a legislative flaw. There is no definition of the roles, rights, and limitations of the president in the Interim Constitution. And since Dr. Yadav is the first president, he will be setting a precedent. Therefore, he faces a moral dilemma on whether or not to put the sacred dab.

The constitution does not require the president to observe any religious or cultural rituals, including putting Tika on the 10th day of Dashain. But doing away with such an ancient practice is not an easy task, as religious ceremonies are deeply ingrained in Nepali society. Take, for instance, the recent Indra Jatra uproar. When the government slashed state funds routinely provided to make ritual animal sacrifices at Hanuman Dhoka, the Newar people who have been practicing the tradition for centuries were offended. They took to the streets denouncing the government move. Sources close to President Yadav say he is afraid that stopping Tika may likewise offend the sentiments of the people. However, he must be tactful to make the people understand that the feudal practice of giving and receiving Tika has no place in new Nepal. Putting a formal end to the custom of Tika would also make Nepal truly secular - a country where Eid-ul-Fitr and Christmas hold as much significance as Dashain and Tihar.

Returning from an inspection visit to the flood-affected Mid and Far Western Districts of Nepal last week, Home Minister Bamdev Gautam said that barrages built by India were primarily responsible for the floods this side of the border. He said after he told the Indian authorities to open the gates of the Kailashpuri Barrage, the water in the Karnali River started receding. India built the barrage over the Karnali River in 1980 to provide irrigation in Uttar Pradesh. The barrage is situated just 10 kilometers downstream from Nepal. As the gates of the barrage remained closed to prevent Indian villages from being flooded, the swollen Karnali River overflowed its banks. The 22 kilometer-long Laxmanpur Barrage built along the Rapti River downstream in India without Nepal's consent inundates a large swathe of land in Nepal every monsoon. Recent incessant rains and consequent floods have swamped more than 2,000 VDCs, and over 80,000 people have been displaced. This aside, the floods have also destroyed standing crops worth millions of rupees.

The 1997 United Nations Convention on Water Resources states that there should be "equitable and reasonable utilization of resources and participation of the concerned states". The Convention says that the "duty (of a state) is to seek consent from another state"(Article 5). The agreement is also clear on "the obligation of a state "to ensure that "no harm is caused to vital human needs "while building huge structures near any international border (Article7). In the Western region, the Rasiyawas Khurdalotan Dam constructed unilaterally by India on its territory bordering Marchabar in Rupandehi district is also a cause for concern. In 2004, the Nepal-India Joint Committee on Water Resources concluded that "the Rasiyawal Khurdalotan Dam could submerge Lumbini, the birthplace of Lord Buddha."

Every year, especially during the monsoon, barrages, dams and embankments built by India close to the border result in thousands of hectares of arable land in Nepal being waterlogged. Thousands of people are forced to flee their homes. This has become a perennial problem. Ironically, people on both sides of the border have to suffer. When the Koshi burst its embankment last month, three million people in Bihar were displaced, a figure far more than 5000 this side of the border. Clearly, the problem of floods and management of water resources is a cross-boarder issue. The Power Summit held in Kathmandu last week once again reiterated the obvious: Nepal has the power, India the market. Another high level Joint Committee on Water Resources started today. But the underlying issue remains unchanged: There is a deep-seated feeling among most Nepalese that they have been given a raw deal by New Delhi in such bilateral accords as Koshi and Gandak. Every time Nepal's land is flooded due to India-built barrages as is happening in Mid and Far Western districts; they only contribute to the Nepali insecurity. We don't stand for ultra-national position on sharing of waters, which we believe has only pushed Nepal backward. These are glaring facts both Kathmandu and Delhi will do well to acknowledge.

On Sept, 26, the organizer of the Miss Nepal pageant received a prohibition letter from the Kathmandu District Administration Office directing that the event be postponed indefinitely for security reasons. The Metropolitan Police chief said he was helpless-he could not disobey orders from his higher-ups and he had security concerns. The pageant, re-scheduled from September 27, has been deferred for the third time, this time indefinitely. The prohibition order came amid protests by a group of stubborn women Maoist leaders led by the party's Constituent assembly member Amrita Thapa. Disturbingly, some of the Miss Nepal contestants have been repeatedly harassed with subtle and non-so-subtle treats of physical danger and cheap allegations; one of them even received calls in the middle of the night. Hotels and clubs who were willing to host the event, likewise, have been at the receiving end of intimidation. Needless to say, the continued postponement of the competition could hinder the organizers from sending a Nepali participant to two prestigious international beauty pageants - Miss World and Miss Earth. It has also denied the 20 young participant well groomed and trained-a chance to display their talents in the global arena. It is their pain, more than anything else, which is most acute. They have gone through repeated drills only to find the event postponed. What about their right to free expression of their talent?

The Miss Nepal pageant is organized every year by an event management company. The Hidden Treasure, This year's edition was a special event as women from all walks of life-bankers, singers, television and radio anchors, airhostesses-were participating in it. But it has been put off following the government's order. A beauty pageant, in its essence, does not treat women's rights to personality development, leadership, and career making. Participants in Miss Nepal have to undergo a training program that includes grooming tips and confidence building exercises. Such training provided by the best professionals in the country builds up their personality, boosts their confidence, and nurtures their talents. It also gives them a chance to become better leaders in society. The fact that several previous participants-many of them from small towns and humble back-grounds-have gone on to chart successful careers speaks a lot about how these events make a mark on individual lives. At its opportunity to become an ambassador and work for noble causes - raising awareness from HIV/AIDS to wildlife conservation. That's where we are disappointed with the Maoists.

But the repercussions of the near-failed mega-event are going to hurt the CPN - Maoist even beyond the social messaging. During his visits to New Delhi and New York, Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal has taken great pains to allay fears that his party was against private investment. The annual pageantry has attracted a lot of media attention and in turn opportunities for Nepal's newly emerging private sector to showcase its products. Not the least a breath of fresh air for emerging young talents. Although we are already too late for the Miss World pageant to be held in Ukraine, the hosting of the event at all will at least boost the confidence of the participants and the organizers And the market too.

Take it Seriously

A nation's identity and integrity lie in the language, culture, and tradition of its people. When any one of them is challenged, it is the nationality that is being challenged. Our identity as a Nepali is reflected by our knowledge of Nepali language, familiarity with Nepali culture and following of Nepali traditions and way of life. These are the things that set us apart from millions of other people around the globe. Otherwise all of us are the same, with the same flesh and blood. Since the advent of federalism, two attempts have been made to challenge Nepal's identity. The first attempt was the Vice President's taking his oath in a foreign language. The second attempt is made by the Ministry of Finance recently by intruding rudely and rather obtusely in the age-old festival of Indra Jatra.

It seems politicians take the issue of nationality too lightly and casually. In European countries, people prefer speaking in their mother tongue to speaking in English, the lingua franca. In official ceremonies and meetings of international bodies as the United Nations, representatives of many countries including China speak in their mother tongue and then have their statements or speeches interpreted in English. Here in our country, person of such an eminent status as the Vice President dared to use a foreign language and that too at such a nationally observed occasion. This is a sure sign of evasion of our national language and synonymously suppression of our nationality. If not, then the Vice President should have repeated his oath in the national language or his mother tongue (Maithili). Further, he didn't even address the public and acknowledge his misbehavior when many Nepalese took to the streets to demonstrate against him.

Similarly, on the occasion of Indra Jatra, the government shouldn't have made new and drastic amendments and dish it over the public at such a short notice. It should not have intruded in the age-old tradition. Once again, people's sentiments have been hurt, their culture has been challenged. It shows on the faces of people who have taken to streets to demonstrate against the concerned ministry. It shows in their obstinate refusal to proceed with the ceremony which otherwise should have taken place according to the "shuva sait" (auspicious moment). If people's rights to follow their traditions are not safeguarded, how is it called a democratic and free Nepal? It is a sensitive issue. The ministry concerned should have addressed the public on Friday itself. The delay and hesitation in their actions reflect their disregard for the public sentiment.

Politicians should remember that they are in their chairs because of the public support. They are there to represent the people not to repress them or their identity. Since this is not an era of dictatorship, we should not let such acts of disrespect go by. Justice must be done. The guilty should realize their mistake and acknowledge it publicly. If we let their causal and impertinent behavior pass by, they will never learn to behave more responsibly or respect the people they represent.

Integration & Rehab

Nepal's peace process has made swife progress over the past two years, and its leaders and people should be justifiably proud of this. Yet, critical aspects of the process have consistently been ignored, and if there continues to be lack of action on these aspects, the peace process may be undermined. The most critical issue that has received very little attention from the previous government is the future of Maoist combatants and the restructureing of teh Nepal Army. As the Special Representative of the Secretary General in Nepal Iam Martin pointed out in a speech at the Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction, "No peace process can be said to be complete while there are two armies in the country, and unitl the future of former combatants is decided."

Moist combatants have been languishing in cantonments for over two years now. Frustration has increased in the camps, and large numbers have left of their own volition. Many of them have spent up to a decade in warfare, and re-entry into society will most likely be very difficult for them if they are not provided proper support. The experience of other post-conflict countires that have not taken adequate measures toward the rehabilitation of bebel combatants demonstrates that once the former combatants are let loose into the larger society, they often bring with them habits and attitudes from their days in combat. The presence of large numbers of such combtants in society can lead to anarchy and violence. If the new government does not swiftly move toward rehabilitation, such disturbances may happen in  Nepal as well. Over two years into the peace process, when the former rebels are leading  the government, their army has been left more or less untouched. The Maoists' entr into the peace process has not diminished their capacity for violence, and they still possiss the same options that they did two years ago. This has been a cirtical failure of the peace process: Negotiations for the transformation of the Maoist combatants should hae proceeded simultaneously with other political negotiations.

Integration  is a critical worry for Martin and UNMIN. Having now completed msot aspect of their mandate, UNMIN remains in Nepal solely to monitor the management of the arms and personnel of the two armies. As there has been no movement towards  integration, UNMIN is concerned that the government expects it to continue its monitoring activities indefinitey. For the UN mission to conclude its work in Nepal, it is necessary to have some kind of resolution  on integration. It has thus offered the government advisory support on this issue. The UN has significant experience in the transformation of armies in post -conflice environments across the world. The government should take advantage of their expertise and begin the process of integration and rehabilitation.

Just a week or two have passed since life in Kathmandu has become normal. Otherwise living with fuel scarcity was an everyday affair. Thanks to the unsolved mystery of Nepal Oil Corporation which has prevented us from leading a normal life.

