NTY 2011 is not one-off promotional event. It is a national celebration

In any discussion on tourism, Year (2011) is seldom missing these days. It has in fact become a fad of sorts to correlate events and activities related to NTY 2011 for promotional purposes. This is as good an indication of the perceived importance of NTY, which has been buttressed by a robust promotion campaign. NTY, in essence, calls for three C's - cooperation from all, consolidation of efforts and collaboration amongst stakeholders. The synthesis of these three elements while promoting the country's image for the establishment of Nepal as a popular holiday destination is the bottom -line of NTY 2011. But we need to be realistic too. NTY cannot change the country's out-look overnight. It should rather be understand as a concerted effort from all to attract visitors by offering extra affection, hospitality, service, and renewed care with some value addition in all these areas.

 

To better understand NTY, the most important one must understand is: what is tourism? Over the years, many people have proposed many definitions of tourism so that the term, has become incomprehensive for a lay man. But by the time we would up NTY 2011, we could have established tourism at the epicenter of Nepal's economy, with other industries revolving, around it. But for the campaign to have the desired effect, it should be supported by everyone across social and economic barriers for tourism might be one industry that is capable of alleviate widespread poverty through its trickle down effect which is seldom witnessed to other industries in Nepal . If we all take ownership of the campaign, we are likely to be reaping its benefits for long time to come.

Many people believe that NTY is a capital intensive project and hence will during its course spend millions of rupees. But NTY needs to be understood in a broader perspective. NTY is a time- bound event to arouse the interest of foreign tourists in Nepal. It brings together a wide spectrum of activities and programmes created by various sectors.

Hence, any interesting programmes or events that help trigger the interest of potential tourists could be apart of NTY. The major responsibilities of the NTY secretariat are to coordinate and facilitate the programme's success while contributing to long-term benefits of the tourism industry. In other words, any programme that triggers the interest of the tourists and make them plan their holidays in Nepal should come under NTY 2011's ambit.

Fetching one million tourists is the broad vision of NTY 2011. For any mission to proceed in the interest of all stakeholders, a goal post is mandatory. Keeping ambitious goals leaves ample room for other industry collaborators to reap the benefits. One million tourists in Nepal means more business for all industries, ranging from poultry to food productions. It is also means more employment for Nepali youth.

Our vision has accommodated the wishes of prospective international players, resulting in a continuous surge of interest from international airlines and tour operators. This has led to the rising confidence level of tourism industry, NTY indeed is a campaign directed at reviving Nepal's long-tarnished image in the post-insurgency era and the country's transition to a new republic.

The goal of one million visitors, some believe, is unrealistic. . But no one can deny that the very prospect of a million tourists opens up new opportunities for reinvestment and reinvigorated business interests of many who choose to sit on the fence during the turbulent years of insurgency. This broad vision will have to be kept in mind in the run up to the launch of NTY 2011 in January.

Running this sort of programme at the difficult political juncture is a critical test. But in order to play a bigger role in the international tourism arena, the industry has to show that it can remain immune to political disturbances. In a country like ours, politics certainly takes the spotlight away from other sectors. But getting the agreement of major political parties to discourage bandas, strikes, and other political manoeuvrings that disturbs tourists will help in this regard. One everyone agrees to shield tourists from Nepal's internal politics it will be akin to a true revival of our age old fame of treating guests as gods.

 

Celebrating NTY 2011 injects foreigners with renewed energy too. In inviting tourism ministers from 22Asian countries during its inauguration on Jan, 14, the event will help strengthen age-old relationships and reinforce our bilateral and multilateral relations. Nepal, being the host country, would remain the epicenter of tourism activities in this region. It will buttress the country's image as a pioneer among other countries- South Korea and Sri Lanka among them-which are also celebrating 2011 as a year of tourism.

 

We have wasted a great amount of time in dirty politics. People have suffered enormously in the past and nobody wants to experience those pains again. NTY could be a balm for all of them. In applying it, NTY 2011 will bridge the political divides that have been forced into the open in the after math of the 2006 revolution.

No one can deny the fact that we are rich in culture. Whether it features animal sacrifice or fasting, we have many different ways to celebrate festivals. We have different kinds of festivals like the festivals of colors(Holi) and the festival of sacrifice (Dashain). Each festival has its own significance and its own features.

 

Each fall, women get excited and eagerly wait for Teej-wearing a red sari with the long gold

Each fall, women get excited and eagerly wait for Teej-wearing a red sari with the long gold ‘tilhari' attached seems wonderful for sure. And it ‘s certainly fun to watch Teej songs and dances. Teej is a wonderful festival except for a few fact s. First, the festivals made only for married women. Although unmarried girls are also involved, to focus of women celebrating Teej is to pray for the longevity of their husband's life. Has any -one given thought to the cases of young widows at such a time? At the time when the entire community, friends, and relatives are dancing and wishing a good future fir their husband, what might be the widow be doing? When festivals are meant for all, why does Teej feature such discrimination? If she even appears at celebration she will be cursed. Though women should be able to understand other women, somehow all is forgotten at this critical time.

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Another criticism of Teej is in regards to the trend of fasting. Staying hungry without food or a drop of water is no joke. I wonder if any where in the Hindu holy book it has mentioned that such fasting will lead to longer lives for their husbands. Cultural practices are nothing more than constructed beliefs we have been following, your daughter will obviously try to follow in the same manner, and so will your granddaughter. If you are the senior female member of your family, if you introduce the system of drinking lemon water mixed with tulsi power it would be a great relief to your generation for sure.

There are cases of women fainting during the festival of Teej. So my question is, without any proven reason for refraining from eating throughout the day, why should women blindly follow such a hard and fast rule with such threats to their health? And although Teej should bring women together, the jewellery and costumes of the day highlight the gap between the rich and poor, and can make those unable to afford the nicest dress insecure. Festivals are meant for all; we shouldn't let the ornaments of the festival create discrimination during the time of celebration.

 

It is society and humans that create cultural practices and keep them alive. Teej is certainly a wonderful festival. Limited fasting from time to time., can keep us healthy, but it should not be done out of the belief that it will help our husbands. Let's join hands to get rid of these unnecessary parts of Teej so that the upcoming generation won't criticize our backwards practices.

Ground water use can't be stop ped but could be better managed.

 

The water table of the Kathmandu valley is estimated to be decreasing by an alarming 2.5 meters a year. The reason behind the drying up of under-ground water is its unsustainable extraction. The valley population is increasing - 3.5 million and counting, according to an estimate of Kathmandu Upatyeka Khanepani Limited, the valley water utility- and within the need for potable water. As tapped water is a scarce commodity, people have had to rely on underground water to meet their needs. Shallow tube wells were traditionally relied upon. for potable water from domestic consumption. But with a considerable dip in water table, household tube wells are dug deep these days. In addition, there are more than 500 commercial establishments extracting underground water -only 10 have the licence to do so.

KUKL has not been able to supply more than a third of the needed 320 million liters, (Running out of options, the utility itself pumps water from 50 deep tube wells, covering 20 percent of its supply). Thus anywhere between 30-50 percent of the valley's water need is being met through groundwater. Ironically, the proportion of those relying on groundwater for daily use is growing even as the water table is declining. It is to address this unsustainable imbalance that the government is now mulling a groundwater management policy. The policy, the first of its kind in Nepal, will restrict the extraction of ground water in the "danger zones" with low water tables. With its focus on regulating the use of deep tube wells, it will tax individuals and institutions extracting groundwater for commercial purposes. Only licensed operators will be allowed to extract water according to set guidelines.

Such a polity has been a long time in the making. Only a decade ago, it was possible to extract water by digging up to 20 feet. Now, one would be lucky to strike water after digging down twice the distance. Another cause of concern is that the rate of contamination of underground water is increasing. In parts of southern Kathmandu KUKL has discovered high level of arsenic, a carcinogen, in groundwater, as well as leachate from septic, tanks, agricultural fields and landfill sites. And unfortunately, there is no viable way to clean up underground water. But it remains to be seen how the new licence regime will be different from the old one. Even now, a licence is mandatory for commercial extraction of groundwater. But as monitoring is lax, few bother to get them. How will the government make the recalcitrant comply when the new policy comes into effect ? It is also doubtful whether controlling only commercial users will be enough to save Kathmandu's water table.: the use of ground water is increasing most rapidly among common households. The policy, to its credit, does suggest some sustainable solutions like rainwater harvesting and groundwater recharging to replenish the water table. It is n' t hard to see that emphasis should be on better water management and preventing wastage rather than stopping underground extraction outright.

Our present leaders can be called Nepal's new monarchs without the fancy headgear

Today is yet another D-Day as far as the selection (or is it election?) of a new prime minister is concerned. The third D-Day may yet go the way of the previous two D-Days, that is, nothing but glaring differences among the country's political parties would surface without giving the country a new prime minister. The three major political parties which consider it their right to hold the nation captive seem to care two figs for the interest of the country or of the people. Their diametrically opposing stands on government formation and the fundamentals of the issues to be incorporated in the new constitution and the fundamentals of the issues to be incorporated in the new constitution as well as on how the country should be divided in to federal units have cost nation dear- politically, socially and economically. The country's economy is said to be in a shambles, and as the nation's economy combined with the political situation that includes law and order and security issues are said to be the main factors for the stability of any nation, there are some who say that Nepal will soon be on its way to being placed in the category of failed states. One would be forgiven for labeling our present bunch of leaders as Nepal's new monarchs in all respects but without the customary crown.

 

The third time election to select a new prime minister due Monday could well go the way of the previous elections with none of the two contestants able to muster the necessary votes to become the country's chief executive. The pre-election behind the scenes horse trading might not yield the necessary result. The various Madhesi parties in the constituent Assembly that also functions as the legislative assembly have their own axe to grind and are said to hold the trump card as far as electing a new prime minister is concerned. The Maoists would need only the support of these parties to form the next government while the Maoists rival, the Nepali, Congress, would need much more; the support of the Madhesi parties and other small parties go get past the minimum required votes in the CA.

 

The Madhesi parties which formed a bloc to negotiate with the rivals have set forth their conditions for support, and have asked the two parties to give them a written under taking to meet their demands. The Maoists submitted their written commitment, but flatly ruled out the concept of "one Madhesi, one province which obviously forms one of the most important demands of the south-based regional parties. One of the vice chairmen of the Maoists party told news persons that the Maoists could not entertain the "one Madhes, one province" demand. The Maoists, as well as other political parties, if they consider themselves to be political, should have realized the true long-term implications of acceding to such demands. Will the Madhesi parties still vote for the Maoists given the latter's refusal to endorse the one Madhes, one province demand?

 

The meetings that the Nepali Congress and the Maoist leaders have been having almost every day with the Madhesi and other smaller parties for the past week since the second scheduled elections for a new prime minister and did not bear fruit were meant not merely to seek their support but also to bargain what each of the two major parties can give them to exchange for their support in the prime ministerial election. The Maoist nominee for the country's top post, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, has been telling the media that he would secure the necessary support. Not to be outdone, Nepali Congress nominee Ram Chandra Poudel and other NC leaders have also expressed their belief that the Nepali Congress candidate would secure the top post. But analysts are still doubtful as to whether the third round of elections would fare any better than the previous two.

 

With a responsible UML minister saying in Baglung on Saturday that his party would remain neutral during the elections on Monday and the Mathesi alliance looking at the two contesting parties to fully agree to their written demands, the prospects for a new prime minister to be elected today looks bleak even a month after Prime Minister Nepal tendered his quite notice speaks volumes about the kind of leadership we are blessed with. The top leaders in any of the three parties never tire of telling the people that they are not after power which-if you believe them - means nothing to them but a potent means to bring the never-ending space process to a" logical conclusion" and write a people -oriented constitution.

 

There are many who think that the peace process can only be brought to a "logical conclusion" when there is a government pf national consensus in place. The power politics that one has been witness to since the Ca election has been a direct hindrance to the writing of the writing of the constitution for which genuine national consensus is required with all the parties showing willingness to be flexible in their stands in the larger cause of the nation. It would be a mistake to believe that there would be a consensus on issues relating to the constitution once a national government is formed. The parties to bend a little this or that way in order to achieve power, but the same parties would be much more rigid when confronted with the fundamental issue to be incorporated in the constitution. For instance, one of the top Maoists leaders has gone on record assaying that his party would not accept pluralism in any form, giving rise to question as to whether the Maoists have embraced democratic ideas or are just using these ideals to further their own authoritarian goals. The constitution writing, as any-one would affirm, is the most difficult part of the whole game presently being played out by the present breed of Nepal's political leaders.

 

Since the prime task of the CA is writing the constitution and that of the government to take care of the day-to-day affairs of the state-that is, not to take decisions and make policies that will have a long-term impact on the country-this writer had over a year ago suggested in this very column that a neutral government should be put in place to run the affairs of state. Full concentration of the parties including their top leaders should be on constitution writing so that the fundamental differences that exist among the parties on the future constitution can be narrowed down as much as possible. It is still not too late to make amends and to take the right course. But our leaders acting like monarchs without crowns can hardly be expected to take the sensible course.

Nepal should build reservoirs on rivers to collect water for use during times of deficit.

 

Nepal has sufficient water in a lump sum mode. During the wet season, there are floods and inundation in the low-lands and landslides on the unstable slopes .But water is a scarce commodity in almost all the areas during the dry season. Therefore, to ensure regular supply of water, some sort of storage and water saving approach has become essential.

 

A common question the general public asks is, "Why are we facing load-shedding despite our huge water resources potential?". Our planners, leaders and system seem to be unable to address the situation and work with a common goal. The present perception that first we finalize our political course and then we move on to development of hydro power is not an acceptable alternative. We may face another round of instability due to an energy crisis if the present trend continues.

 

The domestic water supply scenario is also not satisfactory. Though coverage is increasing, water availability in urban areas has been diminishing and a lot of time and resource is being consumed for management of water for domestic purposes. Over pumping is resulting in drying up of perched aquifer or lowering of the table in general. The urban population is compelled to use unsafe or expensive water for their daily needs. A basement water tank of sufficient capacity has become a must in all new houses for storage of water suppled by private water tankers at a price to times higher than the public supply.

 

The Himalaya, called the water towers of Asia, and the low lying areas in the Tarai have water as snow or ground water. Annual rainfall, averaging about ,1.4000 mm, is also a substantial amount if managed properly. What we need is proper planning, implementation and management. Our rivers pour 225 billion m3 of water into the River Ganges annually, but we are facing hardships related to water availability and energy deficit. The water is following continuously inviting our attention to utilize it. We cope with an excess flow of water during the four months of the monsoon, but it is scarce commodity during other months. It, therefore, clearly leads us to hoard water when there is an excess and distribute it when we have a deficit . However, there is the problem of our limited storage capacity. So, to solve the problems related to water and energy, Nepal has no choice but to create water storage schemes at appropriate locations.

 

Consumption of fossil fuel is increasing at an unsustainable pace. In the present unstable political and economic scenario, it seems that the trend of increasing demand will not slow down form quite a long time to come. The trend shows that in five years from now, all our export earnings will be consumed in importing fossil fuels. So Nepal should take immediate step to replace fossil fuels with other sustainable resources. For Nepal, the only alternative is to go for water storage projects for electricity production and other uses.

 

There are always a large number of activists who start screaming at the development of large storage projects. It is to be noted that the developed world that has already tapped all the potential and constructed huge reservoirs both in number and size plead cautious development in the sector. Both our neighbors are investing heavily in the development of mega multipurpose storage projects. The proposal for development of the 38,000 MW Motuo Dam on the upper reaches of the Yarlung Tsangpo ( the Branmhaputra) by China as part of a huge expansion plan to save 200 million tons of carbon dioxide has become a common subject of interest. Similarly, in Arunachal Pradesh of India, the 3,000 MW Dibang multipurpose project is being initiated. Nepal has many suitable sites for multipurpose reservoir projects, and we, too, should not hesitate to utilize our resources.

 

Once we decide on construction of storage multipurpose projects, we have to prioritize them and choose from many possible sites. The options are very big storage projects near the Tarai foothills (Sapta Koshi Karnali Chisapani), big storage projects in the mid-hills (Pancheswor, Budhi Gandaki, West Seti) and storage projects at high altitudes (Kali Gandaki Kobang, Marsyangdi Manang. Nausalgu Gad),Where is construct the first reservoir may be a very crucial decision as it may decide the future course of action.

 

Selecting very big storage projects in large and populated areas may be very difficult to implement. Huge investment, resettlement and rehabilitation issues submergence of very important sites hazards and risks due to the project can by very critical: and implementation may be extremely difficult under the present circumstances.

 

Selecting medium range storage projects in the mid-mountains may be a good option. Lack of detailed study and selection and preparation of suitable projects is the most important issue for starting such projects. The main problem in the area may be resettlement and rehabilitation issues. A high head and relatively smaller reservoir area may be suitable option.

 

Selecting projects in the high hills may also be a suitable option. We may select a storage project in the upper-reaches of the rovers where roads have already been constructed .The river in Jumla, the Kali Gandaki River Myegdi and Mustang., the Marsayangdi River in Manang, the Budhi Gandaki river in Gorkha and the upper reaches of the Arun River may be suitable locations . These storage projects , if constructed, would provide multiple benefits due to the cascading effect on all the downstream projects. Such upper reaches have lesser complexity due to lesser rehabilitation and resettlement issues. Road, geology and availability of water may be the crucial factor for selecting such sites.