Be it at home or outside, life is more challenging for every Nepali, particularly the bread winners. No fuel to cook, no fuel to travel was a routine story.

People having private vehicle hardly got fuel and those deprived of it had public transportation as the only option. Travelling in a jam-packed vehicle and reaching the office on time was like winning a battle.

I felt good to travel in the public vehicle even at the time of fuel scarcity until last week when I encountered this dreadful incident.

I wasn't aware of the fact that travelling in the public vehicles particularly by bus, in Kathmandu valley had become perilous. I was on my way to office in one of the Yatayats' plying within the Ring road of Kathmandu valley. The bus was crammed with commuters. Most of them were office-goers like me.

For me, it usually takes an hour to reach my office. In the one-hour-long journey, I got myself seated finally, after struggling and strangling for almost twenty minutes.

At Sitapaila, a group of men, about six of them, entered the bus. For me they were just a group of passengers so I didn't bother.

But swiftly they did something that not only left all of us stunned, but also terrified. No sooner was the bus in motion they took out their knives and started menacing.

They made all of us take our wallets, ornaments and every little thing that's price-worthy. They searched our bags like they were yet to burgle me. I was praying to god because that was all I could do.

Everyone in the bus was quiet until a man got up. But he was bashed against the bust window. His fist, no matter how audacious it was, had to bend over their knife.

One after another they made us give away our belongings. I luckily had an undersized purse. So instead of taking my money, they took away my cell phone.

Within ten minutes' time they robbed all of us in broad daylight and took to heels. Neither the driver nor we could do anything. This is nothing but an outcome of lack of opportunity, employment, and social security in the country.

I have heard about pick-pocketing inside the bus but the incident I came across is not incident I came across is not something everyone should be careful of but also something that challenged the security system of the country.

It's not that police administration is not functioning properly. They have been able to nab and punish different gangs involved in kidnappings and bombings. But this incident is a proof that these wrong-doers are roaming freely petrifying other's lives. If they aren't captured they will be further encouraged.

Policies & Programs of New Government of Nepal

President Ram Baran Yadav on Wednesday presented the Maoist-led government's policies and programs for the fiscal year 2008/09 at the parliamentary session of the Constituent Assembly. The 90-point document puts emphasis on taking the peace process to a logical end. For this, the government has pledged to complete the drafting of the new constitution within the stipulated time, integrate Maoist combatants into the security forces in six months, and push forward the process of socio-economic transformation. The document speaks about institutionalization of new federal republic; through there are differences among the ruling parties on the modality of federal structure. Among others, the most important part of the document is that the Maoists have invited the armed group active in the Tarai for a dialogue. The Maoists seem to have realized that dialogue is the only way to resolve all the differences.

It is an interesting development that the Maoists who are yet to fully abide by the past agreements have now offered dialogues to other armed groups. They have not yet returned seized property of more than 1500 people and disbanded the YCL's paramilitary structure. This suggests that the Maoists have double responsibility now- implementation of the past agreements and bringing the armed groups active in the Tarai to mainstream. The success of the peace process will remain incomplete until some kind of solution with the armed groups is found - be it through dialogue or prompt action. For that the government needs to distinguish criminals from political groups. The focus of the policy and program should be on the lasting peace. And then only, the government can think of opening new avenues for socio-economic development - a long standing desire of the people.

The document looks very promising on economic and infrastructure development such as generation of 10,000 MW power in a decade, and construction of Kathmandu-Tarai fast track and electric railway from Lhasa and east to west of Nepal. However, how the government will implement its policies and programs remains to be seen. The tenure of this administration is only two years. Within that time, it has to accomplish several tasks for bringing the sluggish economy back on the track. Rapid economic growth through public-private partnership and prime minister-led committee to facilitate foreign investments will accelerate the pace of economic growth. But Maoists' intimidation in the private sector must human rights, rule of law, independent judiciary and press freedom are encouraging though the former rebels have scored very low in this regard. Given such daunting tasks ahead, the former rebels cannot have an easy walk.

Relief is the Word for Flood Victims of Nepal

The government has decided to allocate Rs 2.5 billion for relief and rehabilitation of the flood victims. This is an encouraging move. Relief and rehabilitation should rightly be the government's first response when such a large number of people have been displaced by the Koshi deluge. Floods usually occur in October. That means we must be prepared to face another assault. The top priority now should be on the rehabilitation of the over 48,000 hapless suffers. Members of the Muslim community who have been forced out of their homes by the rising waters have started observing Ramadan. From next month, the country will witness a series of major Hindu festivals. Eastern Nepal has been completely cut off from the rest of the country, and the people may run short of essential commodities during the celebrations. Then there's the possibility of water-borne diseases striking the people housed in makeshift relief camps if the government fails to take timely and preventive measures. Also, as long as the flood victims who hare taken refuge in schools and other institutions remain there, students cannot attend classes.

These are the major obstacles at hand. We cannot afford to waste time pointing the finger at India or some political patty for the Koshi disaster. Now is it the right time to discuss who was responsible for the catastrophe. Some Indian politicians and sections of the media have been venting anger at Nepal. But we should not be so immature and blame them back. The Koshi agreement clearly states who is responsible for maintaining the barrage. Why do political leaders raise irrelevant political issues when they should be helping the sufferers get their lives back together? Maoist and UML leaders seem to be confused about the whole situation. They better get their act together and ensure that the flood victims are rehabilitated before winter sets in. about a dozen persons have already lost their lives due to poor living conditions.

The unforgiving Koshi has wreaked havoc of unimaginable magnitude. The funds set aside to provide relief to the flood victims may be inadequate. The international community readily responds at times of natural disasters like tsunamis, cyclones, and quakes as shown by the experiences of Thailand, Sri Lanka, India, Bangladesh, and Indonesia. The Nepal government should make efforts to mobilize external assistance so that the suffering people can get help as soon as possible. India has already started soliciting help from friendly countries. Nepal is in the midst of a political transition, and it may not be properly equipped to deal with the emergency. So the government should also seek foreign support and utilize it prudently so that the flood victims can get on with their normal lives.

Nepali film industry has seen its highs and lows in the past four decades. Yet, there is absolutely no dearth of people who wrinkle up their nose in distance and exclaim," Oh Nepali movies, so down market" Especially in urban Nepal flooded with Bollywood and Hollywood movies, one can meet many movie buffs who laugh at the mere mention of the topic related to Nepali films.

As a matter of fact, Nepali film industry is in its nascent stage compared to colossal neighboring Bollywood. That's so true in terms of direction, technicality, sound system, script-writing, choreography, cinematography, and special effect. Even after such a long period of existence, the list of Nepali films' shortcomings may go on and on.

Well, competing and matching up to Hindi film industry is a far-fetched dream. Barring some Sikkim-Darjeeling-Nepal-and -Diaspora blockbusters in the past decades, most of the films haven't been able to live up to our expectations at the moment. There has been quantitative growth.

Well, there may be several constraints, budgetary and technological etc. Now the big question arises: Who is responsible for making this industry bite the dust continually? Since the industry is limping, although it may appear as if it's bound to attract criticisms from fan quarters. But the truth is: Many players are responsible for it in a way or another.

The producers, directors, artistes, promoters and, most importantly, the takers (so used to Bollywood Masala Movies) - all are responsible for the sorry state of Nepali film industry and to improve things for the better, all have a responsibility to play.

One of the main reasons could be the incapability of the filmmakers to churn out meaningful yet commercially successful cinematic experience to the Nepali audience. Many filmmakers have failed to live up to moviegoers' expectations by dishing out the routine run-of-the-mill movies over and over.

It seems like Nepali movie-makers have been catering to only a limited number of people and overlooking a large section of society and their tastes. Again, the film-makers cannot be solely blamed for this grave situation. Often, the directors have to restrict their creativity and adjust with the low budget allocated by the producers.

Adding to that the incompetent actors, sloppy script, repetitive dialogue, and is the backbone of the movie. More often than not, there are reckless copy-cat portions, or versions, directly and shamelessly lifted from Hindi movies.

Therefore, Nepali film makers should rather concentrate on originality if they want to rake in the big Moolahs and expect the audience to watch and appreciate their movies. In order to bring about the greater change and revolution, so to speak in the Nepali film industry, collective, team effort is very crucial.

Still, we would like to point at a number of challenges that the deputy prime minister now faces. First, the continued existence of paramilitary structures and criminal elements masquerading as political parties; both make a mockery of the rule of law. The Maoist affiliated Young Communist League (YCL) has a very questionable track record and now the UML has formed a paramilitary force of its own. But there are a number of gun-totting groups in the Tarai whose politics is plain thuggery. Second, corruption in the police force runs deep. Many senior police officials actually pass up their unlawful incomes to their political masters while many low - and medium - ranking police personnel pay certain "fees" to senior officials to secure their positions. Third, there is a strong nexus among the corrupt political class, police personnel, local administration, and the judiciary. Such classes of people offer various excuses to cover up their short-comings. Take for example how they used an obscure 1969 Public Security Act to release criminal kingpin Deepak Manage from a jail in Kathmandu. The Supreme Court ordered the impromptu release of Manage last week "in the absence of proper law to initiate action against him".

All this suggests that the security sector has been in a desperate need of reform. The serious concern is not the violence and clashes between the two paramilitary forces - YCL and the Youth Force - but rather the absence of state to enforce the rule of law effectively. As long as the concept of the rule of law remains confined to the paper and impunity reins supreme, various agencies and parties will continue to take refuge in antiquated law and politics of transition while the law and order remains in a shambles. Minister Gautam has his task cut out.

Living near a highway has its advantages. It's relatively safer, you can easily board a vehicle to major places inside the Kathmandu valley, and you can always tell if there's a traffic jam or a Nepal Banda - so you know when not to go out. The picture looks good. The thing is - it's not a picture. Had it been a picture, the honk of a horn would only mean a few strokes of the pen around the horn. In practice, it means noise. And when there are more than a few of them honking away, it means chaos. When you are actually on the roads, it is absolute mayhem.

I accepted the fact that it's the rule of the road. But then, I also know that in a lot of cases the noise is absolutely unnecessary. For one thing, a lot of vehicles have horns that are louder than needed, especially the ones that have personalized honk-tones-mostly Bollywood songs. And sometimes people keep honking for like an eternity. This mostly happens at the queues at pick-up stops and traffic jams, while some just keep going off like an ambulance siren throughout their way. Asking a vehicle to move or clear away can be done in less noisy way. But the sad thing is that it has become a way of the road-people just don't budge unless you are really loud on them.

To add to all this, there are the buses that screech when they stop and the bikes that have engines equipped with amplifiers. And then there are "Safa Tempos".

They have slogans about fighting pollution all over them but seem to have missed the fact that noise is also a form of pollution. They are loud and their engines have an annoying sound. I wonder what it does to the people who drive them and have to live with it everyday of their lives. It's a considerable achievement that these battery-operated three-wheelers are trying to keep our air clean. But for a pollution-free environment, there's still some work left to be done.

There is no single person to be blamed. It's the combination of everything-the honks, the screeches, and the blares on an already higgledy-piggledy road. The traffic rules have never really been completely effective but I don't know if there are any rules against excessive but I don't know if there are any rules against excessive noise to start with. That and a few more traffic personnel could definitely have some impact. But most importantly, we need each individual to be a little more responsible - not only for the people around them, but also for the sake of their own respect. I know I live in a country where living peacefully comes secondary to simply living. But someone once said as long as men are men, a poor society cannot be too poor or find a right order of life, nor a rich society too rich to have the need to seek it.

The ruling three party alliances - CPN-Maoist, UML, and MPRF - have averted a political blunder. The inclusion of three deputy prime ministers and three additional ministers in the government would have cost the state coffers heavily alright. But the sheer size and weight of such a bloated cabinet would have also been bad politics for the Maoist-led government. Already, the delay in forming the government for four long months is widely seen as bad politics. You don't want politics to get worse. Fortunately, Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal, deadlock in persuading his party colleagues and seconding-command Baburam Bhattarai to accept UML's rightful place for deputy prime minster-ship.

The decision to crate new portfolios would have raised financial costs, an unnecessary burden on the cash-strapped state treasury. The Maoists have championed for a pro-poor cause and it's good politics that they should be seen as being frugal. Indeed, they can't afford to be seen as they lead. The prime minister should be mindful of the poor track record of his predecessors, who would create new ministerial portfolios whenever the going got though for them. It was Prime minister should be mindful of the poor track record of his predecessors, who would crate new ministerial berths during the era of coalition politics in the mid-90s. Deuba's infamous "Jumbo cabinet" had 48 ministers who were busy squabbling with one another. His cabinet was the reflection of myopic politics. Unsurprisingly, the bloated cabinet of the coalition era bred corruption, nepotism, political favoritism, and vices of all sorts. No one was in charge and politics meant quick gains.

History doesn't have to repeat itself, though we are well aware that the make-up of the Constituent Assembly makes cohabitation inevitable. People voted for a mixed mandate; they don't want a singly party defining the national agenda' but they want the cohabitation to be less controversial and difficult than in the 1990s. Indeed, they voted for a change and new kind of politics. The Post appreciates the move the appoint UML leader Bamdev Gautam as the sole deputy prime minster. Its good politics and we hope that gives some momentum to the larger task at hand: that of drafting the new constitution and taking the peace process to a logical end. A small and effective government can go far in service delivery, giving a consistent message toward good governance and providing the much-needed energy to the constitution making process. The Nepali voters deserve nothing less.

Street Pharmacy in Kathmandu

Street Market has been rising in the Kathmandu like never before. You can find almost everything there. Not an inch has been left spared in most of the busy streets in Kathmandu. Though the efforts have been made several times to clear up the streets, the day is yet to come when the pedestrians can freely walk down the streets. But for now, I'm focused to the stalls that sell almost every part of a plant (leaves to roosts) as herbal or ayurvedic medicine. At the other end, people end up buying these products which ultimately leads to the promotion of such illegal street pharmacies.

When it comes to analyzing the authenticity of such stalls, the conclusion would derive terrific. The salesmen, as far as I found, are not properly educated, nor do they possess any license to sell such medicinal products. The product they collected cannot be relied on either. They say some roots can heal abdominal pain, some stems can decrease fever, and some seeds wash jaundice off your body, whereas the proper scientific logic behind their saying is lacking. Furthermore, the dose they prescribe also varies from one stall to another. So, if you are using such products as medicines, you are doing so completely at your own risk that may cost your life and there is no authority to complain to.

In addition, using such unknown medicines has many adverse consequences to our health. Most cases go unnoticed and unreported to the media but doctors have to care it. Patients suffering from jaundice and other liver diseases must not use such herbal products as they may be toxic to the liver and patient may turn very severe. Some herbal products act as poison in slight overdose which is very difficult to manage due to unavailability of specific antidote. Many such products have long-term adverse effects which include chronic liver disease, kidney disease, and cancers.

Do herbal products or ayurvedic medicines have no role in health care at all? You can argue with me. But I'm not presenting herbal medicine in the way you thought. Certain herbal medicines help do help heal certain diseases but the bottom line is that the product must have been passed though proper research and trial in the laboratory regarding its dose, uses and side effects like allopathic medicines. Moreover, if you rally have faith in ayurvedic therapy; you should consult an ayurvedic doctor who prescribes proper drug which you can use safely. There are such hospitals like the one at Naradevi at Kathmanu.

But let us give up the idea of buying herbal products here and there in the streets without proper knowledge. Registered herbal products and ayurvedic medicines are something that may really be helpful, but you should strictly adhere to the prescription of your ayurvedic doctor. Do whatever you want but never compromise with your health.

Medical Insurance

The general belief that only the old are susceptible to injuries and ill health is very misplaced!

Anyone could be laid low by a bout of severe illness at any point of life. As for the health service available in our country, the less said the better. Government hospitals are run without life-saving drugs and blood and often lack qualified and motivated staff.

The expenses at private hospitals are beyond the reach of the middle class salary earner. Even the neighborhood's private practitioners charge hefty sum per visit.

These unexpected expenses could easily eat into your hard-earned saving set aside for old age, children's education, housing loan installments, etc. The question is: who will pay your bill if you have to bear unanticipated medical expenses? In such a dismal scenario, the only recourse left is to get medical insurance.

Today, there are a number of insurance companies in Nepal. Most of them provide medical insurance policy. Persons of all age groups are eligible to take the policy.

The policy does not cover all diseases; excluding diabetes, arthritis, asthma, tonsillitis, epilepsy, pregnancy, etc. If the person applying for a policy has already contracted a health problem prior to taking the policy, this disease gets automatically excluded from coverage.

The policy holder has to inform the company about disease he/she is suffering from and all unforeseen eventualities occurring which has to be covered by the policy.

The insured is also required to renew the policy without a break. If a policy is not renewed for a year, and the person acquired a disease during this interim period, this disease too gets excluded form coverage whenever the person renews the policy.

Like life insurance contracts, contracts, a medical insurance policy holder has to disclose all details to the insurance company. If these details are not with the insurance company, they could make excuses and reject your claim. Once the claim is rejected, getting money form the insurance company becomes very difficult.

Your medical bills are reimbursed only if you are hospitalized. Hospitalization expenses include boarding nurses' and surgeon's expenses. Expenses on anesthesia, blood transfusion, OPD, etc, are not reimbursed. Expenses incurred prior to hospitalization, like consultation fees, visiting fees or the medicines purchases on the basis of consultation are not reimbursable. Domiciliary care expenses are reimbursable for a period not exceeding three days if a condition required treatment at a hospital but the treatment is taken at to non-availability of a bed in a hospital, the insurance company will make an exception and reimburse your expenses.

To claim reimbursement of expenses the claim should be submitted with 15 days of the date admission into the hospital with all relevant supporting documents.

Additionally, one should remember the Medical claim policies taken in Nepal are valid only in Nepal. If a policy holder wants to use it abroad, then he or she has to go in for an overseas traveler's medical claim policy.

Noise is crated by overpopulation, unplanned development, and growing urbanization. it is one of the causes of bad health. According to studies, many people did because of lack of peace and quiet. The noise of airplanes passing low over houses causes stress which can also lead to heart attacks.

Overcrowded roads with lots of cars are also a major cause of noise pollution. Noise is linked with heard ailments and stroke because it creates a stress that keeps the body in a state of alert. Many people suffer from sleep disturbance and experience severe annoyance.

Noise crates stress on our ears and brain. Our body reacts to sounds, thus raising the level of stress hormones. The continued circulation of stress hormones can even cause life threatening diseases. The end result can be heart failure and stroke to high blood pressure problems.

A noisy city like Kathmandu should have occasional free-horn days. In this way, there would be less noise pollution. However, even if we know that noise pollution is life threatening, we don't do anything to lessen it. Therefore, all Nepalese should help to stop noise pollution if they want to have a peaceful and quiet Nepal.

One of my intimate friends called me up last night. In her rapturous voice she announced, she had just been granted a five-year visa for the United States. She invited me to her farewell party.

I too expressed my happiness at seeing her long-cherished dream fulfilled. We hung up after a little chit-chat as she had to call some other friends. There was a sense of gratification in her voice. I sensed it for the first time ever, in our fifteen-year-long friendship.

I looked at the laminated picture hung in my room where, I along with my forty-five friends appeared posing for the school memento. I sat there looking at the photo, memorizing those good old days we spent together in our school and college.

I suddenly realized that, out of forty-five, only a handful of friends were left in Nepal. Almost all of my classmates have gone abroad including the US, UK and Australia for their further studies.

All these years I have been attending my friends' farewell parties who are departing one after the other. I have encountered the same happiness in their faces, the same excitement, and the same hope in every one of them! While bidding a farewell, along with my best wishes, I never missed to ask whether or not they would be back. Responding to my question, they usually raised their eyebrows in uncertainty.

Going to foreign countries, especially, to one of the above mentioned three countries, after the +2 education has become a fashion for the youth in Nepal. In the name of getting better education they leave their homes and their near and dear ones in dismay.

The scene of leaving for foreign lands is not just popular in my friends' circle, but it prevails within my family too. I was extremely annoyed when one of my cousin sisters left for the US, quitting a job in Nepal that paid her a handsome salary by Nepali standards, fifty thousand rupees per month.

I still remember how she happily scarified the togetherness of the family and her career to restart every thing in a foreign land. She went there with the intention of pursuing her Master's degree. And today she has neither completed her education nor has she got a good job.

Not only my cousin, all of my friends who left after their +2, are struggling to manage their studies and jobs, side by side. So far only one friend of mine has completed her bachelors' degree. The rest of them are still running a race against time.

They cannot leave their jobs and continue with their studies as it is impossible for their parents to pay their tuition fees in dollars/pounds. And since they have gone to study, they can hardly leave their colleges just to work. Lack of social security, recurring closures, strikes, and protests are the key factors that prompt students to opt for foreign countries.