 

At present, funding for such storage projects is an important issue. Due to its poor financial state , the Nepal Electricity authority is unable to invest in such projects. We cannot expect the private sector to come forward when the country is in such a fluid situation , and donor agencies also seem reluctant to invest in such basic infrastructure development. The only option remaining is mobilizing internal resources, mostly from the public sector, for the development of such storage projects. Help from donor agencies should always be welcomed in such a priority sector. It seems that the sector cannot move forward in a healthy way unless a run-of-the river hydro-power project of at least 100 MW capacity is launched every year or as storage project of about 1,000 MW is started in the near future. It should be noted that a storage project started now can be operational only after a decade or so. Each day delayed is an increase in load-shedding and electricity crisis in the country.

 

We are a country where water is in excess in the rainy season and deficit in the dry season. So it is a natural process to store it when we have more and utilize it in times of shortage. There is no other way to address the issue. Nepal needs at least a few reservoirs to solve the problems of energy crisis and water shortage. All the developed nations have already done so, and we should not be reluctant to move forward in this direction.

The way building houses in Kathmandu has made it one of the most unlivable places on earth!

 

Kathmandu has no future as a humanly habitable city. Although I have been resisting pressure from both my family and peers to build my own house here, my family and I have made this city our home for over a decade. Personally, this city is where I was born. I grew up playing gucha on the streets around present-day. Thamel, Therefore, when I say this city has no future, I do this with my hearth filled with anguish. However, I have been preparing myself for this hard truth.

 

There are several problems in Kathmandu, indeed. Its air is becoming increasingly unbreathable. It is running out of its water. The noise pollution has become the number one cause of deafness among an increasingly large number of the city's population. Incidences of cardiovascular and respiratory diseases have skyrocketed during the last two decades. It has become a rare event to meet a healthy person in this city these days.

 

There are major problem. But they will not lead to the death of this city. With judicious human intervention and political wall, will, we can rectify these problems over time. We can make policies conducive towards harvesting rainwater or conserving the water resources. With a good network of bike and pedestrian pathways, we can reverse both air and noise pollution. It is heartening to know that there has been a phenomenal growth in awareness about these problems.. A small but growing number of people have realized that Kathmandu could emerge as a model bicycle city. There are others who have started working on rainwater harvesting and preserving water sources in the valley.

 

I am still pessimistic about Kathmandu' s future. The major reason this city will go down in history as one of the most uninhabitable places on earth is the way we are making buildings. When you make money, what do you do? Build a house. At least, that is the ultimate desire for most. That's what a friend of mine did in the last two years. Awash with money from his job at a UN` agency, be built one house for his sister, another for his brother and two for himself, We met last week after four years. I had gone to North America for my graduate studies. He headed to an African country to work as a peace building officer in a senior position.

 

"I am, however, planning to live in Chitwan, "he said.

 

The irony about Kathmandu is that as those who have made money pour it into making buildings, Kathmandu 's future as a habitable city is destroyed more and more. During the last four years, there has been a phenomenal growth of buildings across the valley. Real estate skyrocketed thanks to the easy money flowing from Nepal's villages and small towns through networks of savings credit growth and financial cooperatives and remittance from Nepali migrant workers. This growth of buildings will sadly lead to its own demise.

 

Kathmandu, as most of other places in Nepal, lies in a zone of very high seismic activities. The mighty Himalaya lies at the northern margin of the Indian tectonic plate, and much of Nepal's landmass falls at its center. This plate is advancing towards the north at about 5 cm a year. As it advances north , it is sliding underneath the Eurasian Plate. This movement of the earth's crust has made it one of the most seismically active geographies in the world. Thousands of tremors occur every year with occasional major ones.

 

Seismic activities in themselves do not kill a place. In fact, there had been many major earthquakes in the valley in the past. The oldest recorded one occurred around 1255 AD according to the Gopalrajvanshabali. One third monuments of the valley's population perished together with its temples and other public monuments. During the "nabbe saalko bhuichalo" (the erthquakeof1990 Bikram Sambat, thatis1934 AD), over four thousand people died. Tens of thousands of houses were destroyed either partially or fully, among them about five hundred public monuments. There have been major earthquakes inthe1980s.

 

Geologists have not figured out the technology for predicting earthquakes. However, there is a general consensus that a major one is going to occur some time in the near future. Perhaps this major one won't be bigger than those in the past. However, the context of Kathmandu Valley has drastically changed.

 

Much of Kathmandu's landmass is a built environment of present, and this is fundamentally different from the past built environment. Even with large scale casualties during the 1934 earthquake, Kathmandu city could be rebuilt. It was possible because of two things. First, the valley had a lot of open space left for new constructions. Second, and more importantly, those structures that fell prey to the earthquake were built with materials that could be reused. There were very few buildings made of cement and concrete. The bricks could be reused for new buildings. The wooden beams and windows were salvageable.

 

Things have become unrecognizable different now. Almost all the buildings in the Kathmandu Valley today are cement -brick-concrete-iron structures. And research after research has shown that they are highly vulnerable to a relatively high intensity earthquake (read those 6 or above in magnitude on the Richter scale). So when a major earthquake hits Kathmandu, over half of its buildings will collapse. Virtually no materials from these collapsed buildings can be salvaged from reconstruction. That means almost all the materials will become rubble. To make the valley liveable again , almost all this rubble has to be removed.

 

Six months after a major earthquake hit Haiti's Port au Prince, less than 5 percent of its rubble has been cleared. One estimate shows that even with more than a thousand high-powered trucks working 24/7, it will take six years to remove all the rubble. Let's not forget Kathmandu is not Port au Prince. Port au Prince has along coastline. Rubble can be dumped into the sea. Where will Kathmandu 's rubble be dumped? Well, where will we get the equipment required to clear the rubble in the first place? Has anybody calculated how much oil will be needed to run that trucks to transport the rubble? How will that oil be transported to the Kathmandu Valley in the first place? In what state will the valley's streets be following this major destruction? Just begin to think about these questions and your head will spin.

 

Perhaps that's why my UN friend wants to go to Chitwan. Well, in the wake of a major earthquake (which is inevitable), Kathmandu is going to be a humanly uninhabitable (read dead) city. Many might move out of this city before the calamity strikes. My humble plea to those who go out early enough is this: Don't build your new place the way you did in the valley.

Political instability has rendered all plans , including hydro power development , irrelevant

 

The centenary of the country's first hydro-electricity plant at Pharping set up during the Rule of Prime Minister Chandra Shamsher was observed a few months ago. The plant that supplied power to the Rana elite was, nonetheless, the trend setter for the country; and it helped many to become aware of the hidden wealth of hydro power in the country. It is said that the country has the potential to produce over 83,000 MW of hydro power, though only half of it-some 42,000 MW - is said to be commercially feasible. In the period of 100 years between the time the Pharping power sttionbegan generating electricity and today, the combined-hydro, thermal and even solar- power output of country is less than1,000 MW, leading to unbearable power rationing and the resultant negative impact on the industrial and agricultural sectors. Now we have plans, according to media reports, to produce moerethan36 times the present power output within the next 20 years. From less than1,000MW today, the country will have more than 36,000 MW by 2030. That is, if everything goes according to plan, and if beggars were to be come choosers.

 

Nothing, if Napoleon is to be believed, is impossible-30,000 MW in 20 years is not unattainable. But please look at this country' s present situation. The nation's economy is in the political situation in the country does not look like taking a turn for the better given the positions taken by so-called large parties-so-called because they do not behave in keeping with their size; there are doubts that the constitution of the country may not be drawn up and adopted in time; and the environment for foreign investments is far-from friendly. Doubts about the timely promulgation of the constitution arise because of the almost fatal squabbling that has been going on for the past two years fro the seat of power.

 

If the parties can fight so strongly among themselves and for so long for temporary state power, one can well imagine how long it would take for the differences among them to be narrowed down when it comes to issues relating to restructuring the state through anew constitution that would be acceptable to all the political parties, particularly the big three parties . The three parties appear to be guided more by worn-out ideological cliches than by a pragmatic approach to issues that have a direct bearing on the state. Each of the three parties,not to speak of other smaller parties, would want the state structuring and system of governance to be such as would prove helpful to their ideological stances.

 

And for all the parties to agree and reach a consensus on these issues that are crucial for the future of the country is bound to be difficult . But this may have been possible if the parties had spent as much time and effort in the real constitution making process as they did on the formation of the government. If wisdom had dawned on the nuances an finer points of the constitution allowing real discussions in one CA and among the public, instead of each party dioggedly sticking to their own guns, one just might have seen the light , no matter how dim, at the end of the tunnel. But this was not to be, and this means that it affects all spheres of national life including infrastructure development. Political instability in the country has rendered all future plans and programmes, including hydro power development, irrelevant. Who is to guarantee that a duly elected government under the yet-to-be-written constitution will follow the plans drawn up by interim governments and committees formed by such governments?

 

Maoist leader and former prime minister P.K. Dahal once talked of generating 10,000 M.W of hydro-power within the next 10 years He was a political leader adept at selling impossible dreams, and he can be forgiven for promising so much in so little time and in such an investment unfriendly environment as he can be forgiven for promising to make Nepal another Switzerland in the east within the next 10 years. But the prospects of 36,000 M W inthenext20 years have been put forward by an expert committee, and this means that only 5 to 6,000 more MW of commercially feasible power would to be utilized after 20 years. One must take this with a pinch of salt, and indeed the report of the experts seems to have indicated as much pointing to political instability and an unfriendly and insecure foreign investment environment.

 

But there are more obstacles to the smooth and uninterrupted implementation of power projects in this country. The biggest obstacle is to search for a market with the only obvious one being India Bhutan has prospered because of the hydro-power projects undertaken by India and sold India. Are we also willing to do the same under the same terms and conditions as those of Bhutan? If so, why didn't our past rulers including the Panchayat ones, who faced virtually no opposition, opt for the Bhutan line? There must be more to the Bhutan- India tie-up in hydro-power than meets the eye.

 

The World Bank betrayed this country-I can describe it in other terms-try - I can describe it in other terms when at the very last moment refused to fund the 400-plus-MW Arun III. The bank and other international agencies have to be taken into consideration when building upstream power or irrigation projects. There have been instance in the past when our projects have been objected to by these organizations because of the impact it will have on the water flow to the south. (It is a wonder of wonders that these very same organization deem it prudent to sit silent when constructions are erected south of our border that directly and adversely affect the people of this country) .Perhaps the hydro-power committee on the 20-year plan has done a good job in pointing to the possibility of generating 36,000 MW in 20 years, but it would have been in keeping with the times and the situation of the country if a more pragmatic plan had been put forward-first directed towards meeting real and projected domestic demand now, and for the coming 20 years by selecting projects that can be financed by the government or Nepal's own private sector and those that will not have to face any obstacles because of possible bilateral disputes.

 

The plan for 20 years is no doubt needed; but for such plans to fructify, the political leadership should be competent and be aware that the needs of the people come first, and also that there is a need for general public consensus on the terms and conditions for selling power to other counties. Plans are made for implementation, otherwise it is a mere waste of public money to assign committees to draw up plans that will be shelved . Let's hope that the outgoing M.K Nepal government has decided to draw up the 20 - year plan with all sincerity and not to provide employment to the unemployed party faithful or those close to those in power. If not ,why not start implementing the plan?

We transported our sick friend over hill trails in a basket, jeep and bus to Pokhara.

 

I feel so much better, "he said after being administered two bottles of saline solution intravenously at a hospital in Pokhara. Our journey to that hospital involved carrying him in a basket ambulance fro about two hours, riding a jeep down to Thumsikot, and carrying him in the same basket across two suspension bridges to a bus stop another 20 minutes away. The final part involved renting a bus and taking him together with the rest of the traveling team to the hospital "Look at that , "he said to me pointing to the white bed sheet he was lying on . There sheets on nearby beds had marks of dried fluids- could be body fluids of spilled saline solution or drugs.

 

One of the two brothers who owned the bus we had rented from Thumsikot happened to be a medical assistant. In the bus, he told me he had seen us with our sick student. "He definitely needed saline paani", he said. I asked him why he did not tell us that earlier when we were resting at a restaurant in front of his medical store. He threw an ironic smile. "Oh I thought you had already done that, " He was also working as a health assistant for a government health post nearby.

 

"Which hospital should we take him? I asked him. The health assistant told us about a group of "big" doctors who had started a private medical college in Pokhara, and he thought we should go there. That's where we went.

 

Our sick student knew he needed to get rehydrated back in the village. Some of us were familiar with David Werner's Where There Is No Doctor. He had started having high fever around one in the morning; and by the afternoon that day., he had already lost very significant amounts of his body fluid. He also knew it could be done only intravenously. "Every time I drank, it could go right out from my bottom," he told us, his lips quivering from weakness, and his hand resting on another friend's shoulder for support.

 

When the other female student had suddenly fallen ill the previous night, the landlord had told us that the in-charge of the village health post had gone on a long leave. That same night when the local child care center's lady "daaktar" had come to examine the sick student, she had also brought along a bottle of saline solution thinking she might have to administer it intravenously. Therefore, we had hoped that the would come to see the student with high fever and administer the saline solution.

 

When she came to see this male student, it was already 2:30inthe afternoon. She came with a strip of antibiotics and anti-diarrhoeal drugs together with fever suppressants. By then, the fever had dropped to100. She carried two bottles of saline solution.

 

Outside, a few villagers were gathering at the village chautara. Our tour organizer was trying to arrange our move to a nearby village. It was part of the tour plan. He seemed determined not to miss that. Some of the student groups were getting deeply anxious. What should we do? Should we take him to Pokhara now? How long is the trek down to the jeep road? How long would we have to walk to get to the bus? And finally how long would be the bus ride ? We were completely new to that terrain. .Many villagers had different answers.

 

The lady"daaktar" was busy taking the pulse with her hand and studying the heartbeat with her stethoscope,. We saw two men heading down the trail towards the chautura. They carried a doko ambulance in their hands.

 

"Where are you from I asked, as soon as they rested on the chautara plate form. They looked around. Across the trail, inside the only cement roofed building in the village, they could see some one lying on the floor.

 

They had come back after carrying their father to a jeep. Their 75-year -old father had fallen off a tree and fractured himself. There was no way he could be treated in the village Therefore, they carried him in the doko to. The jeep stand. The trail was one and a half hours long.

 

"The road has had several landslides lately," They said "Therefore, the jeep could not come all the way near here." If it were winter, they said , the jeeps would come all the way to less than a half hour's trek from the village.

 

"How long will the jeep take to get to the bus I asked.

 

"Another 20 minutes".

 

From the jeep stop , it was another 20 minute walk across two suspension bridges and along a short river side trail to the bus stop. The bus would take two hours to reach Pokhara. Altogether, we should be in Pokhara by seven in the evening, if we start around three in the afternoon. It finally. looked feasible to carry the sick student to Pokhara that day.

 

Many in the traveling team thoughts time was running out and, therefore, the sooner we set out the better. A lot of consultation at times testy ones, went back and forth between those who said we had to rush him immediately away from the village and those who said the sick student needed to rest overnight so that it would be easier for him to be carried the day after. We were yet to hear the verdict from the sick student himself.

 

That come at around three. He said it would be very difficult for him to be carried in the state he was in, and that he was beginning to feel better with the medicine and hopefully it would be easier the next morning.

 

Our tour organizer was determined to transfer his group to a nearby village as part of the given travel plans. Perhaps he thought he might get less money if that did not happen. It was a business decision for him.

 

In the mean time, the lady doctor was try into stick the intravenous drip into the sick student's arm. After a few attempts, however, she gave up.

 

"It looks like it is hard to find the veins in white people (gora maanche)" she told us in Nepali . That was obviously ridiculous to all of us. By evening she was telling us to tell our sick student that it was better to take fluid orally than intravenously.

 

This article published in Kathmandu Post

Nepal should be proactive to form policies to reduce climate change

 

In South Asia, almost 15,000 Himalayan glaciers form a unique reservoir which supports perennial rivers such as the Indus, the Ganga and the Brahamputra that are the life line of millions of people. Hence, it was a source of major dismay for policymakers in the region when the International Panel From Climate Change (IPCC) released Its report in 2007 stating, "Glaciers in the Himalayas are receding faster than in any other part of the world, and if the present rate continues, the likelihood of them disappearing by the year 2035 and perhaps sooner is very high if the earth keeps warning at the current rate".

 

Since then, glaciologists who have directly challenged the validity of the data have said that such arguments are less plausible because even though the glaciers are melting, it is hard to imagine that they will all disappear in the next 25 years. Even though the precise date is debatable, we are certain of the relation between climate change and the melting of the glaciers and the implication will have on biodiversity, people 's livelihood, energy generation and water shortage. It can create havoc in a country such as rain water and the monsoon for irrigation and hydro-electricity.

 

Moreover, further industrialization of our neighbors China and India may present us economic opportunities that may come with the worst environmental consequences and stiffing political bargain, leading us to compromise on a deal that may suit India's and China's national interests. At this juncture where international cooperation has not yet taken concrete shape when it comes to carving suitable financial and environmental policy guidelines on the issue, as shown at the Copenhagen conference or the recent conference on climate in Bonn, Nepal primarily needs to promote global environmental policies that serves its national interests, and in the meantime, promote national and local policies to tackle climate change.