Maoist chairman Puspa Kamal Dahal has become the first prime minster of secular federal republic of Nepal. People particular from rural areas, have high expectations from the Maoist government as this party has time and again claimed that they will fight for the poor.

The present team forming the government is the most balanced one. If all the parties supporting the Maoist-led-government are honest and committed to their words, this is the right time for them to build the faith of the people.

Since the business communities are always skeptics about the economic policy of the Maoists, they have to come up with a clear-cut economic policy that would boost production and ensure sound economic growth.

If the Maoists live up to their commitment, people will always be with them. Hence, they cannot afford to waste their time bargaining for different portfolios. They must now concentrate on the economic uplift and the drafting of the constitution.

Smiling together to forget the ones who left Celebrating Gai Jatra Festival 2065

Gone are the days we loved so dearly, gone are the people we always are going to miss. But all that matters today is accepting life as it comes and for that we often look for reasons to be happy. Though we cannot bring the ones who left us unfortunately, all we can do is cherish the moments we spent with them deep inside our hearts and try to live life happily. Perhaps Nepalese remember this every year during the month of Bhadra from the Bikram calendar, as they go on to celebrate the Gai Jatra festival. And, this year was no exception.

The organizers of the 'Miss Nepal' beauty pageant have rescheduled the beauty pageant for August 23rd bowing to intense Maoist condemnation Criticisms had poured in from other quarters too. Several other groups including Hindu fundamentalists have been opposing the beauty pageant since its inception fourteen years ago, in 1994. But these beauty pageants do provide the aspiring young women with a platform to hone and showcase their hidden talents and art.

In a country where women often complain of widespread domestic violence, rampant exploitation, and even slavery and trafficking, such beauty pageants at least help young girls and women to come forward and speak out, to celebrate their womanhood. Often, the contestants' glamour quotients tend to remain high in order to add the much-needed gloss and oomph. The purists, as well as the 'revolutionary' women, appear to have been offended by such quotients.

They say they are also opposing 'obscenity' and 'exploitation' by corporate sponsors etc. Obscenity? Are you pointing at the swimsuit round?
Hello!

Everybody goes to swimming pool these days. Do you think the swimsuit-clad athletes in Beijing are promoting vulgarity? Do they look obscene to you? What according to you is the 'limit'? Could you help the organizers redesign what's Nepal friendly swim-suit-round?

As an ordinary citizen, I don't want to advocate for or against anybody here. I find a few satellite televisions shows beamed onto us into our living rooms very obscene. Can the purists and revolutionaries stop them? I find reports of hundreds of innocent Nepali girls routinely trafficked across the border and sold into prostitution very disturbing. If they really care about Nepali women's rights, can they stop this ugly trade? Can they stop the sleaze trade flourishing across urban Nepal?


Exploitation? It appears that the girls are not only crowned and honored, but rewarded handsomely by the corporate sponsors (100 percent not just 33 percent, according to a former 'Miss Nepal'). The winners are also given a temporary stardom of sorts via commercials and ads. It's always and everywhere an individual's choice to be exploited, or not be exploited.

Even a female MP can be discriminated against, and hence exploited, in Parliament.

Often, the girls who flock to slog it out in the beauty pageant for the coveted tiara are more in search of fame, recognition, and adulation. Once successful, they also represent their country in Miss World and Miss Earth contests. Questions as to whether or not they know what Nepal or the entire Nepali women community in truest sense can be open for debates. Ideally, she should be someone who epitomizes Nepali sentiments and sensibilities and one who embodies Nepali values and culture with great aplomb.

Many former beauty pageant winners may have fared quite miserably on that front, barring a few of them. For now, 'Miss Nepal', the title clearly suggests that the one who clinches the coveted title should be a young Nepali woman, educated, talented and reasonably presentable or beautiful to look at. But there's always room for improvement. Those opposing and demanding that the contest itself be banned have all the rights in the world to raise their voice against the activities, which they consider 'inappropriate', 'immoral', 'anti-women' and so on.

The protests do seem nasty this time. But they have also given an opportunity to start debates anew. Let the debates go on, in towns and villages, nationwide. Let there be last-minute changes in the way the pageant is organized, if they have to be. But hey, let the right contestant be crowned. Let the show go on; the show must go on. It's better to watch 'Miss Nepal' on local TVs than to watch fellow Nepalese fight against one another, burn tires, destroy public properties. Or just watch businesses collapse.

Every year some twenty contestants participate in a competition called "Miss Nepal". The organizers describe the contest as a platform for young girls to explore their hidden inner and outer beauty. If the reason is so clearly mentioned, why is there such hue and cry each year about the contest? The answer is even clearer. The problem is the thin line between inner and outer beauty. Why do protesters object the girls doing a little cat walk or even just the mention of a swimsuit round?

Protesters will describe the contest as a place where womanhood is portrayed through the nudity of a female body and not stop until there has been the mention of capitalism. Then the organizers and former Miss Nepal's will defend themselves. They will list the number of social causes they have been involved with, how the talent of young girls will be represented in international platforms and so on. Former Miss Nepal's will explain how they have been helpful to the society, donating eyes or visiting National Parks to protect wild animals. The discussion will go on and on.

The problem is the same in other parts of the world. Countries with a long history of organizing beauty contests still need to defend their ideologies. In the case of Nepal where everything is in need of transformation the organizers need to stand up for them selves. They cannot defend themselves by mentioning 'inner beauty' in their answers every time questions are used about the legitimacy of the contest. It's just a beauty peasant.

The frits criterion for any one who wants to participate is 'good looks i.e. beautiful on the outside'. If the organizers could stop babbling about being good in the inside may be a fair number of good looking girls would apply for the contest. This does not mean a bad person with good looks could snatch away the title. The other two criteria are also significant which are 'confidence' and 'intellect'. The judges of the Miss India contest mention these criteria's without hesitation. May be it's have been able to show poise our beauties are unable to. They need to shamelessly defend the organizer's cause and vision. They speak for the organizers whom everyone with eyes can see are backed by investors who see a market for their products in Nepal.

The protesters do not need to worry as much as the organizers because as long as beauty contests exist they have a job. Like every other year, there will be a heavy traffic jam in the heart of Kathmandu. May be the protesters will be beaten or even arrested if the situation grown tense. The streets will be stressed but the stage inside will not back out in showcasing the dreams of a few city bred girls. At round 8.00 pm a new Miss Nepal will be crowned. Every Nepali home which has a T.V will watch a pretty girl with a sassy smile wave at the camera and protestors being huddled into a police van at the same time on prime time news.

The country is reeling under an acute shortage of petroleum products. Motor vehicle traffic is thinning by the day on the streets of Kathmandu. Many automobiles lie grounded for lack of gasoline. Serpentine lines of motor-bikes, taxies, and buses extend from all four sides of petrol stations. The long-running fuel shortage has affected critical public services - school, public transport, and hospitals. The only thing left to happen is the honorable people of Nepal coming out on the streets screaming for fuel. The Koirala government will be inviting civil unrest if it does not make petroleum products available pronto.

Power-mongers have pushed the country to the vertex of a new crisis. Since April 10 when the country went to the CA elections, no party has been able to form the government, and nobody has had time to think about fuel. The famine has resulted in frustrating situations. With hospitals running out of diesel, they are struggling to provide services. Many of them have shut down outreach clinics and reduced ambulance services to conserve precious fuel for essential surgery, emergency cases, and intensive care units. Private schools are mulling over suspending classes because school buses have no fuel to bring students to school. A few of them have even shut down for a day or two. Only about 10 percent of the public buses are still functioning. The shortage of fuel has also affected the cost of transportation and food prices. In fact, inflation caused by the recent fuel price hike has gone double digit. The scarcity of fuel has posed a serious challenge to the economy. Unless the government makes some improvements in the supply of fuel, the country may witness riots on the streets.

The way the fuel crisis is prolonging indicates that there is little hope of a solution. The problem started before the SPA government came to power. The royal government did make some attempts to deal with the situation but got nowhere. The SPA government has made no move to improve the situation. The fuel crisis is hurting every aspect of life. The transport sector has been hit hard reducing the number of vehicles available to carry food grains, seeds fertilizers, and construction materials. This has created short-ages of essential commodities and pushed up their prices. Over the last three months, food prices have gone up by 30 percent and could go up further if fuel shortages continue to affect the transport sector. Given such a situation, why did the government remain mute when it was asked to explain the reason for the fuel shortage in the Constituent Assembly? The administration better come up with some answers fast. And it better make adequate suppliers of gasoline available before things get out of hand.

So I walked again. I was to meet a friend who had just arrived from the US. We set our meeting at New Baneshwor, Kathmandu and I was relieved with decision just for the reason that I didn't have to walk a longer distance when I realized there were no vehicles, again. My friend however had to walk quite a long distance. He was late by 40 minutes, without a bike. It took him a while to explain that he had parked his bike elsewhere. He said he was scared of being "charged" for riding a bike. He asked me, "Aren't we supposed to be informed prior to strikes? That's what they used to do". I had no answer.

As matter of fact, none of us here have an answer to any question. The problems faced by Nepalese can not be better expressed by gestures other than burning tires. But the truth is such demonstrations are becoming, so frequent that many of the daily commuters are unaware of the actual reasons. A rather fresh morning is changed by utter chaos in the streets and as a result we are trapped choking in smoke and fury for the rest of the day.

I had an "opportunity" of witnessing one of such events from the front seat at Gaushala recently. Like a naive five years old, I tried hard to understand the cause behind the rage as did everyone around. But the cause itself held less meaning than the trouble everyone was facing as a result of the protest. When the result affects more people than the cause, then the result makes more news and is expected to be properly addressed.

The physical impact of protests is such a hackneyed subject that I would rather discuss its mental and social impact. Young people like me, who take each day as an opportunity to make a positive change, are frustrated when they waste hours in road either in a vehicle or outside it. When we reach our destination hours late, we fail to give our hundred percent. We are physically and mentally exhausted. It isn't a mater of few days before these protests end, they slowly but surely change minds of people who would therefore look for better options, more for the sake of mental balance.

Many great changes in the world have witnessed protests and no change is possible without one person or the other raising voices to claim their rights or expressing their disagreements. But protests hold their meaning only if they are apt to bring positive changes in the lives of people around them. We are losing faith in the right to speech and action. I, who could once state reasons for visiting Nepal in a long list, am out of reasons now. May be this pessimism is brought by the situation itself. But that day when my friend asked me one reason why he should come back, I had none.

Put Ban on Banda

Any sort of Nepal Banda - be it an expression of opposition against a political alliance or protest against petroleum price hike - is an unhealthy practice. In fact, Banda paralyzes the entire life of a country. It incurs economic losses, shuts down educational institutions, affects public services, and disables the daily life of the poor laborers. The poor suffer as a result of banda more than the rich. Banda is an ugly practice of denying the rights of an individual. Every political party or any organization, therefore, should shun such an evil practice. Further, Nepal cannot afford to observe any form of strike that halts the country's economic activity time and again. Hospital, transportation, and communication services are the basic necessities of an individual. However, banda-callers - be they students or political parties - have hardly realized the impact of such frequent strikes.

In no way should this country ever think of marking any banda, no matter how the banda callers take into account opposition to any banda. In fact, political and students organizations must realize that call for frequent banda has fueled political instability rather than help press their demands. Over the past decade, the country has witnessed bandas regularly. Now banda has become a weekly affair that has been eating up the country's economy. Recent months have seen a pattern of tit for tat bandas. If the group affiliated to Chure-Bhawar Pradesh calls banda to oppose the demand of Madhesi People's Rights forum for 'one Madhes one Pradhes'. Then the Tarai-based political parties follow suit. Trade unions, associations of bus entrepreneurs, students' organizations, and other fringe groups have often called bandas to create social, political, and economic turmoil to make their voice heard. Even relatives of a victim of road accidents have started calling bandas to press their demand for higher compensation.

Until the military took over the power, Bangladesh had witnessed frequent general strikes called by opposition parties or trade union leaders. As a result, the country has still been reeling under political instability which has retarded the economic growth. Now Nepal has overtaken Bangladesh in terms of general strikes. Since the April uprising, the frequent bandas have brought the economic activity to a halt. Before, it was the Maoist insurgency that had hit the nerve of tourism industry; now frequent bandas have affected both tourism and daily life, The government is party responsible for such bandas. No government has seriously discussed any issue or even the impart of frequent bandas. However, the cost on the tourism industry and the national economy has been immense and no country can afford such frequent bandas. The government must put a ban on calling bandas.

Mountaineering has become adventure tourism. It has attracted people who desire to see exotic and remote places. But the problem is that the environment has begun to show visible changes as result of the newly found popularity. Seventy-six climbers reached a top Mt Everest on May 23. Hundreds of people climb Mr Everest and thousands return from the base camp every year. But the increasing human traffic has posed a grave threat to the environment of Mr Everest and seven other world's highest peaks in the Nepal. The most visible impact of mountaineering is the growing amount of rubbish left behind. The rapid pace of industrialization in China and India has also started affecting the snow-capped peaks.

It is estimated that over the past 40 years, 18 tons of garbage have been dumped on Mt Everest alone. The pile of trash includes plastics, aluminum cans, empty oxygen tanks, glass, clothes, climbing equipment-tents, paper, food, and dead bodies. Some climbers have reportedly found used blood syringes and other medical wastes. Such non-biodegradable wastes do not decompose and therefore, pollute the environment. The influx of mountaineers or trekkers has encouraged changes in the use of forests for fuel wood. The consumption rate of forests has increased as the fuel wood is used for daily hot showers and bonfires to keep trekkers and mountaineers warm. The impact of the use of fuel wood on the environment is devastating. There have been no restrictions on the fuel wood used by lodges and tea houses as the government has provided no kerosene. Now the deforestation is threatening the Himalayan watershed.

An ICIMOD study states that glacier cover in the mountainous region has decreased significantly in recent years as a result of warming trends. The pace of rapid industrialization in China and India and increasing human traffic has affected the Himalayas. The snow cover on Everest has melted very rapidly. Bare rocks once covered with snow are visible. Mountaineers from South Col walk on rock to reach the summit. That fast rate of the melting glacier has raised a serious concern about the environment. Since the mid-70s, the average air temperature in this country has risen by one degree Celsius. No doubt, Mt Everest has been suffering from environmental problems, mainly due to the trash and pollution that are left behind by the mountaineers or trekkers. The government must realize that the Himalayas need to be protected. It has approached India and China for their assistance to protect and preserve the heritage of Mr Everest. Limiting the climbing permits will help protect and preserve the environment of Himalayas.

The incident is that of the protest of students pressurizing the government to get 45 percent discount on public transportation and the victim of the act is also a student. While on his way back to home from college, he was stopped in Chahabel, Kathmandu by a group of student protestors who demanded taking out some petrol from my bike to burn tires.

The so-called leader of the group was quick to turn off the ignition of his bike, which he turned it back on immediately. He retaliated saying firstly that he only had enough petrol to reach home as he had to borrow it from a friend due to the shortage. Secondly, he told them that there was no way he would help them to burn tires using my petrol. As hard it is to get petrol these days, letting someone to use the precious liquid for something totally useless like burning tires in the middle of the road was something that he could not tolerate. With the hot discussion going on he was able to grab attention of passerby's as well as the police patrolling the area.

Being a student he explained them that he never was involved in such activities that would affect the general public in any way. He had a long discussion with the protestors when the police intervened and he was allowed to go his way. By that time he was already surrounded by agitating and aggressive student protestors. Isn't it such a shame how students themselves can be so ignorant?

Being a scholar they should be able to analyze what they are doing and what consequences they face by doing so. The protest going on is baseless for several reasons.

First of all there is an acute shortage of petroleum products in the international market whereas demand is skyrocketing due to which the price is rising on a global scale and not only in Nepal. So there is no way that only the Nepali people can buy petroleum in the same price as before. There is no doubt that students should get discount but not to an extent that the transport people would have to suffer loss. It is quite logical that they will not operate their vehicles, as the money collected would not even break even their expenses considering the soaring prices. After all they also have to make a living out the hard-earned money.

Being students lets do things that students are supposed to do. Let's say students of science can research on various alternative energy that can be sourced locally to run vehicles, On the other hand, management students can brainstorm to find out various ways to manage the current oil shortage. With intellect and hard work we can come up with a solution but not with burning tires!

On the contrary, President, Dr RB Yadav who took oath in Nepali was so warm and welcoming by the citizens of Nepal.

There are about 70 dialects spoken by 90 ethnic groups in Nepal. And Nepali is the national Language binding all the Nepalese together. Nepal has a high regard for Hindi, but the question is disregard to Nepali - the national language- by the vice-president while taking oath from the president.

People noticed that the president, turned red because of the VP's misconduct and irresponsiveness while taking an oath in Hindi. Jha's taking oath in Hindi was a sensational/provoking act with the potential risks of communal violence, if such acts remain unchecked.

By taking oath in Hindi, which is not spoken anywhere in Nepal, VP Paramananda Jha has actually tried to incite communal violence. Bhojpuri, Awadhi, Maithili are the languages spoken in the Tarai not Hindi.

Growing anti-Indian sentiment is evident by the burning of effigies and tire across the country. The casualty will be Indo-Nepal relations and perhaps also Indian citizens residing in Nepal. By trying to appease the Indians, the vice-president has done more harms than good.
Vice-president!

Learning from the past, the Constituent Assembly much include in the New Constitution Assembly must include in the New Constitution a Code of Conduct about the use of national language (Nepali) in the parliament and during official ceremonies of national importance such as swearing- in. Such a conduct should also make the national dress obligatory on important days.

Don't push it

For the common people, the current political deadlock and growing uncertainly are beyond comprehension, especially as the country has been established as a republic following the CA Election. An in-depth analysis of the political situation reveals that it is a consequence of the long accumulated wrong policies of the ruling parties, particularly the NC, the UML, and the CPN (Maoist), which have been exposed as being bereft of vision and concern for the integrity of the country and the quality of the citizenry. These parties have consistently followed wavering, placating and short-sighted policies to fulfill their hunger for power at all cost.

Characteristically, they have claimed to have gained victory after introducing supplementary ordinances in the CA with a view to empowering the proposed federal stats by granting them autonomy as demanded by the political parties' base in the Tarai. This new development is fraught with inconceivable effects considering the varied geography and socio-cultural landscape of the country. The best way to empower the people in the Tarai or the hills is to eliminate all sources of suppression that have so far remained neglected by the feudal system and its stalwarts who are still active and powerful in the current power structure.

Objections to the creation of autonomous stats or one Madhes one province should not be construed as a ploy to deny genuine autonomy and self-rule to the people whether of the Tarai or the Hills. We should support any struggle mounted by the people to free themselves from the manacles of discrimination, deprivation, and exploitation. At the same time, right-thinking people should speak up to caution the real victims of feudalism to understand the danger of divisive politics that will only make them more vulnerable, marginalized, and deprived. The people need to issue such a warning because of the ruling political parties' incoherent and illogical policies to agree to anything for petty gains.

For instance, the CA has not been given due respect and recognition by ensuring the participation of the members in the process of enacting each and every law. The Interim Constitution has been revised and tempered with to suit the interests of certain groups. The CA has been used as a place to create undesirable conflicts that could lead to a possible further disaster in the form of disintegration. The failure to form a working government even three months after the CA Election shows how it has been turned into an insignificant place for discussion of vital issues. Any further infringement on the authority of the CA is bound to invite authoritarianism in a new form and color.

If the situation demands it, people should once more prove that no power in the world can stop them from resisting anti-people policies designed to create artificial divisions among people of different Castes, Races, and Religions. At the same time, nobody should make the people of the Tarai, Hills or Mountains feel that certain sections and regions are more important than others. The Nepali people will naturally sop complaining if and when the next government formulates policies to accommodate all the genuine demands and desires of different regions of the country for self-rule and comprehensive decentralization of power.

It is true that some individuals and policies of past governments have been responsible in spreading a sense of insecurity and injustice among the marginalized people of the Tarai. Those who speak against people of other races, regions, or cultures should understand that their utterances and parochial views will only provoke chaos in the country.

Today, we have to carry out a two-pronged fight to save the country and to empower the people. First, we should vehemently oppose any accord that goes against our national interests and integrity. We should fight all such attempts whether they come from within or outside the country. The coming government should come out with a promise and a plan to assure the people that the nation will be seeing a revolution in its social, economic, and cultural lives very soon. Secondly, people denigrating or insulting marginalized communities, especially Madhesis, Dalits and Indigenous communities, should be branded as anti-national elements and reprimanded publicly.