 

Nepal should vehemently support the idea of cap and trade as a viable energy trading scheme (ETS). In this mechanism, carbon emission trading should occur between countries when one emits more than all owed by an international body, meaning a polluter can buy polluting rights from a country that pollutes less. Such a scheme, which is practiced in the European Union, will directly help poor countries such as Nepal that emit less that 0.1 percent of the total emissions in the world but are highly affected to get capital from regional polluters such as India and China (China emits 21.5 percent and India emits 5.5.percent of the total carbon emissions). Even though trading of environmental assets may seem immoral, it is important for a country such as Nepal which needs capital to prevent itself from an environmental crisis and develop itself in a sustainable manner.

 

However, garnering global support for such a scheme is a big problem. In the case of countries such as the US, China and India, placing a cap on carbon emissions could be interpreted as restricting the ability of the nation's economic growth, making it politically untenable. Politicians and policymakers often relate such issues of efficiency and futurity and sovereignty and equity making it impossible to expand coverage of the ETS globally. Moreover, the ETS is a difficult task, and making it free of asymmetric information, corruption and lobbying may require proper monitoring and evaluation at both global and national levels. Henceforth, the role of governments and policymakers is to improve the design of the scheme by addressing practical issues such as how to monitor the programme rules, reconcile certain geographical administration with political boundaries, record and broker such trading such trading schemes, create awareness among the public, and address issues of environmental justice.

 

Getting global consensus for the ETS is an uphill task, therefore, Nepal should keep a strong focus on its national policies in order to boost its image as an eco-friendly country. So far, industrial pollution in Nepal has been significantly low; but it does not mean that we do not push for environmental regulation for these industries. Our reflex often tends to blame big scale industries as the primary polluter, but we also need to acknowledge that individuals and house holds as consumers do share responsibility for pollutant release and environmental harm. However, regulating the behavior of individuals is even trickier than that of a factory because monitoring of individuals is extremely difficult.

 

The influences on individual behavior, when it comes to climate change, are mainly due to inadequate information,cognitive limitations and social influences. If information on the importances and implications of reducing climate change is provided to individuals in a clear and usable form., it can make people more knowledge able and ready to change. Using pamphlets, handouts or even holding trainings at different levels, where individuals in Nepal are trained to monitor their use of plastics, emissions from their motorcycles and cars and promote participation in forest conservation, can make them more conscious of their personal role. The use of plastics and old vehicles that spew out carbon dioxide and deforestation,common problems in Nepal, may not look good for our image if we are fighting to secure millions of dollars from possible ETS deals or donors to fight climate change.  

 

An increase in information may lead people to try to change their new habits. They may seek to ride a bicycle to work or even walk instead of driving. However, if this new habit is to be made permanent, additional measures are required to ensure that the new ways of doing things are actually useful or attractive. The government may need to build better bicycle lanes or replace old vehicles or private use of vehicles with energy efficient public transportation. Micheal Vanderbergh, an assistant professor of law at Vanderbilt University, argues that in the case of environment behavior, people are likely to avoid information that would make them feel bad about themselves or their actions. If they are told that their actions are environmentally unsound, rather than weighing the costs and benefits of their actions, they may try to reduce dissonance by adding consonant cognitions. If we encourage these individuals to attend to the circumstances of their choices, they may be more willing to consider more information which may lead to a change in their habits. For example, exposing Nepalis to respiratory problems due to pollution in Kathmandu may make them careful about unnecessary driving and encourage them to walk more often.

 

One of the roles of an individual is to be more open about receiving new information and trying to implement it. The task here is to provide persuasive public information through campaigns. Creating social influences can be a remarkable way of influencing individual behavior towards environmental responsibility. Since we all have different habits in life, the best way to exert influence individual behavior towards environmental responsibility. Since we all have different habits in life, the best way to exert influence is providing information on the consequences of their habits and how they can benefit if they gave up those habits. One of my neighbors carries a cotton bag when she goes shopping so that she can avoid pilling plastic bags in her kitchen. In other cases, switching on the power saver button of your laptop or desktop computer may help you to reduce your electricity bill and possibly reduce your electricity bill and possible reduce the power shortage enough people do it, we may be on the right path of making Nepali lifestyles more climate friendly.

There appears to be no solution in sight to the valley's water woes

 

Most localities in Kathmandu get running water once every five days. For a couple of hours. A week-long long wait turns to near despair as the waits rewarded not by gushing water through their taps, but a thick, black sludge. In fact, in the last three months the 'black water phenomena' has been so common in localities like Ghattekulo and Maitidevi that it is no longer even a topic of discussion.

 

The water woes of Kathmandu residents go way back and have only gotten worse with a steady increase in the valley's population. The current daily water need of the valley is 320 million litres; the Kathmandu Upateka Khanepani Limited (KUKL) the utility tasked with supplying drinking water inside the Valley, is able to supply just 90 million litres a day.

 

The prolonged dry spell and rising temperatures have made the lives of Kathmandu residents worse. With hardly enough water to drink, people are forced to expend less on washing and cleaning purposes. Many valley residents supplement their supply with groundwater. Though often unfit for drinking underground water is extensively used for secondary purposes. But even the seemingly endless stock of groundwater might soon run dry; the valley's water table is decreasing by 2.5 million litres a year.

 

The problem is systemic. It is not just that the sources of water inside the valley are drying up and the big water projects have failed to materialize. If the century-old water pipes KUKL brings to use could be replaced, the utility would be able to save 34 million litres which is being lost due to leakages every day. That would also solve the problem of leakage of sewerage in to the rusty old drinking water pipes. But KUKL simply lacks the resources to replace the old pipes.

 

The Melanchi Project, which was supposed to tide over the enormous water needs of the Valley -with an estimated supply of up to 510 million litres a day -has been a mare's nest for valley residents, the completion of the much vaunted project inordinately delayed for political reasons. KUKL had last year started the 'Pre -Melamchi Project' which was projected too has been bedevilled by lack of funds.

 

By the looks of things, Kathmandu's water problem are unlikely to be solved unless the country's political mess is first sorted out. Right now, the bureaucrats involved in just about any government projects find it all too easy to mask their deficiencies by blaming the chaotic political scene and lack of funds.

 

Amidst gloomy reports in the media that Kathmandu might have to face a similar level of water shortage for up to15 years, people like Sita Phuyal of Koteshwor, who is among those whose house taps routinely discharge the smelly, black liquid will continue to suffer the consequences of her priorities not overlapping those of the government. But how is Phuyal meeting her daily drinking water needs? Every day, she queues for up to three-quarters of an hour outside the KUKL office at Baneshwor for a bucketful of the liquid gold.

To maximize Nepal's hydro power production, the government must take a primary role.

 

China, Canada and Brazil rank first, second and third in hydro power generation in the world. India with about 35,000 MW of installed capacity ranks seventh in hydro power generation. Nepal, though rich in hydro-power potential with a bout 200 GW (900 tera watt hours per annum) of theoretical generation potential, has less than 700 MW of installed capacity and only generates about three thousand giga watt hours per annum, Nepal faced blackouts of more than 16 hours a day in 2008 as electricity demand has steadily increased day-by-day due to increase in coverage as well as consumption per user.

 

This scenario demands rapid development of hydro power generation in Nepal. Yet, on the contrary the development pace is very slow. The gap between demand and supply is widening with time, and electricity has become a rare commodity in Nepal. This calls for a reexamination of the electricity development plan and approach of Nepal.

 

Nepal was a pioneer in hydro power development in Asia with the construction of the Pharping hydro power project a century ago, but since then, Nepal has only been able to develop less than 700 MW of installed capacity- less than the installed capacity of Bhutan which started development of hydro-power only recently. Considering the present electricity crisis in Nepal there is a need for a serious shift in implementation strategy and plan. The assumption of our leaders and policymakers that hydro power development, being lucrative for private investors, will be developed at a high pace has been disproved. New approaches and investment strategies are essential to increase the pace of development.

 

Nepal has immense hydro-power potential. The high head available within a short distances along the perennial Himalayan rivers and good reservoir sites makes it a very attractive investment. The long hours of load shedding indicate a high demand for electricity. Our neighbor, India, is power hungry and the excess electricity generated can be easily exported. Consumers are also very eager to substitute other fuels with electricity. These facts make the scenario for future electricity demand very bright. Hydro-power, being clean energy.

 

But yet, in spite of above mentioned advantages the development pace remains slow. Lack of access, unstable geology and a poor infrastructure de-motivates investors. Moreover, the political situation and lack of security in the country repels investors from the sector, Long procedures for getting licenses and mandatory clearances to begin work discourage investors form the sector. Long procedures for getting licenses and mandatory clearances to begin work discourage investors from any venture. The present liquidity crunch has worsened the scenario and even serious investors are rethinking plans to go ahead. Though the financial analysis shows a short payback period, high risks make them very sensitive and risky. Long bureaucratic procedures and a traditional process-oriented approach are also keeping away investors. License-holding by proxy investors are also irritants for the development of the sector.

 

Prerequisite for any development is peace, stability and consistent policies. No matter what returns the investment will provide, no entity in the private sector will be attracted if there is risk to life and property. So, improvement in the law and order situation in the country is essential for establishing a favorable climate for private investment in the sector.

 

Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) is provided the mandate of generating, transmitting and distributing electricity. The institution is in a deep financial crisis and is unable to invest to hydro- power. It is also paying interest to the government at a rate higher than that provided by commercial banks for savings account holders. In the present situation when the cost and time for projects has been doubled, the government should reexamine the role and responsibility of NEA.

 

In such a fluid situation, the government should be responsible for taking risks and developing the sector to provide relief to its citizens. No other strategy will work in this context. The reason for the present gloomy scenario is also the result of over dependence on private sectors and suggestions from international actors. The Finance Ministry' s over estimation for private investment and reduction of public financing is one of the major reasons for the power crisis. In the present scenario, the private sector can only be given a secondary role.

 

The hydro power policy of India in the 90s expected high accomplishment from the private sector, but the private sector failed miserably and India's new policy limits them to a secondary role, contributing less than 20 percent of the overall hydro-power development scenario.

 

Creation of power development funds from the royalties received from hydro-power output and investment for the development of hydro-power projects may be a small but effective and dependable way to aid further development of the sector. The beneficiaries of the royalties may be provided with the share in the hydro power plants developed. Cooperatives may also be encouraged for the development of small and medium-sized power plants.

 

For optimum benefit, a basin-wise approach can be adopted. This will reduce the cost of approach roads and transmission lines and also utilize down-stream benefits. Reservoir sites at high-altitude foot hills (e.g. Kali Gnadaki and the Kobanga area near Jomsom) should be studied and developed. Such projects will convert all the cascading down-stream projects into reservoir projects generating high benefits. Reservoirs at higher altitude submerge are as with low settlement which will also reduce the complexity of environment protection and resettlement issues. Huge storage at the foothills near the Tarai (e.g. Karnali or Sapta Koshi) are not as beneficial as there will be huge submergence in highly populated valleys and only one hydro power project can be developed with all other down stream benefits limited to irrigation, flood control, and domestic water supply.

 

At present any willing and competent party is free to apply for any available site. Government institutions have no development plan to complete the long list of power projects and licenses are provided on a first-come, first-serve basis, encouraging licensing applicants to apply for projects fit for the optimum size to harness over all benefit.

 

Any country should create a development plan that maximizes benefit for the country. For this, the government should study and prepare a long list of optimal projects to be developed along with possible applicants. The present method of issuing licenses to any patty willing to develop projects at their own will is inefficient. The present method of issuing licenses to any party willing to develop projects at their own will is inefficient. The present licensing procedure should be replaced by a planned and controlled licensing of projects for the optimal utilization of water resources.

 

Developers are also facing inconveniences due to the clearance requirements of different government and non-government institutions. Clearances for environmental impact mitigation, forest clearance, security clearance and signing of power-purchase agreements consume valuable time. The NEA, being the only institution for purchase of power generated, has a major role for promotion of any project. The low rate for selling and purchasing electricity by NEA is also slowing down development in the sector.

 

Analyzing the present power crisis in Nepal and the pace of development in the sector it is obvious that the development approach will not work. Policy makers and planners should understand that the present strategy of depending on the private sector should be revisited and the government should allocate a greater part of the budget to develop hydro power projects to accommodate domestic needs. If these steps aren't taken, we should prepare ourselves for long blackout hours for many years to come. Electricity has become a basic need for the entire population and this sector deserves first priority while preparing the annual budget. While developing hydro power projects, as mentioned above; roads, rural electrification, water utilization projects and agriculture will also be developed as sub- components,. Development pace at present indicates that the private sector can only play a secondary role for solve in the existing power crisis.

Torturing women on the charge of practicing black magic has been rife in rural Nepal

 

They dragged me out of my room, took me into a cowshed and forced me to eat human faces and drink urine, "said Kali Biswokarma, a resident of Pyutar village, 40 km from Kathmandu. Kali was accused of making a school teacher ill by casting evil spells through the practice of witchcraft,and this was how her fellow community people decided to punish her.

 

Another hair-raising tale of Sehaki Teli of Sirala lately captured the attention of the local media and women's rights activists. Sebaki was beaten almost to death, also forced to eat human excreta and wear a garland of shoes after being charged of practicing black magic to kill children. She is currently being treated in a district hospital with assistance from a local women's rights organization.

 

There have been innumerable cases of women being brutally battered by their in-laws and community people on the charge of practicing black magic. Torturing women on the charge of witchcraft has been rife particularly in rural Nepal. According to the Nepal Police, five cases of women being tormented for practicing witchcraft have been registered in just a month's time (April-May 2010).

 

Every year, hundreds of rural Nepali women are forced to undergo the fellow human being induced torture like this, which is nothing more than a discriminatory practice in a brutal form of violence showcasing the unequal gender-power relation and women's subordinate position. Reports of such merciless practices attract our quick attention, and the authorities make statements time and again perpetrators would be brought to justice, but the frequency of such malpractices is escalating.

 

Most often, victims do not fine a case at the local police station due to the fear of being ostracized by the community and abandoned by their families. It is also commonly noted that the police prefer this kind of issue to be settle amicably by the community people themselves, resulting in their reluctance to register such cases formally. As a result, the perpetrators of such heinous crimes are hardly brought to book.

 

There has so far been a clear lack of comprehensive research and enough empirical evidence on the practice of witch craft in Nepal. However, reports of organization like the Forum for women, Law and Development (FWLD) and Child Workers in Nepal (CWIN) have argued the witchcraft is just a socio-cultural crime based on superstitious beliefs and prejudices. Most often, widows single women, women from the lower strata and castes are alleged to be practicing witch craft or locally called boksi This again raises the question: Are we not taking advantage of their marginalized position and is it not rather bullying?

 

In rural areas, there are numerous men who practices trantra manta as spiritual healers - locally known as dhami jhakris. It is common to bring sick people-even as vulnerable as newborns and the elderly -to these healers, with a visible preference over educated paramedics Despite the fact that many succumb while under their "treatments", these healers are never regarded as make witches or boksa. Rathere, they are bestowed with special respect by the community. It is obvious for anyone commanding that respect to exercise their power over vulnerable women by accusing them of practicing black magic. In a nutshell, it is just another way of victimizing women in a patriarchal society: When it comes to torture and accusations, vulnerable women are easy prey.

 

Women's rights activists argue that there is a legal vacuum, and thus an urgent need to introduce specific, laws to punish the prepetuators involved in abusing and assaulting women on charges of practicing witchcraft.

 

Nepal ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in April 1991.Also known as the Treaty for the Rights of Women, CEDAW is the most comprehensive international agreement on the basic human rights of women. As it provides an international standard for protecting and promoting women's human rights, it is often referred to as the "Bill of Rights" for women. It is the only international instrument that comprehensively addresses women's rights within political, civil, cultural, economic and social lives. As of May 2010, 186 countries have ratified CEDAW.

 

As CEDAW has been instrumental in opposing the effects of discrimination-which include violence, poverty, lack of legal protection, denial of inheritance and property rights, lack of access to credit and so forth-in many nations that have ratified the treaty, why should Nepal remain an exception? Almost two decades after showing our commitment on paper, why we are not being able to capitalize, on this opportunity?

 

Nepal's judiciary and legislature have recognized gender equality in terms of the right to privacy, by daughters, rural employment, protection from domestic violence and other discriminatory practices. However, violence against women is rampant and continues not only due to lax enforcement and ineffectiveness of regulatory bodies but also because of the prevailing deep- rooted cultural norms and rigid prejudices.

 

Last year, the government made a good gesture with prime ministerial declaration of 2010 as Year against Gender-Based Violence. This was followed by the announcement of the National Plan of Action(NPA) by the prime minister. The NPA has its foundation on three Ps (I.e, prosecution, protection and prevention) and focuses on better understanding of the magnitude and nature of all types of violence against women.

 

Officials at the Ministry of Finance claim that the government has been increasing the gender responsive budget each year to work towards achieving gender equality and inclusion. For example, compared to the allocation of Rs 32,91 billion or 13.94 percentof the total budget in the fiscal year 2008/09, the 2009/10 budget has earmarked Rs. 49,46 billionor 17,3 percent. Given the ugly trend of development expenditure falling short of the target over the past six years in a row, the government's argument of doing their bit merely by publishing these numbers is not enough. Rather than blaming the political uncertainty, delayed budget announcement and endorsement, the government needs to devise ways to implement the budgeted programmes amid this scenario as we are likely to face similar disturbances for at lest a few more years.

 

Robust initiatives towards empowering women -legally and socio-economically-are needed immediately. It is very critical to raise threatening practices going on in the communities. In order to ensure that women live a violence-free life with due respect -and dignity, men have to be at the core of all awareness raising initiatives. The government's plan to launch women development programmes and expand them to all the village development committees gradually is laudable. But time is running out to convince women with visible actions that they should no longer feel insecure.