Likewise, members of historically oppressed communities, whether in Madhes or the hills, should realize that their salvation doesn't lie in the country going federal or remaining unitary. The key to the problem is revamping the country's social and economic structure that has so far been monopolized by a certain class of people. The present political deadlock can be resolved if the system is overhauled to distribute national resources among all sections of the people in all parts of country.

Unfortunately, the ruling political parties' are not doing any homework to extricate the country from such turmoil and turbulence. Knowingly or unknowingly, they seem to have lost sight of reality and are inviting a likely catastrophe for national unity. Their policies seem to be guided by reflected in the squabble over the post of president or the issue of one Madhes one province.

In this light, the people should understand that the only permanent solution to the ongoing political uncertainty if for the ruling political parties to correct their policies. Desire for power without any sense of responsibility and commitment to the nation is the hallmark of the political parties who have a major say in the CA. If they rectify their ill-conceived policies by not succumbing to pressure from inside or outside, the country can move ahead. Let us hope the leaders of the ruling parties see the writing on the wall, and not push the people to the brink thereby inciting them to revolt as they have when made upset.

Fed up with Banda!

I used to be very happy when I didn't have to go to college. A day of Banda (ban on vehicular movement) was another holiday to rest at home or enjoy. I used to think there must be at least one such holiday every month. And this time, my wishes came true as there were a series of bandas and holidays. But now I have realized how ignorant I was to think in such a way without realizing its negative consequences. It is harming every individual's life knowingly or unknowingly.

For the past couple of months, Nepal has been facing bandas ceaselessly; sometimes by political leaders, relatives of those killed in accidents, taxi drivers or petroleum suppliers, transport entrepreneurs or by students and any other victims seeking justice. The Banda callers are of all varieties and the list is endless. If anyone is not satisfied with what is happening in the country, there is a Banda in one part or the other. Vehicles are not allowed play on the streets no matter what emergency is there with the people.

Everyone knows that even a day of Banda can cause losses amounting to millions of rupees, but despite this, no one cares about it since people think it's not their problem. It seems banda is the only solution to every problem regardless of what the problem is. Such bandas have become a part of our culture. We declare is for every chance we get to do it. And to enforce it, we burn tires on each street causing health hazards.

We are constantly talking about "New Republic Nepal "(Naya Ganatantric Nepal) hoping that it would bring peace and economic progress to the country but see what is rally is happening! On the contrary, we are taking recourse to a violent means to have our demands fulfilled.

We say our country is economically poor but such bandas are making us poorer than before. The most affected people are the underprivileged ones. The rich people can get through anyway. They have diverse sources of income. But the people, who have to survive through daily wages, are victimized. Their lives have become hellish.

We have become the most powerful people of our nation. When we unite, we can do anything and we all know it. The ushering in of the republic Nepal is the proof of our strength. But by staging strikes to fulfill any demands, it is obvious we are misusing our power. We tend to consider only the positive sides of these strikes but besides this, there are more negative effects being experienced by everyone living in this country. It is not only the way to fulfill our demands. There might be many other alternatives. Without adversely affecting the lives of others and our own, can't we look for any other ways to fulfill our demands?

Until four or five years ago, it would be considered a weird idea to think that Nepal would turn into a republic. For many people, Nepal without a king was unthinkable. For them, the institution of monarchy was a symbol of national unity, an embodiment of nationalism and patriotism. But the choice the majority of Nepalese had was different from what many loyalists presumed to be. Like their king, they lived in an imaginary world inundated with illusions. Gloried by sycophants as an incarnation of Lord Vishnu, the king swayed temporal power and pretended to be a benevolent king who acted as savior of all Nepalese delivering false promises.

With a rapid transformation of polity, Nepal is now embracing al kinds of social change that have not been seen or heard before. Political wrangling that we have witnessed at the moment speaks volume about the mentality of our politicians who have tenacity to glue to power. Lessons that history taught us about power are like bank notes which keep on passing from one to another. It was with Gyanendra Shah, and it could be with anybody in the future. If any party or person fails to deliver the good governance to the people, there is no alternative but to hand over the baton to more competent people.

It is right time for our leaders - be it political or social - to go through From Third to First World, which is a memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew, former prime minister of Singapore. It is reportedly said that Deng Xiaoping, the man who sweated the most to put China on the path to modernization, had had several parleys with Lee Kuan after China embraced liberal economy in 1978 for learning lessons for its transformation.

Like Nepal, Singapore also had giant neighbors - Malaysia and Indonesia which it achieved Independence. Media Magnet Rupert Murdoch has aptly commented on a book: "More than forty years, Lee Kuan Yew transformed what was a poor, decrepit colony into a shining, rich, and modern metropolis - all the time surrounded by hostile powers. With his brilliant, incisive intellect, he is one of the world's most outspoken and respected statements. This book is a 'must read' for any student of modern Asia". The book also tells how he attracted foreign investments in Singapore keeping its interest uppermost. To achieve a giant leap in the economic development, Lee Kuan is the right role model to follow, if not a political hero to be cherished with. And, many erudite thinkers and planners suggested the third world countries that this book is a Bible that they should read for development.

Political leaders should understand it clearly that political popularity is not a parameter to achieve economic growth. There should be parity both in theory and action. In this age of globalization, it's impossible to develop a nation without emerging itself into the global community. China has modernized its economy, partly by getting foreign firms to pay the tab. It is because it has changed earlier policy and prodded to liberal economy by giving chance to the poor to become rich, not vice versa. "Mao's Cultural Revolution devastated China, crushing its intellectual, scientific, and artistic capability, eliminating its economy."

When Mao died in 1976, he left behind a nation of penniless peasants. Now that his Communist Party has taken an about - turn, gradually rejoining the world economy, moving toward a market economy and taking nation through an industrial revolution, incomes are rising and the once quashed spirit of Chinese is reappearing, writes Forbes Foreign Correspondent Ms Robyn Meredith in her famous book about India and China: The Elephant and the Dragon. As recently as fifteen years ago, nearly everyone in China was equally poor, but incomes are stratifying quickly. China already has 320,000 millionaires. A Chinese journalist friend told me recently that he wanted to see Nepal following the footstep of modern China, not the old one.

People often forget things easily but memory of tyrants and terrors keep on haunting them for a long time. We have uprooted the despotic king not to beget another despot in the future. Nepal cannot afford to have another despot. What people want and wish to have is dramatic change in their social and economic life. Many countries in the world had same kind of living standard as we had in the early sixties. Because of bad governance and lack of political and economic vision of the leaders, we have lagged behind so miserably that it's a sheer humiliation for us to compare ourselves with them.

Though the beginning of New Nepal is not as good as we expected because it seems nobody wants to relinquish power and position for people who elected them, the new constitution will definitely address the social, political, and economic rights of the people.

Unless and until, people are not well-equipped with education, disparity continues to surface in one or another form in society. At the moment, Nepal is in need of a person with rectitude, not the one with megalomaniac attitude. We don't need a callous leader. We need someone who takes us to new heights along with him in tandem, not leaving us behind as many leaders did in the past.

As for Nepal Airlines (RA) one of its 757 has had, perhaps, the longest ever C check in any one's memory. On the surface the reason for the delay is blamed on non delivery of the engine, which might as well be true. But what had stopped the then RA management from making timely and appropriate decision regarding awarding of repair contract earlier? The board and the government know quite well that with one operational engine the aircraft will remain grounded for long. It is a 'democratic' country and naturally both the government and the RA board were within their rights in sitting put - twiddling their thumbs We had hoped that by doing away with the 'R' the airline would turn a new leaf. Wonder whether bringing back the 'R' (for Republic this time) would do the magic! But, again, we can not be too hopeful seeing the way the elected assembly is functioning.

The 50th RA anniversary function was held at even lower scale this time amidst opposition from the unions. The chief guest was the Chief Secretary, not the Minister as was customary. There was no minister to chair the function as he had resigned under party's order. The Chief Secretary, as the highest ranking guest, seized the god sending opportunity to vent out his disgust by declaring RA was in the death bed. Many inferred it as the verdict of a Ghatey Baidya given the fast sinking trend of the airline.

Anniversary functions provide a forum to commemorate achievements, acknowledge faults, specific challenges, and, last but not least, present broad improvement plans/promises for the future. There is no point in recalling that RA once flew to London and Frankfurt and had four jetliners. The stark reality is that RA has been doing the regional route with just one aircraft since the last seven months in one stretch. With its reach severely curtailed, it is no surprise that skilled pilots and passengers have no option but to look for alternatives.

We see a fundamental similarity in the manner the RA and the country is run. The 'elected' politicians are seen to be least concerned with the general public and their welfare as they wrangle endlessly. And in the RA, the management is more concerned with its vested interest than start worrying about the sundries like passengers.

This time around published write ups on the anniversary day were on the minimum. A person who had four different pieces last year had just one this time. As usual both the articles, written by RA insiders, spoke highly of the contributions made and lamented about the way the corporation was neglected by the government. Without substantiating one of the writers makes a tall claim that NAC was still able to 'retain its popularity among the customers." If it is to be believed then it looks like its RA clients were too happy to bear with it even when the services were abruptly cut.

'Serious Aircraft Shortage' was title of the other piece published in the Nepal Samachar Patra. It points out at the duplicity on the part of the government which makes loudest noise about losses made while it fails to appreciate, by being helpful; the services provide to the remote areas despite heavy losses. The article boasts about RA ground handling services to many international airlines and the revenue this has generated. But in reality, RA landed the ground handling jobs more due to compulsion on the part of other airlines than on its merit.

The primary job of an airline is to fly passengers - profitably and as per the published schedule. We do not have to be an expert to say how RA fares on those aspects.

Coinciding with the Golden anniversary the RA has made its commitment public through the media. It takes a defensive stand, right at the beginning, by acknowledging that criticisms are valued highly and treated as guidelines for making improvements. Next it accepts that RA has not been providing services to the desired extent due to the shortage of aircraft. And that it can not solve all the problems on its own and needs help and understanding of all including the government and its employees. It concludes by hoping to get the love and understanding of all concerned as it's strives to achieve the goals set up to crate a 'New Nepal'.

There is no doubt that the document is extremely over-laden with the 'hope' aspect. The 'commitment' as spelt towards the end, is too weak to be of any significance. One wonders whether it was brought out just as a ritualistic exercise. Surely, RA must have foreseen that it was not likely to create any waves whatsoever. It is an irony that the present excitement is more due to the impending return of old B-757 as if RA was about to get a 'new aircraft'. But if the news in Kantipur (08 June) is to be believed then there is a serious doubt about return date again.