Loktantra has come to mean something very different from what was envisaged four years ago!

 

The concept of loktantra, the political system that was to be established in the jubilance after the 2006 Jana Andolan was most obviously a rejection of the institution of the monarchy and the prajatantra that prevailed under it. But through the later months of 2005 and 2006, loktantra had come, through the process of mass participation and debate, to take on other connotations of all that was desirable in Nepali politics. The deepening of democracy to allow participation by non-upper caste hill Hindus was one such aspect. A radical shift in the manner in which political parties functioned -with emphasis on consensual government, a temporary cessation of power games until the entire old order was reconstituted, a greater attention to those who came out on to the streets in support of the parties- was another.

 

Loktantra, however, has, four years after the reinstatement of parliament come to resemble something very different from what was envisaged. The various mutinies by those who have been historically wronged by the state have been allowed, it is true, but the center barely tolerates them and turns a deaf ear to their demands. These are considered law and order problems, which, if the state possessed the capacity, should be swiftly repressed. The monarchy has been abolished, it is true , but increasingly since the fall of the Maoist-led- government in May 2009, power and politics has become intensely concentrated . And we have reached a stage where national politics is virtually indistinguishable from the private negotiations between a handful of political leaders from the three major parties, with little left or smaller parties, or newly emerged political groups, or even junior leaders from the major parties to do but publicly grandstand or focus on creating grounds for a new revolt against the state.

 

It may seem strange that we have a government chosen through the CA, the most representative elected body in the history or Nepal, but that politics is so excessively centralized that is has by now narrowed to the question of who is to lead the next government. It may seem strange that with so much talk regarding the rights of the marginalized, every question regarding the lives of most of the inhabitants of the country- whether regarding immediate problems of development or livelihood, or longer-term ones regarding the establishment of a stable and representative system of government -is totally ignored. But given the incentives facing the political parties today, and the nature of the political culture that prevailed during the democratic decade of the 1990s, it cannot be said that the current stagnation was wholly unexpected.

 

 

The current struggle over power entirely suits the older political parties- the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML Having matured during the tumultuous years of the 1990s, the power circles of Kathmandu are their natural habitat and parliamentary power games their natural occupation. Having accrued immense political experience and wisdom, they understand that the purpose of the state is not the delivery of services or development, not economic growth, not the expansion of representation or the empowerment of the population. These may be the stated tasks, and the parliamentary parties may have believed in them sincerely in the early 1990s, but they soon realized after gaining power that these were far beyond their own capabilities and those of the bureaucracy. And the achievement of such goals was in any case impossible in the normal political state of state paralysis caused by the struggle between parties to form and topple governments.

 

The state exists, then, for the parties in power to partake of is spoils, and the rules of the game have it that all large parties get opportunities to do so,. Democracy does flourish in Nepal: if the opposition in parliament to form a majority, those in government will willingly cede their place for the time being. The tragedy of the Maoists and the reason why there is unanimous consensus among others that they need to be kept out of power is because they have been unwilling to learn the rules of Nepali parliamentary democracy. They still believe that the state exists for other purposes than itself; they believe that it is possible and desirable to change society through the state. And they actually believe that popular representation means more than the maneuvering of the few hundred legislators..

 

The Maoists thus need to be taught a fundamental principle of liberal democracy; that the responsibilities and rights of the people end when they vote for their representatives. Until they again received the opportunity to do so sometime in the distant future, parliament reigns, and it can form and replace governments at will. Non-parliamentary means of mass assertion, such as street protests, are dangerous and need to be opposed. But this is not a very difficult task: all it requires is for the government to ignore all that happens on the streets, or to claim that as such activity is caused by troublemakers who cannot even be considered to be part of the citizenry and to then wait for the protests to die down through fatigue. The lesson; street action is always impotent in affecting any kind of change. The UML learn this lesson so well during the 1990s., that it has by now become incapable of even bringing a few thousand people out on to the streets. The Maoists are learning the lesson now.

 

Having been shown the ineffectiveness of street mobilization, the Maoists are now largely trapped into the system. They have no recourse but to negotiation and to attempts to wean away partners in the current coalition to form a majority. They are limited to Kathmandu: the peace agreements have forced them to give up their parallel state system in the districts, which, unacceptably made people believe that such was supposed to but couldn't. Their cadre in the districts has learn, as befitting the principles of Nepali democracy,

Tourism policies are changing rapidly across the world and Nepal is no exception. Nepal governments increasingly seeking ways to improve the international competence of the country's natural resources rather than shield them behind protective walls. Considering this, Nepal Tourism Year 2011 is heralded by the government as the start of a new era of the tourism industry in Nepal.

 

Nepalis are now beginning to understand the benefits of tourism as Nepal has made tremendous progress in tourism and steady improvements in physical capital and infrastructures, boosting productivity and enabling Nepal to compete in global markets. Nonetheless, all is not well in the tourism sector and Nepal develop a new tourism model in order to translate the industry output into higher inclusive growth.

 

Nepalis undoubtedly have a vigorous passion for nature, and if there's one thing that makes us over- joyed, it's our pure mountain air along with the flora and fauna that thrive in it. We have always known the beauty of our country; but helping to keep the environment pure is a responsibility we have failed to take seriously, which as why no matter how much we preach. If the pollution,load -shedding water scarcity, and strikes continue, Nepal Tourism Year (NTY) 2011 will not be as successful as expected . Unfortunately, neither the concerned authorities nor the general public are aware of the basic homework that must be completed in order to make NTY a grand success. Tourism authorities are busy promoting Nepal abroad but they have turned their back on important issues at home such as the maintenance of airports, roads and open sewage disposal-prime factors that could spoil the party. We must focus on awareness campaigns to clear the obstacles that could hinder the possible gains of NTY 2011.

 

Due to power shortages, horrible roads the dire dearth of water, chaotic traffic, pollution, and the lack of law and order, NTY 2011 could possibly spread a negative image of Nepal to the world if responsive actions are not taken in due time .Social responsibility has always been lacking in Nepal, but it's time we all step up to mitigate the numerous woes that stand in the way of the success of NTY 2011. We must discern that hoping for the success of NTY is one thing but working to make it a real success, step-by-step, is a different story.

 

Tourism covers everything form hotels and travel agencies to the handicraft industry, restaurants, temples, parks, souvenir shops to vendors and sightseeing destinations. Considering this, large number of questions erupts, Are our hotel and the support staff well-equipped and well-informed to make their visitors' stay in Nepal pleasurable?

 

Attracting tourists once is not enough; bringing them again and again should be our goal. This requires urgent and continued attention from policymakers on tourism issues.

The quest for peace

 

A newly contextualized ZoP may contribute to lifting the peace process to its conclusion.

 

Nepal has a natural talent for hospitality. The friendliness of the people and the diversity of the land make it an attractive destination for water sports, eco-tourism, mountaineering and spiritual retreats .Nepal captivates Westerners and Asians alike. In the Hindu tradition, the guest is a god and hospitality one of the five religious practices that householders follow. The involvement of the local population in maintaining the natural environment of national parks exemplifies growing partnerships in eco- tourism management. Pilgrimages and religious tourism plays an important role. Collective reverence to gods, goddesses, the Buddha and other forms of divinity have been a recognized feature of Nepali syncretism.

 

A key capability at the heart of the burgeoning tourist industry, hospitality is developed strategically by the ministries of tourism, labor and education. The sector promises economic growth and employment. If Nepal welcomed its visitors to a ZoP , an additional significance would be experienced in its mountains, valleys and parks, and among its people. This would radically expand the hospitality industry.

 

Voluntary simplicity

 

Voluntary simplicity stands in contrast to poverty. It is based on the premise that all citizens potentially (should) have enough to lead a simple life and none go hungry. This is possible through people voluntarily agreeing to share surpluses with those in need. At the national level, it reflects a mindset translated into policies and practices that put the basic welfare of all as a priority.. Therefore, monies are not spent on private or public luxuries that only entice the richer ones to elevate themselves from the mass. Instead, projects agreed are those that elevate the mass to a share dignity. This occurs through the creation of employment, however simple it may be, and the management of empowered communities, thanks to local governance schemes based on inclusion and participation (Khanal, 2006).

 

Originally aimed to re-establish an equilibrium in the overly consuming countries, voluntary simplicity is just as appropriate for developing economies. Simplicity is to be understood as a virtue, the ability to acknowledge one's limits of consumption before becoming a burden on one's environment. It means being content with what is necessary and discarding the temptation of having doing or being more than one's natural space. For the rich, it is a preferred a common denominator between these groups to reduce the gap between the rich and the poor. It is also about reducing the Gini coefficient in the country. One instrument may sharing: a national tax of a certain percentage could be levied on earnings above a defined yearly income alike a voluntary simplicity tax. When Germany reunited, it introduced a solidarity tax of 5.5 percent at revenue source to help finance the reunification- the Solidaritatszuschlag,levied on personal income, capital earnings and company profits. We might say, for example, that as long as all Nepalis have not risen above the US$ 4 line per day, the simplicity tax would continue.

 

Zone of Peace

 

As a paradigm, declaring the ZoP as part of the constitution would embed the powerful notion of peace in the national identity, reflected affirmatively by the world community. Worded in the basic law, the ZoP would be a philosophical and theoretical framework for institutions and ventures to be based on.

 

As a mindset, the ZoP would filter through the many Nepali cultures and act as "social glue" tht bonds diversity. It would bean explicit educational value, a ubiquitous societal characteristic, a skill in business and diplomacy, and a unique management style. It would become part of Nepal's comparative advantage. A mindset of peace would produce attitudes, which would reinforce behaviors and habits. One day, the Nepalis would teach how to transform subservience and aggression in to peaceful, cooperative systems.

 

Being a ZoP would surely attract financial and technical assistance. It would institutionalize program and projects, making them a permanent feature of the country's contribution to world peace and a permanent financial (and employment) contributor to Nepal. The Peace Ministry would become a key coordinating body, bringing to parliament the needs for particular legislation to enforce peace building on a background of economic equity, developed at the federal and village levels.

 

India needs a peaceful, strong and competent northern neighbor. By recognizing Nepal as a ZoP, India would dispel its image of interference in Kathmandu 's politics (Upadhaya, 2008), reinforce its obvious dedication to peace and development in south Asia, and acknowledge the peace builders inside its own highly diverse population., It would send a powerful message of support towards enclaves of peace in the new security discourse. .Supporting a ZoP would demonstrate a tremendous step in peace making, in the most realist of scenario calculations. A practical start may be the creation of a common border police engaged in the controlling of clear demarcations while supervising common security issues, and seeing to law and order in the emerging South Asian peace and security landscape.

 

The writing of a republican constitution not only manifests Nepal's karma (freedom from bonding structures) but also Nepal's dharma (peaceful management of diversity). The nation has undertaken to merge diverse traditions with modern systems, combining values anchored in.

 

Improving the practice of equity must be the drive behind the management of local resources and access to global systems. This capacity - equity - is an essential quest of humanity. All countries have suffered painful revolutions in its name .Human societies will continue to have implosions as long as powers struggle at the expenses of fulfilling the needs of the whole. Nepal is learning how to mange this, painstakingly. One day, it will know and it will teach it. Nepal's dharma is to create peaceful societal system. Like all values, peace is tested in the imperfection of human systems. The challenge now is to apply constructive socio-economic instruments in simple and inclusive structures. This in itself is revolutionary - radically evolutionary- and a much sought- after capacity worldwide.

 

Peace does not equate with passivity or sub-service but demands awareness and hard work. It will take an intelligent peace, a spiritual peace, a managed peace to live up to th4e constitution, and sharp monitoring by the Nepali people to curb the human tendency to appropriate power or exercise dominance over others. Declaring a newly contextualized Zone of Peace may help consecrate this answerability and contribute to lifting the peace process to its conclusion.

Patriotism is an ideal feeling toward one's own country. It is a selfless desire of peace progress and prosperity for the motherland and a wish a defend her. A prolific essayist Oliver Goldsmith, in his essay, "National Prejudice" argues that excessive love and pride towards one's own country, however, isn't patriotism but is jingoism. Because the former incorporates loyalty and magnanimity even for other countries while the latter puts aggression.

 

Patriotism is reflected in sovereignty which is the pride of people's struggle, history, liberty and economic progress. The other aspects which denote the feelings of patriotism are unity among people, cooperation, harmony and peace. Excelling in art, architecture, literature and developmental works in the country also expresses one's patriotism towards his or her country. One can express his or her patriotic feelings through several means but a contribution to the good of motherland is a supreme work. Unfortunately, our current politicians do not show much sign of it, instead they are centered on the party and individual interests crushing national welfare under feet.

 

The idea of patriotism is pious but vulnerable. Illiteracy, poverty, unemployment, corruption and violence are fatal aspects that adversely affect it. When a country is gripped in turbulence, the citizenry are hit hand.

 

Some may even leave the native land in pursuit of peace and comfort. They love their country but in the course of long stay in foreign lands, the attachment and love towards homeland might vanish. They thus may settle abroad and avoid contributing to motherland.

 

Nepalis going abroad and setting there by abandoning home country is one of some examples of the effect. Even within the country, many people do not care what goes on in the country but manage to run the family. They believe that there is not much they can do think about the plight of the country.

 

I have found many friends with loathing. "This country is cursed by Sati;it never progresses and it is thus better to to escape", they say. Hit by the same anxiety, there are many youths preparing to escape into overseas giving up the love to their country, As the world is witnessing bloodshed, mechanistic civilization and political turmoil, people are hassling themselves for financial success. Patriotism, so is in peril.

 

The political and socioeconomic condition of a country determines the longevity of one's patriotism. Therefore, it is a must to settle the politics at the earliest and earnestly. As a source of national development patriotism needs to be enhanced in people by guaranteeing them peace security and congenial atmosphere to live and work together. A country cannot walking way and prosper until the feeling of patriotism is preserved and enlivened in people. It needs to be nurtured down every-where, every time and forever. Despite a disputable notion, patriotism is needless source of national development. Let it be alive in every Nepali heart forever.

The tree-cutting ban, though not universally popular, was needed.

 

Officially, around 40 percent of the country is covered in greenery; forest cover makes up around 25 percent Unofficially, no one quite knows . Last few years have seen rampant felling of trees in the Tarai districts bordering India. Deforestation has picket up pace in the hilly and mountainous regions too. The government apparently has seen enough. On May 22, it banned cutting, selling and export of trees and other forest products for commercial purposes in community and government managed forests. Such a decision has been long time in the coming. But not everyone is pleased with the government clampdown.

 

 

Issuing a statement on Wednesday, the Federation of Forest Products Entrepreneurs Nepal urged the government to rethink its blanket ban on sell and export of timber products as such a move "affects local consumers who need forest products on a daily basis. "But that argument is hard to buy as very few locals directly benefit form the selling of timber products; instead it is mostly big timber cartels which rake in the profits from the timber trade, most of it coming from illegal exports across the border. Of course, not all big timber traders can be put in the same basket but it isn't hard to see that it is they who profit the most from timber trade, legal or otherwise - and not the poor locals living near the community forests who, as marginal players, get meagre cuts.

 

The entrepreneurs have urged the government5 to implement the ban only in the districts with high level of deforestation- chiefly Bara, Saptri, Sirha, Rautahat, Newalparasi and Kailali. But such a partial ban poses another huge risk: the criminal groups might simply shift their bases to the districts where such a ban is not in place. Thus, though the latest government move undoubtedly harms the economic interests of some, on the balance of evidence, it has to be welcomed.

 

Besides, thus is not a permanent ban. It will be in place only up until the time a government investigative team comes up with a final report into 'cases of rampant felling of forests in the Tarai and other parts of the country". Such a move is also justified because many high-ranking government officials who are supposed to protect the forests have themselves been found abetting the smugglers. It is vital that all key players in the illegal nexus are identified and punished in order to protect the endangered forests of Nepal. The government investigative team would help everyone's cause - except, of course, the timber smugglers' - with a through, and as fr as practicable, swift investigation into the alleged crimes. Hope fully, the exercise does not turn into a witch-hunt against a particular group of timber traders while fortifying the illegal channels of those enjoying the blessings of their powerful political patrons.

 

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(This editorial was published on The Kathmandu Post on May 28, 2010)

CA extension is a temporary solution; more urgent is replacement of the present generation of political leader

 

Whether the CA gets a new lease of life is not so important any more. What matters most at present is to find ways to retire the incompetent leaders of the three main parties. For this game of brinkmanship has gone on too long, jacking up the blood pressure of Nepalis to a dangerous level.

 

True, if extended for another six months or a year, the UML-Congress-Maoists will get another chance to play with the frail psyche of the people. Given the present variables, in which the civil society stages Peace Rally only when its daily routine is interrupted and not when the long-term interest of the country is at stake, we should expert the same round of loose talk, inept action, and worthless circular movements of these intellectually and emotionally bankrupt political leaders. There will be much drama, more than one vaudeville show, but all this will signify nothing because with these political actors at the helms, what better can the country expect about such tough issues as federalism, distribution of power between the federal and state units, between the dominant and the marginalized groups, between the majority and the minorities? All these epoch-making issues require agile minds, courageous and generous hearts, and seasoned statesmanship that none of the present leaders seem to possess in their outlook, state of mind, or character. We have seen what they have done and can do.

 

If the CA' s life is not extended, uncertainty at best and chaos at worst will follow, may be throwing up a new Napoleon, a son of revolution who killed the revolution. May be then the front line leaders of the UML Congress-Maoists combine will be exposed for what they are - bunch of incompetent, quarrelsome, short-sighted, manipulative intellectual and emotional dotards out of sync with the times, with the regional and global geopolitics and, above all, with the aspirations and needs of the Nepali people. May bet hen a new revolt twill burst forth within each of the parties, sending the obsolete front line leaders to ignominious retirement. Or, the country at large will rise in revolt and disgust, forever distrust the ruling castes and form their own Dalit-Madhesi-Janjati coalition with a sprinkling of like minded Bahuns and Chhetries giving birth to new truly multicultural parties.

 

The mood of the country has soured; people' s stress level has shot up as never before; their cynicism toward politics and politicians risk turning into anger and exploding. Instead of these parties, there will be new parties, new set of fresh faces in leadership positions, new hopes and new aspirations. All this will be better than what they have now- a bad marriage that has dragged on too long, soaked in bitterness, poisoned with animosity, dipped in calumny, hatred, suspicion, slowly eating away the vitals of the country and its people.

 

If Dhakal-Nepal-Paudel-Koirala-Deuba think that by killing off the people's long-awaited CA, they will continue with their old ways, old cultures, old habits, old mindset, old system of marginalization, they are dreaming. These leaders may live in their party's cocoons of self-complacency but Nepal and Nepalis have come far in the past 30 years to a point of no return. They will find their way, secure their rights, throw up-new leaders and safeguard democracy and freedom.

 

So, even if the Ca is extended now, after so much daily rise and fall of expectations and hopes - and people's collective stress level-what can be expected from bunch of incompetent same old, same old? They will behave the same way as they have done so far - bicker, complain, blame each other endlessly, pull out one trick after another to show their personal and party's bona fides and their opponent's mala fides, work for their personal aggrandisement rather than the country's and its people's broader, long-term benefit. The culture of bickering and statement these leaders have introduced and sustained for the last 30 years is not going to go away in the next six moths or a year.

 

So, even if the CA is extended, there isn't much that Nepalis should expect because the drama and the main actors will be the same as before. What do you think a Dahal, or Khanal, or Nepal, or Oli, or Gautam or Deuba, or Koirala, or Paudel will do? Do you think they will ever get their act together? Old dogs don't learn new tricks. They will be have as they have been behaving, Their mind-set, limited vision and incompetence won't change overnight. So, why extend the Ca? They don't understand new Nepal- can't respond to the rising generation's aspirations. They have neither the education nor the mindset character, trained as they have been within the limited confines of their narrow doctrines and personal interests, to lead Nepal to a new future of survival, let alone prosperity, between technologically, politically and economically rising superpower neighbors.

 

On the other hand, what people should think now if they care about themselves, the country and the future is how to get rid of these political leaders who have been hogging the political limelight but wasting everybody's time. And how to bring in fresh faces, fresh blood, and fresh enthusiasm,. Why should these people still lead the parties and hold the country hostage even after they have flunked the test so often and so badly? Just because they have climbed the leaders ever the years under time-bound promotion and become senior leaders?

 

Look how David Cameron and Nick Clegg emerged as young blood in British politics, leading the Conservative and Lab Dems respectively and Barack Obama emerged in America leading the Democratic Party leadership . See how Gordon Brown t 59, after losing the parliamentary election, voluntarily retired from Labour Party leadership, making way for new blood. Then why should a Koirla ,Deuba, Paudel, Dahal Khanal, Nepal, Oli, and Gautam remain there blocking the path for other leaders to try their young, fresh talent and hand at leadership?

 

So, the first order of business should be to get rid of these leaders and replace them with fresh minds within these parties. For example, why not Gagan Thapa lead the Congress or some such leaders among the Maoists and the UML do so if the party workers choose them? And what happened to Bhaskar Koirala, the young scion of the Koiral clnwho wrote such a fine essay on the Maoist strike? If Prachanda has failed to deliver, why not allow somebody else in his party so lead? Why not have a national convention of these parties on a regular basis to decide their leadership based on performance and productivity? What has happened so far is that the parties have become a sort of life-long fieldom of their leaders, a zamidari; and a new feudal order blocking the path on new leadership to emerge. What I am saying is that there needs to be revolt within the parties against the obsolete, outdated, feckless leadership. It's not the age but the ability to make a difference within and without a party that counts whether a leader or leaders should lead or step aside. And mine is not personal attack in any one but matter of general principle. The way these leaders have been behaving, Nepal is going to become a truck stop for India and China in a few years.

 

And if the parties cannot reform from within, then they should be left to die, for they have outlived their use. And new parties with new demographic, ideological, and social configurations should emerge to take their place, just as the Liberal Party disappeared from Britain in the 1920s and the Labor Party emerged as prominent. Thee are many such examples all over the world. No individual or party has the right to hold the country's future hostage if it's become a deadwood.

 

So, at a time like this of high good-for-nothing drama and stress, Nepalis should think about their priorities. CA extension is a temporary solution; what is more urgent is the replacement of the present generation of political leaders with the new generation. And if that doesn't work, then the present political parties with new political parties. Today's Nepal is not the Nepal of 30 or 50 years ago. There are many more educated, capable Nepalis now, who have faced the police baton or done time, than it had 40 or 50 years ago.

CA extension is akin to robbing the poor to pay politicians

 

Having spent two years doing very little of substance towards constitution making, the political parties are now whole-heartedly engaged in a bid to give a new lease of life to the Constituent Assembly, regardless of the fact that extending the CA term would be an infringement of the letter and spirit of the Interim Constitution that provides for such an eventuality only in times of national emergencies. While no such imperative exists in the country, the parties by and large seem to have agreed to an extension.

 

The Nepali Congress, by departing from its earlier vocal stance of going for fresh election, has since decided to seek six month extension, while the UML wants a more generous extension of one full year, mindless of the enormous costs that such a move would entail for this chronically poor country. Although the Maoists, with the largest number of members in CA, would be the party to benefit the most, they are presently using the crisis as a conveyer belt to power.

 

There are a few major questions that must be answered before such an extension is granted. Firstly, what guarantee is there that a constitution would indeed be written during the extended period ? While it was the CPA that paved the way for the writing of the Interim Constitution and the subsequent CA election, it was lack of honest implementation of a number of its provisions- such as the return of seized property, integration and disbandment of the cantoned Maoists combatants, and the dismantling of the YCL as a militant organization- that failed to make the constitution writing a collective enterprise. Since the state has lavishly remunerated the CA members, the built -in incentive, paradoxically, is for not writing a constitution, because our financially motivated political parties and their members know that they could always extend the tenure of the CA at will and make it even more profitable.

 

To go back to the days when the interim Constitution was being written, they decided to swell the ranks of the proposed CA to a preposterous 601 members. While it was the Maoists who first proposed this "corpulence" , apparently to reward as many of their cadres as possible for "services" rendered during "people 's war", other parties too, and late Girja Prasad Koirala in particular, suddenly saw an opportunity to benefit their own cronies even as they could present themselves as being accommodative of Maoist demands, however reprehensible. So, to start with, the gargantuan size of the CA betrayed of message that its authors had a more mundane purpose in mind even as they were also formally mandated to engage in the almost divinely task of a constitution. Given such a context, the stalling of the CA meetings under one pretext or another for months on end becomes more understandable.

 

If the three CPA related issues mentioned above could not be sorted out inthe24 months of the CA tenure, we cannot expect any magic wand to come to our rescue in this respect in order to complete the process in next six to 12 months. Besides, for the UCPN (Maoists), those issues constitute their lifeline. By leaving those issues unresolved,, they are basically telling the parties and the country, "whatever mine is mine, whatever yours is negotiable"" -incidentally an allegation made by President John F. Kennedy to the erstwhile Soviet leaders - hoping that the other parties would finally relent . But , to make matters worse, the international situation seems to be getting more unfavourable for them.

 

While India has stopped giving UCPN (Maoist) any importance at all after the abolition of monarchy, the Chinese too seem to be incensed with them after Prachanda, the then premier, called off the meticulously arranged state visit at the last minute, and failed to ink the updated treaty of peace and friendship with Nepal that they had proposed. Lately, the Americans, who continue to have the Maoists under their terrorist watch list,seem, for the first time in many years, to have come around to adopt a Nepal-centric foreign policy (instead of using the New Delhi prism), and have since, by their own revelation, started consulting with both India and China for decisions regarding Nepal.

 

These are not propitious developments for the Maoists who avowedly want to set up their kind of regime in Nepal. As if to tell that these concerns are not sufficiently worrisome for them, they just alienated the entire populace of Kathmandu by organizing their prematurely abortive " final putsch" Given such a situation , the Maoists have nowhere to turn to, except to stubbornly cling on to those issues. And at just such a time, G.P. Koirala too passed away, otherwise a dominant politician with whom Prchanda had developed a good personal chemistry and who, in his later days, seemed willing to barter away anything for the political rise of his daughter during his lifetime. Lately, the leaderships of other parties seem to have sized up the Maoist predicament and are now digging their heels in, in a bid to achieve nothing less than total Maoist capitulation. These are sure recipe for the perpetuation of the stalemate.

 

Besides the three issues alone do not fully explain the CA' s should have been deciding whether Nepal should be come a federal entity, the earlier revived parliament had itself pre- empted the people's right and declared Nepal to be a federal republic, by way of conceding to the pressures of the Maoists and the Tarai parties . But Nepal's unique geography does not easily admit to breaking up into autonomous divisions. Then, there are the ethnic chauvinists or " ethnicists" who are demanding the parceling out of the country along ethnic habitats that, however, not only densely overlap traditionally but also have mixed ethically due to centuries of East and South bound migrations in the country. Besides , they also demand "priority rights" for specific Tibet-Burma ethnic groups. But that goes against the very essence of democracy which holds all citizens to be equal before the law. Based on what little dis discussion took place in the CA on these issues, we know that they re going to admit of no easy resolution either.

 

Given such intractability of the present situation, extending the tenure of the CA would only amount to robbing the poor to pay the defaulting politicians.

If the political machinery were to fail, the bureaucracy should take over

 

That the constitution would not be finished by the deadline of May 28, 2010 be came apparent when there was a proposal to form a state restructuring commission with only three months left to go. It has now been proven. The three big parties bear the primary responsibility. But the21 small parties cannot escape from heir share of the responsibility either. They could have raised a joint front (Morcha) to pressurize the three big parties to desist from the suicidal path. Instead, 20 of them joined a conspiratorial move of the UML and the NC to keep the largest party out of power. The result- the country has plunged into the darkest chaos in history.

 

The Interim Constitution was a suicidal document. It did not conceive of a provision to manage the void that would result should the coveted constitution not be finished on time. It did think of an emergency. But the present state cannot be defined as a state of emergency. No body has a prescription as to how to rescue the political process. The dream of an all-party consensus has evaporated. The Constituent Assembly's tenure is going to expire in a week. The parties are talking about a fresh election. But it is not clear what for and by whom. It is an election to to a second CA? Is it an election to the national legislature? Are we doomed to see the same faces so the fat leaders of the failed parties who could not drat the constitution? More importantly, who will determine who will run the country during the vaccum? The present government has lost all legitimacy to continue. The Maoists closed all the doors of their entry by indulging in protests which boomerang against themselves.

 

When the political machinery of a country is incapable of running a system in the resultant instability, there are two probable options to save the nation from collapse. It has been seen that in better organized, law a biding societies, there is a civil machinery, an organized bureaucracy, to take over and provide stability and bring order by invoking healthy provisions of the system like conducting fresh elections. There are two layers of authority in such societies: the political authority which makes policies and the bureaucratic authority which is responsible for implementation of the policies. The advantage of this bureaucratic authority is that it is stable, capable and politically non-partisan. It works within well established laws and has been empowered by the state. It is manned by the best trained manpower of the country. It keeps the country going during any time of crisis. France before the enforcement of the fifth republic, Italy and Israel can be cited as examples where the civilian authority has provided stability during various periods of political instability.

 

But in more disorganized societies, there is a trend of the military of take over. In many cases, the military option has been an indigenous outcome; but in other cases, strong foreign instigation has been seen. The US CIA has caused a number of military take-overs in several South American states where the people elected political parties that were not favored by the by the CIA. The Americans supported the military leadership in Pakistan for several decades. The CIA has not taken strong steps to discourage the military government in Yangon to make space for the political leadership, Pakistan's democratic credentials are still not reassuring and capable of stopping the military from further usurpation of power. The Myanmar military government has not shown any inclination to shed state power and make space for political authority. The military governance has never, nowhere, been pro-people , pro-democracy and pro-justice and peace. It has thrived in chaos because its premise is absolute power. The most powerful democracy, the USA, has empowered Zia-ul-Haqs, Musharrafs and Pinochets; but it has failed to fertilize the seeds of democracy in these countries.

 

What is the probability in Nepal? In the eventuality of the political machinery failing, the preferred options for the bureaucracy to take over the transitional management of the state. Can that happen? Ina sweeping observation, it can be said that the civil bureaucracy has itself has been the victim of political authorities. The monarchy could not let it grow as an organized institution because it would mean real decentralization of power. The monarchy wanted to keep the bureaucracy subservient to the palace. The place bureaucracy always kept the bureaucracy in Singha Durbar under its control. The so-called restoration of democracy did not prove healthy for the civil bureaucracy. It was degraded and corrupted through over politicisation. Instead of steady institutionalization of bureaucracy as a non-political institution, the parties in power started to build their own wings of bureaucrats, thus breaking the basic unity of bureaucracy and dividing the bureaucrats into Congress of Communist brands. The emergence of the Maoist party has further divided the bureaucrats by creating a third group of "revolutionary bureaucrats.

 

In the wake of a full collapse of the political machinery, there is a distant possibility hat there will be a military takeover, but I don't see it as a probability. The military has been raised in Nepal for most of its life under the command of the monarchy. It was always supposed to stand by the side of the king. In 1960, king Mahendra did use it as a means to eliminate the democratically elected parliament and the cabinet. But it has since been seen as a professional organization, indifferent to the political moods and modes, except for its use to control the Maoist insurgents in which is performance remained unconvincing. It failed to check the spread of the Maoists who became its professed adversary in the intense moments of the insurgency even with the direct command of king Gyanendra. The Maoist governments' dismissal of the ex-chief of army staff and the president's action canceling the dismissal order did not raise the possibility of the army grabbing power. As of now, it can be said that the army has not indicated a taste for state power.

 

Thus, in the unfortunate culmination of the political stalemate with the lapse of the CA's life on the eve of May 28, the logical step would be for the civil bureaucracy to take over. There is no other legitimate successor. The present cabinet was created to support the process of constitution building and peace making. With the process itself having been terminated, the legitimacy of the government will also be terminated. The responsibility of recreating the process should, therefore, fall on the shoulders of the bureaucratic institution. Luckily, the institution of the Election Commission is intact. It should make a practical timetable and conduct. Fresh elections to a second CA to draft a new constitution. There should be one explicit provision that no leader of the political parties will be eligible for election to the CA . This is not only a punishment for having broken their promise in the first CA's tenure, but also to prevent the possibility of its repetition.

 

Given the patient neutrality maintained by the Army, it is hoped that they will remain at the back of the civil government, as a deterrent against volatile political disturbances during the election and the tenure of the next CA. The CA will not need more than one year to draft the constitution. The civil government will conduct elections to the new parliament and retire after handling over power to the people's representatives hopefully at the end of one more year. That may herald full political stability.

In addition to Britain, Gurkahs soldiers have served a number of other countries too

 

Gurkhas formally commenced military service in the British Army onApril24, 1815. But to win the trust of the British generals, they had to under go many ordeals. The third Anglo-Martha War

(1817-18) and the Battle of Bharatpur (18 25-26) were the ordeals in which the Gurkhas proved their hardihood, loyalty and matchless valour to the British officers. Soon, the British considered the Gurkhas, by far, the best solders in its army. Henceforth, they extensively mobilized the Gurkhas all over the world. Perhaps there is no land on this planet where the Gurkhas have not fought for Britain. But the Gurkhas, in addition to serving in the British Army, have served a number of other countries even before and after that.

 

Gorkhas in Bhutan

 

It has a tradition among on Nepali youths to serve foreign armies since as early as the 17^th century. In 1624, Bhutanese King Sabdung Nawamg Namgel met with Gorkha King Ram Shah and established a friendly relationship with him. At the request of this king, a large group from Nepal 's martial races, like Magars and Gurungs, went to Bhtan and settled there under the leadership of Bishun Thapamagar. The king of Bhuttan again visited Gorkhas in 1640. The time, he also visited Kathmandu and requested another large group of Nepali people to immigrate to Bhutan. They settled in the border area of this country. Most of these people served Bhutan as soldiers, and some of them were entrusted with border defence. Later, Bhim, Sen Thapa provided a number of senior Nepali army officers to train the Bhutanese army besides offering a considerable quantity of riffles and ammunition to Bhutan.

 

Gurkhas in Sikkim

 

Sikkim, once a separate country, adjoins Nepal. The population of Sikkim is made up of Lepchas, Bhutias and people of Nepali origin. Limbus, Rais, Magars, Gurungs and Chhetris have been contributing to the defence of Sikkim. In 1868, Nepalis such as Khasa Dewan, Phodong Lama and Sidkeyoung. Namgyal got a large number of Nepalis to settle in Sikkim in order to protect is sovereignty, excavate the mines and mint coins. There were about 50,000 Nepalis in Sikkim between 1887 and1908. Before Sikkim was merged into India, many Gurkha soldiers such as Captain Rolan Chhetri, Captain Lal Bahadur Limbu and Riffeman Basanta Kumar Chhetri along with the Magar rank and file had served the palace of King Chogyal.