The government, which holds the controlling interest in the RA, has to seriously think about its future course of action. It will be just enough if the government runs the country properly by providing a rule of law, security to its citizens and make appropriate and sound policy decisions to encourage all round development. It is not the work of a government to engage itself with the nitty-gritty of running an airline. It may have been right to have taken the rein in the early years. But to drag a fifty year adult like a child and tell it constantly what it can do and what it cannot does not fall under good governance by any count.

We do not know what the future holds until we see the policies and priorities set up by the coming government. Hopefully, there will be some concrete steps to ameliorate the mismanaged all around including that in the RA as well. This will be a small step in the making of, not a 'new' but a better Nepal. Last year we had hoped that RA will arrest the uncontrolled dive and maintain a level flight before its 50th bhoto jatra. That is out of the question now. But we can not rule out a bleaker possibility should the future government exercise even stringer control over the airline. It may like all others before, be tempted to learn flying RA first before it does any thing appreciable!

Nepalese want far-reaching changes which should be peaceful and democratic. This is the main demand expressed in the people's movement. By making Nepal a republic, the Constituent Assembly (CA) has taken the first giant step forward. Writing the new constitution, re-structuring the state, creating a peaceful, prosperous, and democratic New Nepal can now start in earnest. But the scenes inside the CA and the mood in the streets of the new republic also give reasons to pause and reflect.

In looking to the future, it is useful to recollect the past. After the leaders of the 1990 people's movement wanted to make Nepal Singapore, what followed were chaos, violence, and autocracy. Today, leaders, who want to make Nepal Switzerland, became gardens of peace and prosperity.

In 1983 I remember the lecture of the man who can singularly be given the most credit for turning a small fishing village into a prosperous nation-state called the Republic of Singapore. With his audience, group of youth leaders from around the world, he shared his formula of how he built Singapore, the gist of which is:

* A clan and capable government where politicians and civil servants are paid well so tht they do not have to look elsewhere for a decent living but even after that if they are found engaged in corruption they are severely punished-hanged.

* A team of committed and competent professionals to run the affairs of the state as well as enterprises by selecting the right man/woman for the right job.

* An effective and efficient public sector competing with a free private sector.

* A fair system of reward for good work - punishment for bad, strict enforcement of the rule of law and discipline in society.

* Citizens of all ethnicity, race, culture, language or religion committed to society-before-self and

* Take good ideas even from your critics but when it comes to national interest not even best friends can be your champions.

Many years ago a group of Nepali politicians were in Switzerland. Besides their meetings, the embassy staff took them sightseeing. In the evening I hosted a reception. The leader of the delegation was a sincere and serious man. Looking contemplative, he said to me "we went around the city but did not find anything impressive. Geneva is like a village. Can you show us something from which we could learn how to make Nepal Switzerland?"

I reminded him, if he felt Geneva like a village he had already learned a lot; Geneva is one of the best known cities in the world; thinkers like Rousseau and Voltaire were from here; John Calvin started his reformation movement from here. In modern international relations Geneva is well known as the home of the League of Nations, predecessor of the United Nations. The Red-Cross and Red -Crescent movement started here and spread around the world. The International Committee of the Red-Cross with various Geneva Conventions, the International Federation and many International inter-governmental and non-governmental organizations are base here. Geneva is the centre of UN's economic, human rights and humanitarian work. The World Trade Organization and many multinational companies are located here. Geneva hosts one of the largest numbers of diplomats and international civil servants in the world. It offers one of the best transport, communication, and urban facilities no less than big metropolis. Yet, how is Geneva like a village?

Since he had shown interest, I promised to take him and his team somewhere the next day. The following morning driving through the narrow curvy Swiss mountain road, I stopped in one place, picked up some soil from the slopped vine yard, and asked him, "is this soil better than the rich alluvial soil of Kathmandu and Tarai-Madhes of Nepal?"

A little later I stopped again near a mountain stream, picked up some water, and asked him, "is this water better than the unlimited water in the perennial snow-fed rivers of Nepal" Again a little later, I stopped in a forest, picked up a small branch of a tree and asked him, "is this better than the trees of the dense forests of Nepal? By then we arrived at the village which I had intended for the visitors to see; I find absence of urban-rural disparity apparent in Nepal and most of the developing world or the urban shanties-ghettos in some developing and developed world one of the most interesting aspects of Swiss and, to a certain extent, European development experience which I wanted my visitors to observe.

On our way back I said to my guest, "Sir, the soil, water and tree was to show that Mother Nature has given why Switzerland is so successful whereas Nepal is a quagmire of death, destruction, and despair?

The answer lies in another question; Lake Geneva is the largest fresh water lake in Europe. Besides many towns and villages, three of the largest Swiss cities and one on the French side are located around the lake. And yet the water from the lake is potable. But what is the state of our Bagmati and why? If you, your colleagues and leaders of Nepal can seek answer to this and other questions we discussed here, Nepal can be Switzerland and my be even better.

The most important reasons for Switzerland's peace and prosperity today are:

* Long history of democracy with ultimate political power in the people themselves.

* Strong democratic institutions that do not allow democracy to be derailed whenever there are problems.

* Federal system of governance with highly developed local self-rule.

* Hard working and disciplined people with strong dislike for self- aggrandizement, rituals or power concentration in any one individual, family or institution and strong culture of reward and punishment in society.

* Inspiring leadership with local self-rule complimenting central hared rule.

* Pragmatic foreign and security policy of friendship with all hostility towards none but no compromise with anyone when it comes to national interests.

Nepalese want Nepal not Singapore of Switzerland. Discussions of human development, political, enonomic, or social cannot be devoid of time and space, history and geography. Promises of making Nepal Singapore or Switzerland are laudable and leaders should be admired for dreaming. But without the knowledge and experience of how these societies have reached their current levels of development and commitment to act accordingly, these are dreams difficult to fulfill. Nepalese do not want Nepal to be Singapore, Switzerland, or....; all they want is to live in peace, dignity, and security. This is the simple need and demand of all Nepalese, from Himal, Pahad and Tarai-Madhes expressed in people's struggles, movements or the CA election. This is the fundamental guideline for re-structuring the state and the drafting of the new constitution for a New Nepal.

Until recently, the Nepal Army was "Royal" because of its structure, orientation, and character. Most political analysts'' argument that the Nepal Army would hatch a coup if the king were touched or removed proved wrong. The symbiotic relationship between the institution of monarchy and the armed forces, especially the Nepal Army, has been totally broken despite the common interests of its officers and the king.

The social stratification-subjects and rulers, higher and lower classes, cultured and uncultured societies- created by the then political system hand made the general people feel that the military existed for the security of the rulers and not for the people.

Similarly, the involvement of the military in a number of coups and counter-coups, conspiracies and crimes that were common among the ruling families tarnished the image of the army. It neither got the emotional support of the people, nor did it evolve into a national army.

In 1950, the Rana oligarchy was ousted. A civilian government was installed, but a rapport between the military and the people could not be established. Army officers felt uncomfortable being under the civilian government or being commanded by their "subjects". And political leaders refused to accept the military's might to foster democratic values. So the civilian government made it a backup force of the king because of their similar class interests.

Superiority and inferiority complexes did exist within the armed forces. But the main obstacle was the government's failure to turn the military into a professional outfit in tune with the changing political situation and to orient it for tit new role and responsibilities.

Political leaders ignored the institution of the military. The army wanted better welfare schemes and it had no option but to turn to the monarch. Successive kings used the armed forces to suppress democracy and press freedom. As a result, the Nepali Congress-led elected government which had a two-thirds majority in parliament was sacked. Top leaders of most political parties, including the prime minister who also held the defense portfolio, were arrested. Parliament was dissolved and political parties were banned. Surprisingly, King Mahendra drafted the constitution in 1963, three years after he staged a coup with the help of the army.

Even after the restoration of democracy in 1990, political leaders had in the back of their minds that the Nepal Army was loyal to the institution of the monarchy.

B.P. Koirala, writing in his Atma Brintanta, regretted that one singly but major mistake he committed during his 18 months in government was his ignorance of the institution of the military. No one had given any serious thought to making the army more professional.

Instead, the king became supreme commander-in-chief of the army on the basis of tradition and the constitution. The government could not assert its power under the National Security Council, thinking that the king, as the de facto ruler, would control and command the military. The political leaders were left with no choice but to learn to live without power.

Furthermore, the political parties could not reach a consensus on the national security policy. They did mobilize the army against the Maoists who were waging the so called people's war, but the armed forces ditched the politicians and sided with the monarch.

Such a situation lasted till the April Uprising. The king worked in tandem with the army making every government formed after 1990 vulnerable to political instability. it was only after the ultra-leftists, who rendered the democratic parties" incompetent", defied the king and the army that things changed.

King Gyanendra ascended the throne after the palace massacre in June 2001. He consolidated royal power by imposing a state of emergency. However, such anti-democratic moves proved fatal for the monarchy following the April Uprising.

When the Maoists joined mainstream politics after signing a 12 point agreement with the Seven-party Alliance, the country saw the dawn of inclusive democracy. The Maoists became part and parcel of the new political development. The king was isolated, and the entire political landscape of Nepal subsequently changed.

Unexpectedly, the military kept a low profile throughout the political movement. This was contrary to the general thinking that the Nepal Army was loyal tot he king. The dramatic change in the army's attitude proved many pundits wrong. The army not only switched its loyalty but also cooperated with the government formed after the 2006 April Uprising.

When the Interim Parliament stripped the king of his powers, the army went along without any hesitation. In 1990, this same institution had pressured the then interim government and the constitution recommendation committee to invest the king with state authority, name him the supreme commander-in-chief of the armed forces and declare Nepal Hindu kingdom. But in 2006, the military reportedly ignored the palace's order "to revolt against the historical declarations of the Interim Parliament" making Nepal a secular and federal republic.

The army has now been bought under the civilian government mainly because the popular forces have unified. The blunders made by the king, who lost his credibility and relevance, questioned the monarchy's relevance and made the military realize its professional duty, responsibility, and accountability.

In addition, the interim government showed a liberal attitude towards the army top brass by not allegedly involved in suppressing the April Uprising despite the people call to punish them.

Similarly, the promotion and appointment of Roomanagud Katawal as Chief of Army Staff might have eased the transition. Katawal did convince the new rulers that the army was behind the elected civilian authority. This snapped all links with Minister G.P Koirala came Katawal's rescue when the later had left Military headquarters for "his scheduled visit to the barracks" outside Kathmandu without informing the High Level Commission" which wanted to interrogate him. It seemed that Koirala's move helped to break the tradition.