 

Gurkhas in Burma

 

After the complete occupation of Burma in1886, the British government recruited 2,240 solders, most of them Gurkhas. After receiving some training, they were organized into various forces: Burma Frontier Force. Burma Military Police, Rangoon armed Police and others. In addition, there was a company of Gurkhas inthe17thBurma Regiment. Moreover, a number of Gurkhas worked for the military police , others for the Transport Company and still others worked for various forces. In1937 , Britain started to rule Burma separately from British India. They then began organization of the Burma Rifles. Gurkhas were included in these regiments. The Second Burma Riffles consisted of both Gurkhas and Burmese . This regiment gallantly fought against the Japanese during the Second World War. After World War II, a large number of Gurkhas who served in the Second Burma Riffles settled in Burma with their families. They later acquired citizenship, and continued to serve in the Burmese army as did their children.

 

Gurkhas in China

 

In 1906, a Chinese diplomat based in Lhasa made a request to the Nepali consul to begin recruited nine half-breed Nepalis (born of a Nepali father and Tibetan mother) in 1909. The Nepali consul based then in Lhasa mentioned their names in a letter dispatched to Nepal's Prime Minister Chandra Shumsher. A group of Gurkhas including Corporal Man Bahadur Limbu and Corporal Asha Bir Rai deserved the British Army, the 10 Gurkha Rifles, and joined the Chinese Army in Yunman where they served as drill instructors. When news of this reached the British, the commander in chief initiated diplomatic efforts to stop the practice of Gurkhas joining the Chinese Army.

 

Gurkhas in the Punjab

 

King Ranjeet Singh of he Punjab was highly impressed by the outstanding valour of Gurkhas displayed during the Anglo-Nepal War of 1914-16. Owing to this reason, he gave an honoured place to Gurkhas in his army. In fact, AmarSingh Thapa himself joined Ranjeet Singh's army, so did another lengendary Nepali fighter Bala Bahadur Kunwar. .Kunwar was paid Rs 10 a day, and later he beame one of the top generals of what army as well as a confidant to the king.

 

There were Gurkhas serving as infantry soldiers in Ranjeet Singh's army as early as 1809. However, it is still unclear when exactly the Gurkhas began to join Singh's army. A war ensued after the annexation of Peshawar in Afghanistan by Punjab in1822. Gurkhas fought along side Punjabees and displayed their finest warring qualities in that war. In the course of the fighting, both Bala Bhadra Kunwar and Amar Singh Thapa were killed. Itprovestht the Gurkhas were recruited in the Pubjab prior to British India.

 

Gurkhas in India

 

After pulling out of India, Britain left six Gurkha regiments behind. On Jan1, 1948, India and raised one more Gurkha regiment (the 11^th Gurkha Rifiles). More" than 50,000 (Gurkahas (Nepalis and India-domiciled Nepalis) are currently serving in the Indian Army. The Gurkhas have been engaged in all wars fought by Indian. The Gurkhas serving in the Indian Amy have absolute equality with their Indian counterparts, whereas in the U.K , there remains blatant discrimination even after a two-decade-long marathon movement.

 

It should be noted that the legendary soldiers Bala Bhadra Kunwar and Amar Singh Thapa deserted the army and joined Punjabee Army (a former adversary). It is a serious crime to desert the army during war time, that too, ` by such legendary generals. However, their bravery has been recognized by the``state and they are included in the national pantheon. To our dismay, the 13 Gurkhas who have won Victoria Crossers and who have fought all over the world during the First and Second World Wars, and who have been recognized as the bravest of the brave by the world, have not yet been added to the national pantheon. It is high time to rethink this, In the present world, there might be very few countries that allow their citizens to join foreign armies. Therefore, it is also high time to discourse and analyze its good and bad sides and reach a decision suitable to the time.

The Maoist gesture at consensus building should be reciprocated

 

We whole heartedly welcome the Maoist decision to call off their 'indefinite nationwide strike' that had brought the country to a virtual standstill for six long days. As a result of the crippling strike, children had not been able to go to their schools. Consumers faced severe shortage of essential commodities, including food. Pries had shot up. Nepalis across the country, forced to stay at home for days on end, were getting restless. Unchecked, this trend could have deepened and various interest groups used the talent public anger to instigate widespread violence.

 

Thankfully, such an eventuality has been averted -for the time being. But the agitation has only been 'postponed', as Maoists Chairman Pushpa Kama Dahal has been at pins to remind people time and again since the strike was called off late on Friday. As if to press his point home, Dahal, while addressing a mass rally at Tundikhel on Saturday, gave ruling parties a 'two-week ultimatum' to meet his party's demands. The call, he said, was now firmly in the court of the ruling coalition.

 

Some kind of reciprocal gesture on the part of the coalition partners, after making what the Maoists believe as a huge concession on theirs, we believe, is to be expected. On the other hand, if the coalition partners interpret the Maoist olive branch as a sign of their weakness or a victory for the governing coalition, it could lead to further hardening of positions on either side. Instead, this new space could be utilized to create an atmosphere of trust between the two sides. We thus call on other political parties, particularly Nepali Congress and CPN -UML, to reciprocate the Maoist gesture by coming to the negotiating table in good faith, ready to engage in meaningful give-and -take and to scope out possible points of convergence.

 

It is crucial that a couple of things happen to leave the door open for future compromise and consensus. First, as it is now unlikely that the new constitution will be promulgated by May 28,the interim Constitution should be amended so as prevent a constitutional vacuum. Second, there ought to be a national unity government in place, sooner rather than later. But only a day after the lifting of strike, some NC and UML leaders have been making provocative statements a that threaten to shrink the vital space created after Friday. Such statements could best be avoided.

 

Only the politics of convergence can provide the country a way out of the current impasse. As we went to press, there were rumors that a 'package deal' on integration, statute and power sharing could be in the offing as early as today. Such an agreement, we believe, would be a good start to reviving the spirit of consensus necessary for the waiting of new constitution and taking the peace process to its meaningful end.

 

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(This editorial was published on The Kathmandu Post on May 09 ,2010)

Domestic adoption is an underdeveloped option to provide Nepali orphans with loving families.

 

It is completely understandable: What woman doesn't want to cherish motherhood? Sarojini, one of my friend, is no exception. When Sarojini and her spouse, Madan, have a fight, you would swear they are about to break up. Sarojini recently called me and burst in to tears as she shared her agony. Last week they had a get together to mark heir 16^th marriage anniversary. Everything went smoothly, except people passing sarcastic remarks on Sarojini's infertility. Sarojini is a well-educated, independent and successful professional, yet she could not face the sarcasm, which eventually pushed her into a profound depression. She still recounts the early days of her marriage when she was in her twenties. "Those days I relied heavily on contraceptive pills had to prevent unwanted pregnancy as I was busy doing my studies abroad. Later, as a matter of fact, those pills had severe side effect and now I simply can't conceive." Both Madan and Sarojini are fond of kids, but not too keen on the option of adopting.

 

Domestic adoption has not found resonance in Nepal yet. The majority of couples would rather spend thousands of rupees and take the many risks associated with test tube babies rather than accepting an orphan as their child. As they say, blood is thicker than water. There is a strong inclination towards having children of your own among Nepali couples.

 

While speaking with colleagues, friends and relatives who have been deprived of the joys of parenthood, they all echoed similar sentiments- they could not opt for adoption fearing the resulting social exclusion. Adoption in Ne pal is still taboo. The system of adoption, however, has prevailed since ancient times in the Indian sub-continent. Even Raja -Maharajas used to adopt male children as their heirs in the absence of a biological son. Childless middle -class couples often preferred children from families within their own clan that were economically weak and unable ti support their children for adoption rather than considering the option of adopting unrelated orphans.

 

Nepali coupes willing to adopt a child legally have to fulfill a long list of requirements. For example, the couples have to submit medical certificates to prove their infertility, together with their mar5riage certificates, character certificates, details of economic status including land papers and bank balances copies of identification, letters of consent, etc. Moreover, the age difference between the to-be adopted child and foster parents should be no less than 35 and no more than 55 years. Even after furnishing all the required documents, the need to register the adoption case at the relevant Land Revenue Office (LRO) poses an other hassle whereby couples have to face a host or routine but unnecessary questions. As of now there exists no agency with sole objective of promoting domestic adoption in Nepal.

 

Though domestic adoption is considered a better option for children than inter-country adoption as it allows the adopted children to grow up in their own country and within their own culture, only a few childcare institutions are engaged in promoting domestic adoption. Upon inquiring about the possibility of domestic adoption with a few centers based in the outskirts of Kathmandu and Pokhara, it was revealed that the constitutions of their organizations do not support domestic adoption. Hence, the irony is orphanages being operated by Nepali people in Nepal to ensure better future for Nepali kids are not allowing eligible Nepali parents to adopt Nepali children.

 

A study published in the Child and Adolescent Social Work Journal, Vol.13. No 2, states that 80 percent of unrelated infant adoptions were triggered by infertility of parents. Other reasons have included the mature thought of avoiding contributing to population growth by not reproducing and rather raising parent- less children, preventing the passing on of inheritable diseases to future generations, being conscious about the health concerns related to pregnancy and childbirth, attempting to recover from the emotional trauma of death or divorce from a spouse, and late marriages. Given the lack of empirical studies on issues of adoptions in Nepal, it would only be a guess to say what the major motivation behind domestic adoption is here. This information gap has worked is a double-edged sword, it makes it hard to frame the appropriate supply -side interventions since the problems are not documented.

 

The ambiguity surrounding inter-country adoption and Nepal's take on it is well explained by the November2009 report of the permanent bureau of the Hauge Conference on Private International Law special mission to Nepal. The report urged the Government of Nepal (GoN) to delist those international adoption agencies that have been refused accreditation in their own countries as an initial gesture towards curbing the trafficking and sale of children.

 

In the absence of national adoption law, adoptions were carried out with the help of dodgy ethics of orphanages working in Nepal, and as a result, not only were orphaned children's rights being abused but adoptive parents were also being cheated. Realizing this, the Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare (MoWCSW) -the Ministry over-seeing international adoption -suspended adoptions by foreigners effective May 8, 2007. The suspension was lifted on Jan1,2009with the announcement of new terms and conditions for inter country adoptions. Despite this development, there seems to be no visible progress in terms of efficient decisions on the applications of hopeful foreign parents.

 

Those international adoptive parents who meet the procedural requirements are forced to wait indefinitely to embrace their new family members. The usual daily-dallying of Nepal's concerned authorities emanating from lack of transparency and accountability does nothing more than deny orphans the opportunity to enjoy a better life with adoptive families.

 

One year after signing the Hague Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Inter country Adoption, Nepal has yet to take concrete actions towards honoring the signatories' commitments. The state should initiate efforts to carry out are view of the Child Rights Promotion and Protection Act in coherence with international standards rather than trying to downplay the Hague Conference Mission report.

 

Whatever action the government takes should be in the best interest of to be adopted children and upholding the core concept of adoption-which is ensuring that the treatment of unrelated children is at lest equivalent to biological children of the adoptive parents. The MoWCSW should not just aim at maximizing revenues from the adoptive parents and adoption agencies in the form of less and charges, but rather properly monitor and evaluate the overall adoption process.

 

On the other hand, engaging media and existing community groups like Aama Samuha (mother's group) in promoting domestic adaption and raising awareness would be instrumental in eliminating the social taboo about adoption. Only moves like this will encourage couples like Sarojini and Madan to become real trend setters in Nepal.

Whew!" I gave a sigh of relief. I narrowly managed to save my pending work and shut down the computer before the inverter finally gave up. Fortunately I have a back-up and was able to complete my work and avoid losing face the next day at the office.

 

Doesn't the current situation seem like taking a pain killer (in the form of inverters or generators) that temporarily relieves us of our pain but does not take into account the root causes of the problem? Like across the country has been paralyzed due to the lack of power with the worst hit being industries and educational institutions. Now there is good news that the government has imposed a ban on the import of any more inverters. Those who can afford to purchase such luxuries now have to either cross the border or buy it in the black market.

 

I do not disagree that the country is in-serious need of a new constitution and the political leaders are working towards achieving the target. However, they have to recognize the urgent needs of the people. The case of building the Upper-Karnali transmission line is one example of the huge failure of public -private partnerships. Government, on one hand, cannot provide security to the private investors and for the same reason the latter have been shying away from investing any further.

 

I'm not advocating that our politician abruptly shun the process of constitution-making, but they should at least realize how much addressing the burning issue of load-shedding would help the current government in gaining popularity in the end.

 

Load shedding has become one of the perennial problems of our country and for many there seems to be no escape . We are 'blessed' to be the second richest country when it comes to the amount of water resources available. Yet, we cannot boast any benefits of that fact today. Last time when the Maoists were in the government, Babu Ram Bhattarai, Minister for Finance invented a grandiose plan to have 10,000 mega-watts` of electricity available within ten years. We, as people are continually cheated by sham promises of each passing government to get rid of the problem in a matter of years.

 

As they say beggars can't be choosers, and so we are left with no choice but to continue to struggle. However, the question stands for how long? Options can be built if the government will just spread its own wings rather than waiting he called in to action by some external pressure. We will no longer be convinced with an easy answer that the solution of this current darkness, which has crippled the productivity of the nation, will come after the May flower blooms.

The spate of fires in Kathmandu shows the need for better equipment and regular drills

 

Early Saturday morning a huge column of smoke could be seen behind (when viewed from Tundikhel) the newly constructed shopping mall in Khichapokhari in the heart of the city. Many rushed to the spot but fire-fighters, army, police and security personnel were already on the scene trying to put down the blaze that terrified the residents of the locality. The fire broke out a told storehouse of Nepal Bank,less than100 m from the new shopping mall, and also about the same distance from another shopping mall located in Ranamukteshwor.

 

Apart from the inadequate supply of water brought in by the fire tenders, a large number of privately owned water tankers(used for supplying so-called drinking water to private residences because our very own Kathmandu water supply cannot fulfill even a small percentage of the drinking water needs of the people ) were pressed into service to bring in the much needed water to put out the fire. Security personnel rightly blocked roads in the locality and denied access to all but those engaged in fire fighting. Local residents and other people who had gathered there watched as the fire was finally brought under control after hours of efforts.

 

As one walked away from the terrifying scene, there were reports in the Saturday morning newspapers of another fire in the city the previous (Friday) evening that gutted a number of old houses. Reports and terrified locals took with them whatever belongings they could gather to sager places fearing that their houses might also catch fire. According to television news channels, a fire broke out Sunday morning at an office in the Kumaripati in Lalitpur. The fire was brought under control, but it was too early to estimate the damage caused by it. But inmost broadsheet newspapers, these news reports are generally buried in the inside pages.

 

Perhaps this is in consideration of the more important news relating to the never-narrowing differences between the political parties that are preventing the timely enforcement of a new constitution which is supposed to take away all the woes that is bedeviling this country. The constitution is supposed to be the magic wand - if the politicians, legal experts and even some partisan academics are to be believed - that will turn this country instantly into a tension-free, conflict-free, and prosperous nation.

 

We all tend to talk about the macro picture and generally forget the micro picture in which the common man rises to the fore. But those affected by the fire on Friday evening. Saturday morning and Sunday morning are more concerned about how soon and how well fires that affects large neighborhoods in densely populated areas like those in the capital are brought under control.

 

We tend to place politics and political power play above all else. This is true of the political leaders and the media - which , to a large measure, influence public opinion rightly or wrongly- as well as civil society leaders. All seem to forget that here are more things important in this world to the common man (and woman) than politics and political systems and set-ups. People are concerned about their safety and security not merely from criminals- but also from disasters, both man-made and natural. Most the residents in core of the capital live in congested areas where entry of fire fighting vehicles is next ti impossible. Most times, fire fighters have to improve new ways to get to the spot where fire rages. Even the world's best fire fighters are bound to devise new ways to fight fires in this city, especially in the heart of the city.

 

One of the things we were taught in school as cub scout we as to be always prepared (obviously for any eventuality). This was part of our education process and one would have hoped that the government run by people like us would also remember what we learn at school and take adequate precautions to present disasters, especially taking adequate precautions against man-made disasters like fire. Those running the administration at all levels ought to know that maintaining properly trained fire fighting units in urban areas is of prime importance in order to meet any eventuality that might crop up at any time.

 

The state of the fire fighting units in the three cities of the Kathmandu Valley is pathetic to say the least. The government and the city administrations need to rethink their priorities regarding the needs of the city. Some of the funds that get wasted could easily help fire fighting units become more efficient and more capable not merely with better training and greater intake of personnel but also by adding modern fire fighting equipment. In many developed countries, fire-fighters are given as much honor as the solders who stake their lives as much as any soldier in order to save the lives and property of their own countrymen. But do we give that kind honor to our fire-fighters? If not, why not?

 

While not much can be done about the congested heart of the capital to facilitate passage of vehicles in emergences, there is much the government can and must do in other parts of the city. The mushrooming of houses on the former paddy fields of the valley without proper access, drinking water supply or drainage and sewage systems is having an all-sided adverse effect. Proper planning is sadly lacking as the cities in the valley grow beyond recognition. It is not that the officials and engineers working with the government and city governments do not know these things. They do, but the pressure exerted by political parties , ministers and sometimes near and dear ones are so great that saner counsel never prevails. If construction of houses and buildings were allowed only in planned areas , it would allow for easy access o all areas in times of emergencies.

 

Kathmandu Metropolitan City that is supposed to work for the good of the city has been handing out building permits haphazardly without due thought to what it would mean to the people of the locality. This is especially true for big buildings, and in allowing the building of shopping malls in the city core without due thought to what it would mean to the people of the locality. This is especially true for big buildings, and in allowing the building of shopping malls in the city core without ensuring that there is adequate road access and parking space, and giving permits to restaurants and eateries without considering how they would impact the traffic on the street. Fire fighting in chaotic conditions is almost impossible, and unless the authorities take heed of the warnings that have come from numerous fires that have broken out in the three cities and fatal road accidents in the valley, the situation can only grow worse, and life in the three cities will become more chaotic than it is today.

"Thank God, I luckily escaped an accident". We often hear such statements from those who often cross the roads in the Kathmandu valley. Road-crossing is a challenging thing to do in Kathmandu.

 

The saying "might is right" applies in the case of traffic rules in Kathmandu. Haphazard driving, unsystematic toad-crossings and hasty over-taking are common sights on roads in the valley. On most of the roads, lane markings have vanished. The rule of saying on your side of the center - yellow line when overtaking other vehicles is ignored and adherence to other signs and symbols is disregarded.

 

Actually, it seems that there are no traffic rules in Nepal's capital city. From private vehicles in public buses and from pedestrians to drivers, most are breaching traffic rules. Horn honking, toxic fumes generated by poorly maintained vehicles and people encroaching upon the path of vehicular traffic are common features on the streets of Kathmandu.

 

Pedestrians often face trouble crossing the road at zebra-crossings overhead bridges, and even footpath. Drivers don't give priority to crossing pedestrians,even in designated areas. Most of the overhead bridges are full of human excreta and garbage; and as we all know, footpath are occupied by street vendors and shopkeepers. As a result, Kathmandu is becoming a pedestrian unfriendly city.

 

On the other side, pedestrians too do not utilize the zebra crossings or wait for their turn to cross the road, let alone bother to climb up overhead bridges. This negligence from both sides has resulted in more accidents and even contributed to traffic-jams. Most notably, it has created horror among those who frequently cross the roads of the Valley. And we can imagine how shocking it must be for those new pedestrians in Kathmandu from villages or outside the Valley.

 

It is visible that the number of vehicles in Kathmandu is rapidly mounting in addition to the increasing rate of population due to urban migration. So, what will happen if our policy makers fail to maintain the traffic chaos in the capital city? The answer may not be clear but we can say that we can say that the situation is bound to get more chaotic.

 

Our government and policy makers are failing to address Kathmandu' s traffic problems. Unlike its previous ineffective traffic reform plans, the government should endorse feasible, practical and obligatory rules for all so as to manage the traffic problems of the Kathmandu valley.

 

Along with its reform programs, the government should launch awareness campaign to provide information to people regarding new regulations. The people should support the government reforms and do their part to reduce traffic problems by adhering to traffic rules. The bottom line is something needs to be done before it is too late.

It is equally important to protect the biodiversity that exists outside national parks of Nepal!

 

The killing of two women and a girl in Bardia National Park last month must be yet another gruesome reminder of the deeply-entrenched practice of impunity in our security institutions .Bidhya Bhandari's callous and shameless defense of the killers aside, this criminal act should not go unpunished if there is to be any semblance of justice in new Nepal.

 

We should also understand that state violence such as this against people living around the protected areas have been going on for several decades now. Besides the culture of impunity in the security institutions that have become an integral part of protected area management, at the root of this violence lies the quaint conservation credos. Two are particularly powerful among them. First, conservationist assumed that biodiversity including the endangered animals could be protected only if some areas were left in pristine condition by fencing them off from the human population. Second, it was believed that the human managed landscapes such as agricultural lands, pastures and ponds were unimportant as far as biodiversity conservation was concerned.

 

The specific forms that conservation took in Nepal and elsewhere were solely not the result of these assumptions that international conservation agencies brought with them when they came to implement their visions in countries such as Nepal. The extant political conditions were equally important Nepal's royal family, top bureaucrats and the military and business elite found new found new opportunities for appropriating national resources - this time in the name of conservation. It is an open name of conservation. It is an open secret that military officers that are in charge of securing the protected areas have had no problem in hunting animals or cutting down trees for timber for their personal use. The business elite found in conservation new opportunities for making money through tourism. In Nepal, the political, military, business and intellectual elite all have deep ties. It does not take long to find out that a lot of the tourism business in Nepal was also controlled by those in power.

 

Except in a few places such as the Annapurna region where a sizable section of the local people have benefited from conservation activities,in most other places the local and among them the most marginalized have become the biggest victims- this despite the fact that most of them have the biggest stake in conservation. The elite came to grab their land cheap. The business opportunities at emerged around tourism went to those who were already powerful.

 

I worked with fishing communities living along the banks of the Narayani River for three years in the mid-1990s. Majhis, Mushahars and Botes had been fishing in the Narayani River for over a century. Working with them to build their organization, many of my colleagues and I realized that there had been a phenomenal decline in the fishing in the Narayani river during the last several decades. What was so remarkable about the decline was that the fishing people knew the broad time lines of these declines, and these time lines directly correlated with Nepal's tryst with bikas.

 

Nehruvian India went on a dam building frenzy after independence. By building now, there is not a single river inmost of South Asia that runs unimpeded into the Indian Ocean. These dams have produced dubious results. Beyond the initial bumper crops, most of the lands that these dams were to serve have faced various levels of salinization and water logging. Fish in the water bodies across Nepal have plummeted.

 

Until I worked with these fishing communities, I had no idea that the building of the Gandak Dam had a dramatic impact on the fish population. Many species of fish used to travel over thousand of kilometers upstream to spawn. Dams everywhere blocked these movements. I still remember one evening sitting on the river bank with several fishing people and listing species of fish that had by then become extinct. Within less than five minutes, many in the village along the bank of the Narayani listed 25 different types offish that had gone extinct during their lifetime.

 

The decline in the number of fish species went hand in hand with the decline in the volume of fish. Many shared with deep nostalgia how they used to catch as much fish in an hour as they were catching today during a whole day's fishing. The size of the fish had also declined. They were catching smaller and smaller fish.

 

I am sure dams were not the only culprits. The building of dams across the Kosi and Gandk also coincided with the promotion of agricultural modernization in Nepal. The Narayani River has almost 500 km of east-west catchment range. By the time the Narayani emerges on the plains of the Chitwan Valley, it carries water originating across almost half of Nepal's mountain ranges.

 

The five decades of agricultural development in Nepal has meant the spread of the use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides across most of the catchment areas. Compared to other areas of high agricultural modernization, Nepali farmers do not use that much chemicals. Still, across almost all areas of Nepal, fish populations have declined precipitously. During my own lifetime, I have seen fish disappear from our own paddy fields in the mountains, streams and marshes. Fish is not the only thing that has seen a drop. Seed varieties, bird populations insects and many other animal populations have also been reduced.

 

As has become clear by now, a pristine environment accounts for a very small part of biodiversity management. Human-managed landscapes,such as farmlands, pastures and ponds account for the largest area where biodiversity needs to be protected. Many conservationists erroneously hold the view hat agriculture in itself leads to a decline in biodiversity. They forget that what matters is not agricultural activity per se, but the type of agriculture.

 

Without the vision of building an ecologically sound agricultural base in Nepal, we are going to see a further decline in our biodiversity. This decline is not just a mater of concern for conservationists. Fishing communities, for instance, have a direct stake in conserving the catchment areas. This requires a new kind of partnership for conservation that addresses the issues of ecology, justice and participation as integral parts of biodiversity conservation in Nepal. Security sector reform should definitely be a very important part of the process of ending impunity that has become deeply entrenched among those who wield killing power. It is also time to rethink deeply the very paradigm of conservation that has been promoted during the last four decades in Nepal. New Nepal definitely requires new visions for biodiversity conservation.

People say Nepal's sex-economy has been on the rise, so much so that there is now talk of Nepal turning into the latest hot spot for sex tourism. Of late, analysts are said to be of the view that Nepal's sombre tourism industry has been replaced by sex tourism. Is this a fact or a myth?

 

According to John Frederick, an expert quoted in the Economists, on South Asia's sex trade. "Ten years ago the sex industry was underground in Nepal. Now it's like Bangkok, it's like Phnon Penh, "What are we to make out of these statements with Nepal Tourism Year 2011 just around the corner?Is Nepal really a growing haven for the flesh trade?

 

No doubt, tourism is one of the largest industries in Nepal-a major source of foreign exchange and revenue. According to estimates by the World Travel and Tourism Council (WTTC) and UK- based Oxford Economics(OE), Nepal's travel and tourism economy is ranked number138 in absolute size world wide, 145 in relative contribution to national economiesand115 in long term (10 year) growth out of 181 countries.

 

The contribution of travel and tourism to the gross domestic product is expected to rise from 6.0 percent (Rs 52.7 billion) in2009 to 6.3perent (Rs. 113.2billion) by 2019, Its contribution to generating employment opportunities are mammoth, and the contribution of the travel and tourism, economy to employment is expected to rise from 497,000 jobs in2009 (4.7 percent of total employment ) to677,000 jobs(5.0 percent of total employment) by 2019, according to the WTTC/OE report.

 

The Nepal government has been actively promoting tourism in Nepal, the romance of the snow clad mountains and the lure of the breath taking landscapes-continue to attract tourists from around the globe who have now become a pivotal part of Nepal's economy. But tourism is a double-edged sword. Tourists come here to see natural wonders of the country and our traditional ways of life.

 

With them comes money, but they also bring influences that may get difficult for our people to overlook. Then, the dilemma erupts. The tourists help us survive, but, in the long run, their money and influences may erode the very things they come here to see. Nepali culture may not be quite the same tomorrow as it is today. Luckily, to date., Nepal has managed to survive into modern times with many of its customs and traditions intact. Some argue that culture is such a fragile and difficult things to preserve. But one has to remember that in preservation of our culture lies our true identity. The mantra is to fined a balance. As one young lady once told me "I go to the temple and I go to the disco. Sometimes I wear a salwar kameez, sometimes a micro-mini. That's how I try to balance different aspects of my lifestyle."

 

Tourism can be a boon to our economy, but it can be a bust if it destroys the native culture and environment. Considering this, Nepal must ask, what type of tourists it wants- certainly not pedophiles and sex seekers if it is to boost its economy and preserve its rich cultural heritage.

Rapacious real estate entrepreneurs are killing the environment of Kathmandu!

 

Who doesn't cherish the memories of childhood days? Everybody does. And I'm no exception. Growing up in the rustic settings of the outskirts of Kathmandu in the 1980s, we had plenty of playing fields and breathing spaces. We saw herds of cattle grazing on the grasslands along the bans of the Bagmati and the Manohara as farmers sang As are songs. We enjoyed the sight of local and migratory birds in the open skies with a balmy, fresh air.

 

We witnessed local farmers taking a break from their mundane routine and enthusiastically observing their festivals and jatras- and savouring their traditional delicacies. We experienced cultures that were in perfect harmony with nature. We interacted with people who looked much happier and content. 

 

Dying out

 

Outside the Gokarna forest, we still see exotic species of wildlife, hear jackals howling at night, and hear tales of marauding leopards that sneak into human settlements from the nearby Shivapuri forest. But I know, all that's soon going to be history. The reasons are all too clear and for all to see: The Bagmati and the Manohara rivers are dying out, thanks to uncontrolled sand mining and sewage discharge.

 

The river basins are dying out too. The green fields are gradually shrinking, and whatever is left is rapidly turning into real estate development zones. Terraced farms and rolling green hills are being flattened by massive bulldozers to make way for, again,"21^st century housing ". Small paths are being widened so that bulldozers and trucks can get deeper into the villages or farmlands. The landscapes are looking uglier by the day.

 

My paradise is lost!

 

Thins weren't as bad even 10 years ago. Then, the upper Bagmati basin would look all right, with green rice paddies turning yellow with the approaching autumn season. While the green fields of the Manohara-- true to its name-- would soothe the souls of passers-by. But that was short-lived . May be because the raging conflict in the early 200s contributed to the population explosion in the valley, people started venturing out of the ring road for inexpensive pieces of land. And here we are today: The Bagmati fields have given way to a whole new township; the Manohara stretch, barely a mile away, is well on its stretch, barely a mile away, is well on its way to a whole new identity too.

 

THE BOOM

 

In the north-eastern parts of Kathmandu, such is the boom that even the sandy river banks and swampy little valleys aren't being spared by a new breed of mostly young real estate center-preneurs. I fear the worst. What would happen to the shanty towns and colonies in the event of an earthquake measuring 8 on the Richter scale, which we all know is long overdue? How would the residents of these tiny colonies on the slopes and sands cope with the drinking water and sanitation crises, if all the newly carved plots are allowed to be developed? Would the shanty towns- I am sorry, that's what they will look like -be liveable? Would they and their children have any breathing space, let along playing space, left?

 

Most importantly, how will the valley, a UNESCO World Heritage Site with rare historic monuments and tall tales, look from the say or from one of the many tourist hilltops that we already have? Much uglier. For, the valley town-ships are notorious for their concrete jungle identity already. The bad news is this: Such haphazard and unplanned land plotting and housing development isn't happening in Kathmandu alone. It's happening in all the major towns around the country, including Pokhara, Chitwan, Hetauda Butwal, Bhairahawa and so on.

 

 

TOO LATE

 

Before it's too late - and I think it's already too late - will residents, more than the government, wake up and face the reality? Will they start boy-cotting the unplanned and unscientific plots of land or housing meant primarily to mint money, more than anything else?

I doubt they will.

 

So somebody's got to nudge them. So unless the government carefully devises scientific and timely land use and housing policies, rules and regulations- and makes sure they are strictly enforced and followed- nothing will change. The ugly urban sprawl, the land plotting and housing boom will continue. If left unchecked, it will not just further damage our landscapes the shoddy construction will threaten our population as well. Lest we forget, and I repeat, the Himalayan foot that we are on is prone to earthquakes.

 

This week, we hard that the parliamentary Natural Resources and Means Committee(NRMC) has been alarmed by the rampant land plotting around the country, and that it is concerned about the possible loss of precious agricultural land, particularly in the fertile plains of the Chure- Tarai region. Subsequently, The NRMC has asked four concerned ministries to suggest why the plotting of agricultural land shouldn't banned. That's welcome move indeed.

 

Prior to that, the NRMC took up the issue of massive exploitation of sand and stones in the Chure-Tarai region. Even as some entrepreneurs suffered, the government banned the move. And just yesterday, fresh reports say, Minister of Commerce Rajendra Mahato single-handedly re-lifted the ban, allowing certain "License holders" to run their quarries and export construction materials to neighbouring India! That's surely going to kick up a lot of controversy, and the minister will likely land in hot soup.

 

SOME HOPE

 

So let there be action. On the regulating land plotting and housing front, too the government, along with the NRMC, really need to get serious. For everybody knows that the country's ecological diversity is really among the planet's most fragile and sensitive ones. The big question is this: Will the multi-party government (which showcased the "world's highest" cabinet meeting at Kalapatthar near Everest base camp recently) do something about it?

Will it stop the unnatural and disaster-friendly plotting of precious agricultural and forest lands? If our open spaces and open fields can be protected from irrational forces, future generations will be thankful to us., Our paradise may have lost much of its pristine charm and glory; but should the government and all of us weak up and work hard together, things may change for the better.

 

That will be paradise regained!

The 2006 Jana Andolan showed that attempts to suppress dissent backfire!!

 

Tuesday was the fourth anniversary of the 2006 Jana Andolan that brought down Gyanendra's regime and led to the formation of a governing alliance that included the Maoists. The event, however, went largely unmarked. In any case, there appeared to be no great enthusiasm regarding the Jana Andolan's memory among any section of the population. If the anniversary aroused commentary of any kind, it was of the negative sort.

 

It would, however, be wrong to dismiss the gains of the Jana Andolan so easily. While there is cause for frustration disillusionment, what with the paralysis of the state and no progress on the journey to sustained peace and prosperity, many positive things have been institutionalized over the past four years. Whereas the first Jana Andolan established multi-party democracy, which, despite all its ills, provided an unprecedented opportunity for self-expression and organization, the second Jana Andolan further strengthened the belief that there is no other system that can replace it. In addition, it deepened the concept of democracy by recognizing that various groups had been historically discriminated against by flourish in Nepal, these would have to be presented with adequate rights and recognition. This recognition was partially institutionalized in the Constituent Assembly, which remains the most representative of all Nepali political institutions to date.

 

Of course, there is a long way to go before all the ideals of the 2006 Jana Andolana are instituted into practice and our society becomes completely just. The process of transformation of the state and society will be protracted; and in the meantime, it may appear to some as though Nepal's various communities, through demanding rights for themselves, are only adopting an exceedingly narrow point of view and taking Nepal into conflict. This point of view, however, underestimates the resilience of our social fabric. If anything conflict will arise, not if different voices are allowed free expression, but if the state powers decide to suppress them. This is a major lesson from the 2006 Jana Andolan. King Gyanendra's chief mistake was to impose order by pushing out of the public sphere people who represented important sections of the population.

 

In the days to come, there will continue to be a struggle to balance the need of creating a strong state capable of decisive action and of incorporating diverse demands into the state structure. Generally, however, it will be in the best interest-of the country as well as of the politicians themselves-to err on the sided of seeping to incorporate social mobilization into state channels rather than to disregard them and impose decisions unilaterally.