The understanding and cooperation between Koirala and Katawal is positive signal for establishing a good rapport between the civil government and the military. But such good relations should not be confined to individuals. We need to institutionalize the close ties. It should not be difficult if the unity among the major political parties remains intact, and the top leaders develop a security policy that need not be changed with a change of the political guard. Equally important is leadership with a vision for modernizing and building closer links between the military and the civilian authority.

First, the very policy of distributing one million bucks to each ex-MLP to spend as he pleases is not justified. A democratic country runs on the basis of the wishes of the people. In matters of development, the people's desire is supreme. Allowing political leaders to make decisions regarding development contradicts the concept of democratic governance.

Second, Nepal followed a policy of decentralized governance where the local bodies make all the development decisions. Distributing money through MLPs creates a chasm between them and the local bodies. It is improper to superimpose MLPs on local bodies like municipalities and district development committees.

Third, the earlier decision to disburse the money was cancelled by the Supreme Court stating that it would provide MLPs an unfair advantage in the election campaign vis-à-vis their competitors. At that time, at least some of the MLPs (by no means all of them) could be considered to be people's representatives because they had won the last election. The court had made a moral link to the money factor. In the present case, most of the MLPs have lost heir popularity.

The Finance Ministry has gone ahead without consulting the court. The tenure of the MLPs came to an end with the official institutionalization of the CA. Giving them tons of cash after they have stopped being people's representatives is constitutionally illegal and morally repugnant.

Fourth, the timing of the disbursement is inconsistent with financial procedures. The government budget comes to a close on July 9. The money is being disbursed with the condition that it should be spent in five days by fulfilling all the financial procedures and completing all the development projects.(If development were so easy and the leaders so efficient, Nepal would have turned into a paradise in the last two years of interim rule!).

Fifth, the intention behind the generosity is immoral. They are giving away money to appease the leaders who could not get popular support. That is the overt objective. The covert purpose is downright sinister. The Finance Minister's party fared the worst in the last election. The bounty of one million rupees each will thus benefit his party's candidates the most.

The present political situation is the most sensitive in the history of Nepal. The two-and-a-half-century-old monarchy has just gone, but the future setup is yet to take shape. The parties that removed the king are now fighting among themselves. The Nepali Congress is finding it hard to digest that the people rejected it at the polls.

The CPN (Maoist) has emerged as the largest party, but the not-so-large parties in the hung CA are trying to invent one excuse or the other to prevent the largest party from taking over power. The Maoists are not finding it easy to compromise their principle of hegemony by agreeing to the other parties with out whose cooperation the coalition can't succeed. Newly emerged groups and parties are claiming more than their share. The CA has not been allowed to function because of this conceit.

In the present context, all effort should have been directed at making the setup work. But the Finance Ministry is squandering a scarce resource on the immoral practice of bribing leaders whom the people have stopped trusting. It was a desperate act done at the very end of the fiscal year. There aren't even seven days to spend the money when it would normally take at lest seven months to complete the work in accordance with financial regulations.

There are no funds for more urgent needs of the country. The government has been borrowing money from various sources as it is always short of cash. It is going to need much more in the two years ahead to pay the salaries and perks of the members of the CA which is largest than the defunct Legislature-Parliament.

NPR 330 million is a lot of money considering the country's financial status. The expenses for the CA are going to be a whopping RS 601 million. Apart from the amount of money, the priority is wrong. The disbursement is wholly deplorable. It is immoral. It is illegal. It is totally unwarranted. No sensible citizen will tolerate it. The outgoing finance minister is not authorized to pay out such large amounts of money. The prime minister and the outgoing cabinet do not have the authority either. The country is supposed to be run on moral principles. One of the moral principles is that the executive is accountable to the legislature. When there is no legislature, to whom will the executive be accountable? The whole thing is a sham. It is shameful. This is outright robbery. It is naked corruption. It must not be allowed.

The priority before the CA is drafting a new constitution, and it should remain the top and only agenda. The CA members do not have time to get involved in any other work during their two-year term. So the practice of disbursing development aid to them should be halted for this period. The present case should be an eye-opener. Let us not let the leaders loot the country. If the planned disbursement is effected at this hour, it should be recovered from the finance minister, the prime minister, and the cabinet members remaining in government today. This should be the first lesson of collective accountability.

Few days ago, I was going to Ratna Park by microbus sitting in the dirver cabin. The front seats of microbus, which are for 2 people, were already packet. On the way, the vehicle stopped for a waiting passernger and the conductor suggested me to share the seat. I told him the seat was just for two people, but he told me that I should pay the fare of two if I couldn't manage a little space for that passernger. Not being in a mood to start a quarrel, I decided to sit very uncomfortably.

Passengers traveling by public vehicles experience a lot of stress. Sometimes, they should juggle up in the limited seats. It seems vehiclesnever get packed and a few are hanging outside the door risking their lives. Are the passengers that much in a hurry to travel with such discomfort and risk?

Or, are the vehicle staffs and local transportation controllers and opeators so hungry of money? Even the traffic police are silent spectators while the rules are being violated who is to blame - passengers, drivers, vehicle owners, or the law enforcement bodies?

Moreover, there are numerous other problems. The vehicles are never punctual. They stop for the passengers at any place but the passengers have to wait for the right stop to get down. If there is no traffic police around, the vehicles frequently stop for a long time for passengers. Passengers' pleas to move on will be simply ignored.

Bus conductor is a low grade profession, not only beause they are less paid but because they are less educated and unfisciplined. The majority of conductors are unruly and rude. They usually use vulgar language and signs. Their behavior with passengers is very rude and inhumane. They behave with the pasengers by judging their outer look or status. Most of them try to be dishonest while collecting fares. Similarly, drivers operating in the same routes never seem to have friendly attitudes towards each other. They sometimes give passengers a rude shock while overtraking each other dangerously in the narrow and busy roads.

But when it comes to enforcing new laws and rules, they are always for hiking fares. We need a lot of change intheir attitude and behavious so as to ensure smooth travel. But the disputes and controversies are always for price and power. No one raises their voice for moral tarits to be maintained by the vehicles staffs and opeattors. What about the ehics of conduct, punctuality, and passengers' seat? Have our law-makers thought of these matters? Why are the authorities not implementing the traffic rules these days?

The other day, corruption-plagued Nepal Airlines Corporation marked its golden jubilee without much enthusiasm. The chief secretary inaugurated the celebration by nothing that the national flag carrier of Nepal laid on its deathbed. What's distressing is that the country's political leaders have reduced the fleet of four Boeings the corporation had some one and a half decades ago to one. One aircraft has been stuck in Brunei for the past 11 months. Frequent cancellations of international flights have brought the Corporation's external service to a standstill. The carrier is fast losing out on bookings to other airlines due to lack of aircraft. And the average occupancy of its single jet during the past three months was less than 50 percent.

The notorious Dhamija scam was the beginning of the institutionalization of corruption at the airline. The scandal that hit the nerve of the corporation started in the mid-1990s when two of its aircraft were sold by PM Girija Prasad Koirala. Koirala did so saying that he would purchase new aircraft. Instead, he institutionalized corruption. Next came the Chase Air scam. The fly-by-night company swindled the national flag carrier out of US 800,000. In October 2000, a controversial deal between the Corporation and Lauda Air for the lease of a Boeing 767 surfaced in Public Accounts Committee. The parliamentary committee probed into the matter and asked the corporation and the Civil Aviation Ministry to scarp the shady contract. However, the Koirala government defied this instruction and directly entered into negotiations with Lauda Air by sending a bank guarantee amounting to one million US Dollars. Even today, most employees are predisposed to interference by their benefactors. Interference in the affairs of the corporation is not just tolerated but expected.

In 1989, NAC reported revenues of US$ 54.3 million producing an operating profit of US Dollars 17 million. With a work-force of 2,200, it had become the country's largest employer and largest earner of foreign currency, bringing in roughly US Dollars 15 million a year. However, with the restoration of democracy, it also attracted a bunch of politicians who sucked it dry and used it to their benefit. Now no political leader bothers much about the corporation because they expect it to die a slow and painful death. Meritocracy and justice have never been the criteria in its recruitment policy. It would be highly unrealistic to expect that the national flag carrier can restore the image it once had. Even a contract to supply tissue paper or mineral water to the airline sets off fierce competition among politicians. This certainly reflects how deep corruption is in this country.

Over last decade, the contribution of foreign employment of Nepal's economy has increased significantly with the volume of remittance rising to around 20% of the gross Domestic Product (GDP). The number of workers leaving for overseas jobs has been going up every year due to mounting demand from different labor destinations. Remittances, which kept the economy afloat even during the decade-long insurgency when almost all the sectors were paralyzed, have reached more than US$ 2 billion a year. The number of overseas destinations has almost doubled to 64 from 38 over the past year. However Nepali worker have been going to only four countries - Qatar, Malaysia, the UAE and Saudi Arabia - which take in more than 93 percent of them. It shows that the country lacks diversification in overseas job destinations despite the fact that Nepali workers are permitted to seek employment in 107 countries around the world.

However, diversifying labor destinations is a difficult task as Nepal has been traditionally supplying blue-collar workers when vast opportunities for white-collar jobs exist in the international market. It is unfortunate that thousands of openings led and highly skilled workers have to be passed due to lack of such saleable manpower in the country. Efforts being made by government agencies and the private sectors in producing trained workers in like with the demand in labor destinations are insufficient. Due to lack of skills, Nepali workers have less bargaining strength in foreign workplaces compared to jobseekers from other countries. As a result, they are forced to work for meager remuneration and benefits. Of late, Nepali workers are starting to face tough competition from jobseekers from mainly Indonesia, Myanmar, and Vietnam who are better trained.

Being overly dependent on a limited number of job destinations is harmful for source countries like Nepal where remittances have emerged as the mainstay of the economy. If a major host country should cease hiring Nepali workers, the impact on the economy would be disastrous. Two, it does not possess adequate skilled and highly skilled workers who can easily find work in other places. It is high time the government and foreign employment agencies made the needful effort to produce trained jobseekers. The Post believes that only the government's efforts will not be sufficient to develop such a trained workforce without the support of stakeholders like foreign employment agencies and business organizations. The government and the private sector should take the initiative to explore new and better destinations in terms of remuneration, safety and other professional benefits. However, this cannot happen overnight. Serious efforts with long- and short-term plans are required from the public and private sectors.