Farming based on chemicals and machines has exacerbated ecological degradation

 

It is ethics time, as they say in graduate school. I am preparing to defend my dissertation research proposal in front of my graduate committee three weeks from now. Pretty soon, I have to get clearance from my university's ethics department, after I defend the proposal and before I head home to conduct the research.

 

"Hey, have you done your ethics yet?" A friend came rushing o me to days ago. He was in the process of filling out the 17-plus pages of the ethics clearance form. I have not even looked at it, but from what have heard from others, I have to ensure that I do not cause any harm to my informants, and that I keep their confidentiality unless they authorize me to make their identity public.

 

For a long time, this was not much of concern in the universities. We must say, this is yet a matter of concern in universities in our part of the world. In Western universities these days, there is a very rigorous process of ethical re visions before any research is given the go ahead. This is more so when direct intervention on people's bodies are involved -such as medical testing, health interventions or biological research. Or when people's cultural practices are concerned, such as when doing archaeological surveys around cemeteries or places of worship. Even if biological interventions or cultural sites are not involved, researchers have to show that they have made enough arrangements to make sure no harm is going to result to their informants. An extra amount of precaution is to be taken if one is to conduct research among children or differently able persons.

 

There have been many biological researches conducted among powerless people to test drugs before they were introduced in the Western countries. Many researches associated with military interventions have also come under sharp questioning. All of this has led to strict ethical clearance procedures. These procedures address some of the past injustices committed by powerful research institutions when students and researchers went around the world and conducted research without respect for the biological or social integrity of the people among whom they conducted their research.

 

However, this rigour in ensuring what we might call procedural ethical positions is only one part of the story in research. A friend told me not long ago that there has not been any rejection of research by the ethics committee. One only has to know how to fill up the forms well.

 

There are very substantive issues that often remain outside the discussions, however. Production of knowledge has become central public activities in our time. Public institutions, in more and more places, cannot operate without producing knowledge. They need evidence to organize interventions. They need research to produce public policies. States, international development agencies and even corporation now have to justify their interventions based on evidence.

 

The most substantive ethical issue involves when there is vast asymmetry between those who conduct research and among whom the research is conducted. When institutions are not involved, such as in graduate research, the choice often come down to individuals. For the past two years, I have been trying to grapple with a dilemma. Situated as I am at present in a Western university's graduate program, my immediate goal has to be getting my degree. These locational differences create specific dynamics in the process of knowledge production. I will conduct my research in Nepal. I gather documents, interview people and record my observations. I carry those things back to the West as raw materials to be processed for the final product, which would primarily be my dissertation, but also a series of journal articles, most likely in the English language and most likely published in the West. I have come to realize that, barring a substantive commitment back to the place we conduct our research in, it will be hard to resolve this raw-material-final product difference.

 

In couple of months from now, I am planning to begin my research among some of Nepal's pioneers in sustainable agriculture. My final decision to conduct this search was motivated by two things. One, there has now been a wide range of agreements that conventional agriculture, that had been promoted as agricultural development in the last six decades, is not going to solve the problems. For the last three decades, this position had remained on the fringes. However, some of the very institutions that promoted conventional agriculture, based on these of chemicals and machines, have come to accept that this path needs radical remaking.

 

For example, in an extraordinarily frank and thorough assessment of the existing agricultural knowledge, science and technology (AKST), the International Assessment of Agriculture Science and Technology for Development (IAASSTD) - a multi-institutional four-year collaboration supported by the World Bank and four UN agencies, endorsed by over 50 countries and involving over 400 experts globally - acknowledge that the prevailing agriculture has been top-down, has excluded small farmers, women and indigenous peoples, and has exacerbated ecological degradation and social inequalities.

 

Meeting the challenges of increasing agricultural productivity, ensuring better human health maintaining ecological sustainability, confronting climate change and ensuring equity requires, according to IAASTD, "a fundamental shift in science and technologies, policies and institutions, as well as capacity development and investment". It has been argued that the re-vaporisation of small farmers' knowledge and their active participation in the process of knowledge and technology generation has to be central to this shift. Likewise, a growing worldwide network of farmers movements has also demanded a shift towards ecologically sustainable, socially just and economically viable agriculture.

 

For a long time, Nepal's farmers in general and ecological formers in particular had remained completely marginal to the public discussions about the direction of agricultural development. Economists set the tone. .Politician danced to the times. Bureaucrats organized the affairs and experts carried the packages. That has to change. I am hoping that my research will albeit partially, contribute to revaluing ecological farming as central to addressing most of our pressing needs. We have had all kinds of dream sellers- bikase technocrats, populist politicians, educated elite- tell us that their expertise will take care of the problems. They have failed miserably. It is time to change tack. It's time to see those who have worked under the shadow to create different paths. It is this substantive ethical quest that was my second motivation fort the research.

A life of turbulence

 

Girija Prasad Koirala's last two decades symbolized - and not to a small degree was responsible for-the vicissitudes of Nepali politics in the democratic era!!

 

Girija Prasad Koirala believed deeply in the superiority of the system of multi-party democracy and in his own estimate saw himself as the defender and champion of its norms. And indeed, the major role he played in bringing down the Maoists to abandon their armed struggle against the state and leading the movement to topple the autocratic regime of King Gyanendra has lent public credence to his self-estimate. But as major as these accomplishments were, he also symbolized -- and not to a small degree was responsible for - the dysfunctions of the post -1990 Nepali state, of the damage caused to fragile institutions that needed protection, and thus of the undermining of democracy ,itself.

 

Not a man of great learning, GPK's certainties were largely a hardened and simplified form of the deeper reflections of his much more cerebral brother B.P. For many years GPK languished in his brother's shadow; his reputation was primarily that of a food soldier and organizer. After 1991, however, thrust into the midst of innumerable negotiations by virtue of having to wield state power, he emerged as a master tactician, a political animal most adept at adapting to and manipulating political exigencies to his own ends, which, usually were those of maximizing his own power. Only towards the end, more precisely form 2002 onwards, did he begin to give indications that he had lean from past mistakes and was willing to use his political kills in the service of bringing an end to a bloody decade-long an end to a bloody decade-long civil war and the establishment of a stable and democratic peace.

 

The perils of power

 

The demands of political survival combined with his underdeveloped (through deeply held) political beliefs meant that GPK almost exclusively pursued short-term goals through the 1990s,to the detriment of democratic institutionalization. The nature of his personality also contributed to this. A poor orator, his strength came from his ability to reach out and cultivate loyalty within the party organization. Fulfilling and accommodating the needs and interests of his followers were of primary importance to him. Otherwise, GPK was authoritarian and peremptorily dismissive of rivals both within and outside his party. It was these tendencies that aroused undying loyalty and intense hatred in equal measure.

 

In fact, it can be said that the origins of the instability that prevailed throughout the1990 can be traced to the immense polarization caused by the person of G.P. Koirala during his first term as prime minister (1991-1994). There is, first the example of the protests held by the civil servants union (demanding, among other things, a revision of salary and benefits) soon after GPK assumed office. As most civil servants, particularly those at the lower levels, were communist supporters, the Nepali Congress was suspicious of. It was thought that the protests had been instigated and led by the CPN-UNL, with the objective of weakening the Congress government. GPK himself was ardently anti-communist; here, as in other cases,his shallow political ideology made him susceptible to simplistic distinctions between the good liberal democrats and evil, totalitarian communists. A firm line needed to be taken against the protesters he thought, and thus fired over 400 of them form the civil service and transferred or demoted numerous others. The communists-including the UML and the United Left Front (the parliamentary front of the underground communist party that went on to wage a people's war) -were outraged and caused great disruption within parliament and on the streets of Kathmandu.

 

Koirala's treatment of rivals within his own party wasn't much different. Differences between him and the other top two leaders of his party-- Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and Ganesh Man Singh -began to appear soon after the success of the 1990 Jana Andolan. GPK did all he could to undermine the power of his rivals, including by sabotaging K.P .Bhattarai's chances of electoral victory in the1994 by elections. It was an accumulation of grievances against him that led the party's "group of 36" to withhold their support in parliament for the government's programs and policies. And, as will l be remembered, it was this that led to the collapse of the first GPK government. A furious Koirala then went to the King, re4questing dissolution of the House of Representatives and the holding of fresh elections. He thus set into precedent a mechanism that successive prime ministers were to use against threats to their authority. Needless to say, the use of this mechanism eventually played into the King's hands. It was the political opening provided by Sher Bahadur Deuba's similar request to dissolve parliament in 2002 that eventually enabled King Gyanendra to seize executive power in 2005.

 

For the first half of the 1990s then, GPK was harsh and draconian when he should have been receptive and conciliatory. Such measures after all served only to erode the legitimacy of the multi-party system and the state's grip over the population. Further, they weakened the Nepali Congress itself -it was the fissures between Koirala and the "group of 36" that eventually led to Deuba's rise and the split in the party.

 

A NEW MAN

 

Judging by Koirala actions after 2002, it appears that he had learned from the mistakes he made during the early years of the democratic revival. Recognition that the political vacuum created by Deuba's dissolution of the House threatened the future of Nepali democracy-- as it would only enable the monarchy to consolidate its power at the expenses of the political parties - his first task was to form an alliance between various political parties against "royal regression". The process, of course was slow and painstaking, but here GPK revealed that he could still bring his formidable obstinacy and doggedness in service of a cause.

 

This time, however, the doggedness was not accompanied by his habitual peremptory haughtiness. The needs of the alliance against the and a great degree of flexibility and conciliation was required in order to strengthen it. After Feb.1,2005, when the monarch took overall power, Deuba's Nepali Congress-Democratic and the UML, which had previously claimed the"regression"to be"half-corrected" and had joined a government under the king, came crawling back to Koirala begging to be accepted into the alliance. Some of its members demanded that the two parties publicly repent beforehand, but CPK accepted them unconditionally and struggle against royal absolutism. This, in the opinion of the historian Surendra K.C, was the first time any party leader in Nepal had acted like party leader in Nepal had acted like a statesman.

 

More momentous were the efforts GPK brought to bear in negotiations with the Maoists, who, since 1996, had become the parliamentary parties' archenemy and whose leaders had referred to him repeatedly as the 'fascist Girija Prasad Koirala." The history of the negotiations that led to the alliance between the parties and the Maoists the subsequent Jana Andolan and peace process is too familiar to recount here. What is worth nothing, however, is the remarkable transformation of G.P. Koirala from the communist-hater of the early 1990s to the nature politician who, acting in service of larger considerations of democracy of peace, demonstrated the utmost flexibility and trust in negotiations with a rebel group that had for years announced their intention of establishing a Communist People's Republic. Here too, it was clear that GPK had learned from the experience of the UM,L that political participation would moderate the more extreme positions of the communists.

 

But a man, no matter how much he has learn from experience, cannot be born a new. Especially not one who is over eighty years old and with more than six decades of political experience behind him. So once the difficult process of rebuilding peace, engaging with the Maoists on matters of detail and not just broad principle, and dealing with hitherto marginalized groups newly asserting themselves began, Korirala started to demonstrate old weaknesses. He was, of course, old and infirm, and could only feebly run the government from his bed room at the prime minister's residence at Baluwatar between April 2006 and September 2008. The failures of governance that occurred after 2006 were partially due to this.

 

But there were other reasons as well, those that can be traced to GPK's governing methods and political understanding. Despite his new flexibility and openness, he ground himself unabletodelegte responsibility, preferring to concentrate much power in his own hands and those of a few trusted aides, to negotiate in back rooms with the Maoist leadership while other political leaders -from his own party and the UML - were kept in the dark. He constantly underestimated the depth of the grievances of Madhesis and other newly assertive groups; he never understood that these grievances could only be assuaged through direct and public addressal of the issues they had raised. Instead, his administration preferred, again in back rooms, attempts to co-opt Madhesi and other leaders through various incentives and separate them form the constituencies they represented.

 

OLD TENDENCIES

 

And, even as doubts regarding the Maoists intentions and the efficacy of peace process arose within his own party, GPK never felt the need to reach out and convince party members-even those who at various times had been close to him --of the direction new as leading the country. Old authoritarian tendencies reemerged, this time manifesting themselves in his relations with his own party. He would come into party meetings -of the Parliamentary Party or the Central Committee- and issue order, his index finger raised and wagging. Any dissent was perceived as a direct challenge to his authority, and no party member dared go beyond a few feeble questions.

 

And so, towards the end, great resentment arose towards Girija Prasad Koirala within the Nepali Congress. His authoritarian nature was one reason, his promotion of his daughter Sujata over other senior leaders of the party another. Beyond these, however, was the fact that GPK no longer seemed to offer those in the party any vision for their future, nor did he seem much concerned that the Nepali Congress should flourish after his departure.

 

The party was worried about its declining support base. It was worried that the Maoists had, through their radical agenda, undercut anything that the Congress could offer the population in its stead. It was worried that the Maoists, with their immense and often brute organizational strength, would continue to batter the Congress down. But when such issues were raised, when in helplessness, some leaders of the party stated that the Congress, should physically challenge the Maoists or needed ideological regeneration, Koirala stood by blithely unconcerned.

 

IN HIS LAST DAYS

 

It was as though, in extreme old age, Koirala was concerned solely with with the a democratic system. And even then, he was concerned only with the establishment of the skeletal framework of democracy; its substance he was willing to leave to others. If, as was the case, the Maoists were were the only force that could fill in the framework with their promises of radical socio-economic change, so be it! GPK, for decades since the 1940s a leader in the struggle against royal absolutism, was content to pass his legacy on to a newer movement that had arisen in direct and violent opposition to his own party, and was willing to act harshly against everyone else, in the late 2000s, he became conciliatory and flexible towards his party's chief opponents, and it was instead his party itself that he treated peremptorily and in an authoritarian manner.

The road's clear for NTY with the parties pledging not to call their infamous bandas

 

Never before has the tourism fraternity felt so united and powerful for a campaign that has drawn the attention of everybody from political heavyweights to the common people. The launching of Nepal Tourism Year 2011 (NTY) on Feb.26,2010 in Kathmandu has proved to those who believed that only political rallies could gather people as the program was inundated with more than 50,000 people from all walks of life. For both tourism enthusiasts and laymen, organizing such an event ahead of the schedule has been appreciated by many people with wide-eyed amazement.

 

The success of this campaign in the capital has encouraged the organizer to replicate it in others parts of country soon: This program was mooted to incorporate spontaneous voluntarism for the greater cause of economic development through tourism and to prove that it is a vehicle for future growth. And the litmus test has given us a clear nod to go ahead. The enormous response to the event was beyond the anticipation of anyone. From this perspective, the event was a harbinger of a successful mission.

 

The launching of the campaign ahead of time seems to have perplexed many people. However, as part of a core team, we reached a conclusion that with-team, we reached a conclusion that with-out the commitment of all strata of people, national campaigns like this, which permeate the national frontiers in view of promotion, would remain incomplete. This would happen if the apex level of national stake holders do not imbibe the idea and fully immerse themselves for the greater cause of economic development. In the past, paying lip service to shunning strikes and bandas was the daily routine of political leaders. However, this time, the team concentrated on obtaining written commitments from national leaders to relieve the nation from the agony of past practices. And, finally, with due respect, the leaders delivered what they were supposed to.

 

In this endeavor, without hesitation, all the tourism stakeholders have already expressed their thanks to all the political parties and their leaders for standing by the cause o the nation in cognizance of the painful compromises that they will have to make. Now, it is up to the people to evaluate the commitment espoused by the leaders and their parties in realizing the goal of national development through a participatory approach.

 

The goal of one million tourists, however, does not belong only to the NTV secretariat and its industry associates. As its benefits trickle down to the parties and their respective leaders, the ball is in their court too. And we all have realized that peace is the major ingredient that helps drive tourism and other trades. At this juncture, we can even go to the extent of saying that peace is mandatory for tourism. The continual rise in tourist arrivals in the last nine months is sufficient to justify the role of peace. Hence, the economic players are not expecting much from the state or the parties;they are humbly requesting the leaders and parties to take a lead role by applying a moratorium on strikes and bandas till the end of 2011. The reason behind hoisting the national flag along with the flags of the political parties on the day of the launch was to show solidarity for national development irrespective of party, caste, creed or profession.

 

What next? The launch is over and the official inauguration is hitherto awaited. What would happen between the year 2010 and 2011? We all know that Nepal is struggling to transform they youngest republic into an able economic hub of Asia. The present state of the nation or priorities obviously tries to eclipse the motive of NTY 2011. it is indeed a challenge at this juncture to shine a light through the darkness.

 

 

Thus, roping in the support of all the political parties, international Nepal lovers, local stakeholders, the government and donors and guaranteeing their cooperation till the end of 2011 is a mammoth challenge that the organizers would encounter in the days to come. Likewise, transforming the commitment into spirit and practice will be another huge challenge. The people have shown heir solidarity for the cause, but how far the leaders will support them remains to be seen.

 

So far so good ! At lest everyone is now on the same deck irrespective of their individual interests. The spirit of solidarity would not allow anyone to deviate from their commitments, weather expressed in writing or orally. If the goals are the same, the mission can be completed even with many players.

 

NTY 2011 aims at redrawing the attention of the people of all walks of life, national and international, by synthesizing the program devised by various individuals and institutions, guaranteeing warm cooperation in the form of carrying out individual responsibilities, enhancing the service capacity of providers, and directing all the activities -be it in rural or urban areas-towards establishing tourism as the bulwark of our economy.